Tombstone of Samakon who died in Safi during the earthquake on 18 May 363 CE.
Photo by Jefferson Williams from the Museum of the Lowest Place on Earth.
Introduction & Summary
The Cyril Quakes were, at a minimum, a pair of strong earthquakes; one with a northern epicenter and another with a southern epicenter. The southern quake appears to have struck first
(see Ghor-es-Safi in Archaeoseismic evidence). The first earthquake struck
around 10:30 pm on the night of Sunday 18 May 363 CE and the second quake followed at about 4:30 am on Monday 19 May 363 CE.
Ambraseys (2009) and
Kagan et. al. (2011) suggest there were two earthquakes instead of
one because it seems unlikely that one earthquake could be responsible for so much apparent damage over such a broad area. The Letter attributed
to Cyril of Jerusalem also mentions two earthquakes where the earlier earthquake
did the most damage to Jerusalem. Damage reports extend from southern to northern Palestine and from the Mediterranean coast to Petra with one
author (Libanius) mentioning damage in Syria.
Although damage may have been over reported due to a theological agenda of the writers and/or appeals for rebuilding funds, archaeoseismic evidence supports
widespread destruction. A number of sources for this earthquake were Christian theologians and apologists writing after a time of great strife. In 363 CE,
Julian the Apostate was the
Roman Emperor. He renounced Christianity as the state religion and allowed, encouraged, or demanded that the Jews of Israel
rebuild their Temple in Jerusalem which had been destroyed in 70 CE.
However, right when they started work on the foundation of the Temple, the earthquakes of 18 and 19 May 363 CE
wrecked their efforts. Julian died two months later towards the end of July 363 CE. Christian writers took these events as a sign of God's
intent - displeasure with Julian as an Emperor and displeasure with Jewish efforts to rebuild a Temple which the Christian authors thought was accursed.
Reporting surrounding the earthquake contains embellishments such as crosses appearing in the sky and on the clothes of
"Jews", mysterious fires, and invisible forces keeping those working on the Temple
project from leaving their homes (Cain and Lenski, 2009).
Guidoboni et. al. (1994)
(citing Brock, 1977:267) notes that such details suggest oral transmission.
It can also be suggested that these written accounts were aggrandized to support the controlling narrative of the triumph
of Christianity. Ambraseys (2009)
suggests that some of the writers may have conflated effects of the
Crete Earthquake of 365 AD with the Cyril Quakes.
Jerusalem may have suffered from a fire after the earthquake. The Letter attributed to
Cyril of Jerusalem, which is likely derived from an early contemporaneous account,
notes that many people died in a fire and heavy rains after the the earthquake. In the same letter, it is written that an apparently supernatural fire came out of a synagogue
and killed many people (Jews) who were trying to flee to it after the earthquake. A supernatural fire or flame appearing in various locations is present in a number of accounts.
Gregory of Nazianzusa, who wrote about these events within a year of the earthquake, locates the flame as
emanating from within a church (the Holy Sepulchre?) and being directed towards fleeing construction workers/Jews. Some later writing authors reported that the flame/fire
came out of the sky or the Temple foundations itself. These later accounts seem to show how a fire in the city, a church, and/or a synagogue was aggrandized and embellished
into a supernatural event. Once the embellishment is scraped away, it appears that a fire in the city was the source for these accounts - firing their imaginations so to speak.
Several catalogs report a seiche in the southern Dead Sea; apparently based on the writings of
Jerome. Russell (1980) examined the passage by Jerome and
could not come to a conclusion whether Jerome was reporting a legitimite oral tradition emanating from the town of
Areopolis or conflating widespread Eastern Mediterranean tsunamis from the
365 AD Crete earthquake with the effects of the Cyril Quake(s). Both are possible. The textual
accounts list numerous towns overthrown by the earthquake as well as an extended period of aftershocks following the main shocks.
Cyril was the Bishop of Jerusalem when the earthquake(s) of 363 CE struck.
After the earthquake, Cyril presumably wrote a letter describing the earthquake and it's effects. The letter that we have may have been
written by someone writing later in his name (i.e., attributed authorship or
Pseudepigrapha)
who used the original letter of Cyril as a source document.
Cain and Lenski (2009)
opine that the letter is probably not genuine and was likely composed in Syriac in the 5th century CE. However, although they doubt that
Cyril was the author, they note that the letter may have been based on an earlier document written in Jerusalem due to its detailed knowledge
of the topography of the city and the unique information about the actions of the Jerusalem Christian community.
Brock (1977) noted that the consistency
of the chronological information contained within the letter also enhances its credibility.
Christian
5th century CE possibly sourced from an original letter written in 363 CE
?
Provides a detailed description of the time and date of the earthquakes along with the names of towns and areas damaged. Also mentions the Temple rebuilding project and states that
strong winds and storms delayed the rebuilding project for a day and that the earthquakes then struck on the night that followed the day of storm delay. Mentions a fire and heavy rain causing many people to perish
and a flame of fire emanating from a synagogue after the earthquake(s) which burned a number of people alive. Says there was a great loss of life.
Dates the first earthquake to ~1030 pm on 18 May 363 CE and the 2nd earthquake to ~430 am on 19 May 363 CE. Indicates that Jerusalem experienced stronger
shaking during the 1st earthquake.
Libanius’ life is well-known.
He was born in Antioch, one of the largest
and most important cities of the Roman Empire, in 314. Hailing from a
curial and influential, yet somewhat impoverished family, he enjoyed a
good education and decided to dedicate himself to rhetoric in his mid-teens.
After thoroughly familiarizing himself with classical rhetoric and pursuing
his studies with Diophantus in Athens from 336 to 340, he embarked upon a
sophistic career. Active at first in Constantinople, where he enjoyed great
success, he left the new capital after a few years for Nicaea. From there, he
soon went on to Nicomedia. Although the future emperor Julian, also in
Nicomedia at the time, never attended Libanius’ classes, the two men
probably got to know each other at least indirectly. In 349, Libanius
returned to Constantinople, where he was honoured by several governors,
the senate and the emperor Constantius II, and once more became a
celebrated professor of Greek rhetoric. After spending the summer of 353 in
Antioch, however, he decided, against the wishes of the emperor, to return
to his home city for good. From 354 until his death, he taught rhetoric there,
first as a private teacher, but soon as the city’s official sophist. By speaking
and writing to emperors (Julian, but also Valens and Theodosius),
governors, city councillors and other people, he also took an active part in
public life, although he probably never held any official position in the
imperial administration. Libanius lived together with a woman of socially
inferior standing, by whom he had an illegitimate son called Cimon. The
latter’s death preceded his own, which occurred in 393.
brief statement that some cities in Palestine and Syria have been flattened in parts, others completely. inside what
Guidoboni et. al. (1994) suggests is a eulogy Libanius delivered for Emperor Julian.
Ephrem the Syrian was a prominent Christian theologian and writer
who wrote in Syriac. He was born around 306 CE in Nisibis where he served as a
deacon (wikipedia). In 363 CE,
Roman Emperor Julian the Apostate began
hostilities against Persia (the Sasanian Empire) which led to
Julian's death in battle on 26/27 July 363 CE (wikipedia).
In the aftermath of Julian's demise, Nisibis was surrendered to the
Persians and all Christians were expelled. Ephrem then moved to Edessa where he died in 373 CE
(wikipedia and Griffith, 1987).
Griffith (1987) notes that as Robert Browning has emphasized more
recently, Ephraem wrote these hymns in Nisibis in the very year of Julian's death, after he saw the emperor's embalmed corpse lying in
state before the city's gates, with a Persian flag flying from the ramparts of the citadel.
Cain and Lenski (2009) also report that Ephrem composed his
Hymns against Julian within a year of the 363 CE earthquake.
Gregory of Nazianzusa (~329 AD - ~390 AD), who is also known as
Gregory the Theologian and Gregory Nazianzen, was born sometime between 326 and 330 CE to Greek parents near to the town of
Nazianzus in southwest Cappadocia
(Daley, 2012:1 and wikipedia).
Gregory pursued his studies at a variety of locations including Caesarea in Cappadocia,
Caesarea in Palestine, Alexandria, and Athens (
Daley, 2012:4-5). On the way to Athens, he almost died in shipwreck off the coast of Cyprus. During this incident, he dedicated his life
to "God's service" as a Christian (
Daley, 2012:6). In Athens he formed a lifelong friendship with Basil of Caesarea
and probably encountered future Emperor Julian the Apostate who was also studying
in Athens at the time (Daley, 2012:6-7). After returning home, probably between 356 and 358 CE,
Gregory went on to hold a variety of ecclesiastical positions before becoming the Bishop of Constantinople in ~380 CE (
Daley, 2012:7,2 and wikipedia). Gregory wrote a variety of influential theological works and is noted for his
work on the Trinity. His two part invective against Emperor Julian the Apostate was composed during
Julian's reign and was probably finished by 364 CE (
Daley, 2012:32-33). This invective included a description of the 363 CE earthquake, an account which, according to
Cain and Lenski (2009), was written within a year of the event. Gregory
died in ~390 CE.
States that the Temple rebuilding project was halted by a furious blast of wind and an earthquake. Includes supernatural events afterwards. Mentions a flame of fire but appears to locate
it within a church (of the Holy Sepulchre) directed towards fleeing construction workers/Jews rather than coming from the Temple Mount itself.
Ammianus Marcellinus (c. 330 - c. 391-400 CE), also known as Ammian, was
an officer and soldier in the Roman armies of Constantius II (r. 337- 361 CE)
and Julian the Apostate (r. 361-363 CE where he served in Gaul and the East
(wikipedia). Ammianus was born in Syria
and likely was fluent in Greek, Latin, and his native language (wikipedia).
After retiring from the military, he moved to Rome where he wrote wrote Res Gestae - a history of Rome from 96-378 CE
(wikipedia).
Ammianus was a Pagan but modern scholarship describes him as
tolerant of Christianity (wikipedia). In Res Gestae,
Ammianus wrote a brief account of events surrounding the Cyril Quakes.
Although he does not mention the earthquakes, he does mention the effort to rebuild the Temple and fire bursting forth from the foundations.
Pagan - tolerant of Christianity
380s CE
Rome
Does not mention the earthquakes, but does mention the effort to rebuild the Temple and fire bursting forth from the Temple foundations.
Jerome (Hieronymus in Latin) was a Christian Priest who authored and translated many works including an influential
translation of the Old and New Testaments from Hebrew and Greek into Latin creating most of what is known as the Vulgate - a text
which was used by the Catholic Church for over 1500 years. He was born in Stridon in the Roman province of
Dalmatia between 342 and 347 CE. He lived in a monastery in Bethlehem starting in 382 CE and died there in 420 CE.
Christian
405-420 CE
Bethlehem
A passage in this text may indicate that the Dead Sea experienced a seiche during this earthquake.
Socrates Scholasticus (c.380 - after 439 CE), aka Socrates of Constantinople,
was a native of Constantinople who wrote Historia Ecclesiastica
- a history of the Christian Church from 305-439 CE (wikipedia). The work was intended as a
continuation of Eusebius' book on Church History and was completed in ~439 CE
(wikipedia). His profession is unknown but he may have been a layman
(wikipedia).
~439 CE
Constantinople
Mentions an earthquake tearing up the stones of the foundation and a fire coming down from heaven consuming all the builders' tools
and lasting for a day. Aslo mentions signs of crosses on people's garments.
Sozomen (~400 - ~450 CE), aka Salamanes Hermias Sozomenos, was born into
a wealthy Christian family in Beit Lahia, a small town near Gaza in Palestine
(wikipedia). His early education came from Monks and his family was reputed
to have converted to Christianity after witnessing a healing miracle from Saint Hilarion
(wikipedia). Sozomen studied
Law in Beirut and worked in Constantinople. Of the two books he wrote on Church History only the second one, composed in Constantinople between ~440 and
~443 CE, is extant. It covers the years from ~323 CE to 425 CE. Socrates Scholasticus
was one of the main sources. In addition to making use of several other sources, Sozomen is also known
for mining oral traditions, particularly of southern Palestine (wikipedia).
Christian
440-443 CE
Constantinople
Discusses Earthquake, Temple Rebuilding Project, reports of the fire at the Temple, and the signs of the crosses appearing on people's clothes. Sozomen claims to
have derived his information from eyewitnesses.
Theodoret of Cyrus (c. AD 393 – c. 458/466) was born in Antioch.
In his 20s he became a monk in the monastery of Nicerte not far from Apamea
(wikipedia). In 423 CE, he was appointed Bishop of Cyrrhus, located about
80 Roman miles east of Antioch. Theodoret, who spoke
Greek and Syriac but was unfamiliar with Latin and Hebrew, wrote a number of works including
Ecclesiastical History which covered
Church history from the rise of Arianism (late 3rd century CE?) until 429 CE
(wikipedia). It was completed in 449-450 CE
(wikipedia).
Mentions the Temple rebuilding project, a storm during the day followed by an earthquake at night, a fire coming out of the Temple's foundations , and
supernatural signs such as crosses appearing in the sky and on the garments of Jews.
The Julian Romance was composed by an anonymous
author (or authors) in Syriac, most likely in the city of Edessa in northern
Mesopotamia at the beginning of the sixth century, and surviving only in that
language. The Julian Romance is a Christian discourse of historical fiction and
consists of a number of narratives about the emperors Julian the Apostate and
Jovian. The Romance and the stories it comprises are part of the large number
of late antique discourses of imagination. ... The Julian
Romance fits into the tradition of Christian polemical rhetoric against Julian
which started to appear immediately after the death of the pagan emperor.
While Julian is pictured as the worst emperor ever to have ruled the Roman
Empire, Jovian is presented as the ideal Christian emperor. In the final and
longest part of the Romance, Jovian plays a prominent role as second-incommand
after Julian and as confidant of the emperor. After Julian’s death,
Jovian becomes his successor. He openly promulgates a Christian policy and
gradually develops into an ideal Christian emperor, a second Constantine.
beginning of the 6th century CE
Edessa
Brock (1977) relates that this story tells of the Jews obtaining permission to rebuild the Temple
but deliberately does not discuss events in Jerusalem because they were described by another author.
Chronicon anonymum ad annum 724, which is preserved in a manuscript in the British LIbrary
(BM. Add. 14643, fols. 1-57) and is sometimes referred to as Liber Calipharum, is a world chronicle written in
Syriac by an anonymous author in the 8th century CE
(Brock, 1976).
Brock (1976) notes that
its entries are not always in chronological order. Affixed to the end of the text is something that may have been added by a later copyist
- a list of Caliphs from Mohammed to Yezid II (r. 720-724 CE)
along with the lengths of their reigns. This list is thought to have been translated
from Arabic for a number of reasons including that it preserves the lengths of the reigns as they are counted in lunar Islamic years
(
Penn, 2015:196-197).
Christian
Brock (1977) relates that this source does not mention events in Jerusalem but reiterates that 21 cities suffered damage; echoing the letter attributed to Cyril. The date is mostly in
agreement : The Year A.G. 674 (= A.D. 363) is the same, the month (Iyyar) is the same but the date is different. This passage refers to the 27th day of Iyyar while the letter attributed to Cyril identifies
the date of the earthquake as the 19th of Iyyar.
This Syriac text also known as the Chronicle of Zuqnin
is now thought to have been composed
by a monk from the Zuqnin monastery rather than
Dionysius of Tell-Mahre - hence the cognomen Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre. Parts 3 and 4 cover events from 488 - 775 CE.
There is apparently a debate over its date of composition with some scholars suggesting it was composed
in the 9th century CE rather than the late 8th century CE as the text would indicate - it ends in 775 CE.
Harrak (1999) opines on the opening page of his translation
that it was composed in 775 CE by a West Syrian Monk - probably
Joshua (the Stylite) of the monastery of Zuqnin.
The work is preserved in a single handwritten manuscript (Cod. Vat. 162),
now in the Vatican (shelf mark Vatican Syriac 162).
Eastern Christian
750-775 CE
Zuqnin Monastery
Mentions the Temple rebuilding project and a nighttime earthquake which damaged construction facilities and houses near the Temple. Says that on another day, a fire came from
the sky, lasted a full day, and burned up all the construction equipment. Also mentions crosses appearing in the sky and on the garments of Jews.
The Talmudis the textual record of generations
of rabbinic debate about law, philosophy, and biblical interpretation, compiled between the 3rd and 8th
centuries CE and structured as commentary (the Gemara)
on the Mishnah
with stories interwoven (sefaria.org). The
Mishnah is a written collection of Jewish
oral traditions. The Gemara is commentary and debates on the
Mishnah. The Mishnah
and the Gemara make up the core of the
Talmud. The Talmudexists in two versions: the more commonly studied Babylonian Talmud
was compiled in present-day Iraq, while the Jerusalem Talmud
was compiled in Israel (sefaria.org).
Jewish
3rd-8th centuries CE
Israel and/or Iraq
Accounts of the Temple rebuilding project and the earthquake do not appear in either the Palestinian or Babylonian Talmud with the possible exception of
two rather obtuse statements in the Palestinian Talmud attributed to R. Acha
(Russell, 1980)
Brock (1979-1980:14) describes this anonymous Syriac Chronicle as brief and covering "Creation" to 846/847 CE.
In a manuscript of the 10th century (London Add. 14642, ff. 1-36.), the beginning of the work (most of the 7th century CE)
is lost and there are some lacunae elsewhere
(
Brock, 1979-1980:14 and Brock, 1976:21).
Brock (1979-1980:14) further noted that in his edition CSCO Brooks concluded from the several mentions of the monastery of
Qartmin (Tur Abdin) that the chronicle had been written there, but as Barsaum
later pointed out in his edition of the Chronicle to 819, such a provenance would
be more suitable for the latter chronicle which served as a source for such entries to the
846 chronicle; even this, however, is far from certain.
Christian
Says that the Temple rebuilding project was halted by fire from the Temple Mount. An earthquake isn't mentioned.
The text is not preserved in its entirety, and the layout of Michael’s chronicle was distorted through the process of copying.
Chabot’s edition is a facsimile of a documentary copy written for him in Edessa (Urfa) from 1897 to 1899. While the scribes
tried to imitate the layout, a number of mistakes were introduced. Its
Vorlage,
the only extant ms., was written in 1598 by a very competent scribe. It is kept by the community of the Edessenians in Aleppo. In view of the loss of the original, this
beautiful manuscript is the best witness for the layout of the chronicle. Fortunately it will soon be made available in print.
This ms. was probably the Vorlage
for an Arabic translation, which also sought to preserve some of the visual features,
while changing others. The Arabic translation has much the same lacunae as the Syriac text. By comparing his version with
the Arabic translation preserved in ms. London, Brit. Libr. Or. 4402 (which is one of several Arabic copies), Chabot
detected some details lost in the Syriac text. No further research has been done so far on this problem.
The historical material was originally organized in four columns, the first being designated as the ‘succession of the
patriarchs’, the second as ‘succession of the kings’, the chronological canon as ‘computation of the years’. No title
of the additional column, which contains mixed material, is now known. Chapters with
excursus were inserted, which
interrupted the system of columns. After an open and abrupt end, six appendices follow. The first appendix is a
monumental synopsis of all the kings and patriarchs mentioned. It was supposed to function as a directory. The
second appendix is a treatise on the historical identity of the Syrians, who are connected to the Ancient
Oriental Empires, the Assyrians, the Babylonians, and the Arameans. When the chronicle was translated into
Armenian, in two different translations, in 1246 and 1247, it was transformed according to Armenian interests.
Michael died in 1199 CE.
Syriac Orthodox Church
late 12th century CE
Probably at the Monastery of Mar Bar Sauma near Tegenkar, Turkey
Mentions the Temple rebuilding effort which was apparently halted by a fierce wind which scattered the lime and cement
they wanted to build with, and fire descended and burned the structure and their tools. Did not mention an earthquake
Next to Michael's Chronicle this world chronicle (sometimes referred to as the 'Anonymous of Edessa')
contains the most detailed account of events in the seventh century that is available in Syriac.
It is largely independent of Michael's work, and the lost chronicle of Dionysius of Teilmahre appears
to be one of the compiler's main sources for this period. The text is preserved in a unique manuscript
(perhaps of the fourteenth century) that was in private hands in Constantinople at the beginning of
the century.
beginning of the 13th c. CE
possibly in Edessa or the Monastery of Mar Bar Sauma near Tegenkar, Turkey
Brock (1977) relates that this Syriac chronicle devotes
over 10 pages to Julian's reign but does not discuss the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem.
Cyril was the Bishop of Jerusalem when the earthquake(s) of 363 CE struck.
After the earthquake, Cyril presumably wrote a letter describing the earthquake and it's effects. The letter that we have may have been
written by someone writing later in his name (i.e., attributed authorship or
Pseudepigrapha)
who used the original letter of Cyril as a source document.
Cain and Lenski (2009)
opine that the letter is probably not genuine and was likely composed in Syriac in the 5th century CE. However, although they doubt that
Cyril was the author, they note that the letter may have been based on an earlier document written in Jerusalem due to its detailed knowledge
of the topography of the city and the unique information about the actions of the Jerusalem Christian community.
Brock (1977) noted that the consistency
of the chronological information contained within the letter also enhances its credibility.
On how many miracles took place when the Jews received the order to rebuild
the Temple, and the signs which occurred in the region of Asia.15
116 The letter, which was sent from the holy Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem,
concerning the Jews, when they wanted to rebuild the Temple, and (on how)
the land was shaken, and mighty prodigies took place, and fire consumed
great numbers of them, and many Christians (too) perished.
2 To17 my beloved brethren, bishops, priests, and deacons of the Church of
Christ18 in revery district : greetings, my brethren.19 'The punishment of our
Lord20 is sure, and His sentence (ὰποφασις) that He gave concerning the city
of the crucifiers is faithful, and with our own eyes we have received a fearful
sight21 for22 truly did the Apostle say that 'there is nothing greater than
the love of God'.23 Now, while the earth was shaking24 and the entire people
suffering25, I have not neglected to write to you about everything that has
taken place here.26
3 At the digging of the foundations of Jerusalem, 'which had been ruined
because of the killing of its Lord, the land shook considerably27, and there were
great28 tremors in the towns29 round about.
4 Now even though the person bringing the letter is slow, nevertheless I
shall still write and inform you that we are all well, by the grace of God and the
aid of30 prayer. Now I think that you are concerned for us, (and) our minds
were tearing us—not only our own, but all our brethren's as well, who are
with us, that I should tell you too about what happened amongst us.31
5 We have not written to you at length, beyond the earthquake that took
place at God's (behest). For many Christians too living in these regions, as
well as the majority of the32 Jews, perished at that scourge — and not just in
the earthquake, but also as a result of fire and in the heavy33 rain they had.
6 At the outset, when they wanted to lay the foundations of the Temple
on the Sunday previous to the earthquake, there were 'strong winds and
storms34, with the result that they were unable to lay the Temple's foundations
that day35. It was on that very night that the great earthquake occurred, and
we were all36 in the church of the Confessors, engaged in prayer. After this
we left to go to the Mount of Olives, which is situated to the east of Jerusalem,
where37 our Lord was raised to His glorious38 Father. We went out into the
middle of the city, reciting a psalm,39 and we passed40 the graves of the prophets
Isaiah and Jeremiah, and we besought the Lord of the prophets that, through
the prayers of His prophets and apostles, His truth might be seen by His
worshippers in the face of the audacity of the Jews41 who had crucified Him
7 Now they42 (sc. the Jews), wanting to imitate43 us, were running to the
place where their synagogue usually gathered, and they found the synagogue
doors closed. They were greatly amazed at what had happened and stood
around in silence and fear when suddenly the synagogue doors opened of their
own accord, and out of the building there came forth fire, which licked up the
majority of them, and most of them collapsed and perished in front of the
building. The doors then closed of their own accord, while the whole city
looked on at what was happening, and the entire populace, Jew and Christian
alike, cried out with one voice, saying 'There is but one God, one Christ, who
is victorious' ; and the entire people rushed off and tore down the idols and
(pagan) altars that were in the city, glorifying and praising Christ, and confessing
that He is the Son of the Living God. And they drove out the demons
of the city, and the Jews, and the whole city received the sign of baptism,
Jews as well as many pagans, all together, so that we thought that there was
not a single person left in the city who had not received the sign (σημειον) or
mark (τνπος) of the living Cross in heaven. And it instilled great fear in all.
8 And the entire people thought that, after these signs which our Saviour
gave us in His Gospel, the fearful (second) coming of the day of resurrection
had arrived. With trembling of great joy we received something of the sign
(ημιεὶον) of Christ's crucifixion, and whosoever did not believe in his mind
found his clothes openly reprove him, having the mark of the cross stained
on them.
9 As for the statue (ἀνδριάς) of Herod which stood in Jerusalem, which the
Jews had thrown down in (an act of) supplication (?) (δέησις), the city ran and
set it up where it had been standing.
10 Thus we felt compelled to write to you the truth of these matters, that
everything that is written about Jerusalem should be established in truth, that
'no stone shall be left in it that will not be upturned'.
11 Now we should like to write down for you the names of the towns which
were overthrown :
Beit Gubrin—more than half of it ;
part of Baishan,
the whole of Sebastia and its territory (χωρα),
the whole of Nikopolis and its territory (χωρα) ;
more than half Lydda and its territory (χωρα) ;
about half of Ashqelon,
the whole of Antipatris and its territory (χωρα) ;
part of Caesarea,
more than half Samaria ;
part of NSL',
a third of Paneas",
half of Azotus,
part of Gophna,
more than half Petra (RQM) ;
Hada, a suburb of the city (Jerusalem)—more than half ;
Jerusalem more than half.
And fire came forth and consumed the teachers of the Jews.
Part of Tiberias too, and its territory (χωρα),
more than half 'RDQLY' (Areopolis or
Archelaisa),
the whole of Sepphoris (SWPRYN) and its territory (χωρα),
'Aina d-Gader;
Haifa
(? ; TAP) flowed with blood for three days ;
the whole of Japho (YWPY) perished,
(and) part of 'D'NWS.
12 This event took place on Monday at the third hour, and partly at the
ninth hour of the night. There was great loss of life here. (It was) on 19 Iyyar
of the year 674 of the kingdom of Alexander the Greek. This year the pagan
Julian died, and it was he who especially incited the Jews to rebuild the Temple,
since he favoured them because they had crucified Christ. Justice overtook
this rebel at his death in enemy territory, and in this the sign of the power of
the cross was revealed, because he had denied Him who had been hung upon
it for the salvation and life of all.
All this that has been briefly written to you took place in actual fact in
this way.
Footnotes
14 I translate B ; the main variants of A are given in the footnotes.
15 Letter of Cyril bishop of Jerusalem.
16 A omits § 1.
17 pr. Cyril bishop of Jerusalem.
18 our Lord.
19 in all regions.
20 With (in) our Lord punishment.
21 in our own sight it specifically received it ; greetings !
22 Just as, my brothers.
23 om. of God.
29 shook.
25 world suffered.
26 om. here.
27 the land suffered specifically.
28 om. great.
25 + and cities.
30 + your.
31 seeing that we too, because we (were) there, struggled for ourselves.
32 Not only were we not harmed by the earthquake that took place at God's (behest), but no Christian who was here (was harmed), but many.
33 om. heavy.
34 winds and strong storms.
35 the foundations as they had wanted ; for it was in their mind to lay the Temple's foundations the following day.
36 fled and took refuge in.
37 whence.
38 om. glorious.
39 psalms.
40 + between.
41 those (who).
42 the Jews.
43 The folio of A containing the rest of the letter is lost.
a Guidoboni et. al. (1994)
state that there are "palaeographic reasons to suggest that the
debated 'RDQLY in Cyril's letter may be a reference to Areopolis rather than Archelais".
Chronology
1st Earthquake
Year
Reference
Corrections
Notes
~1030 pm 18 May 363 CE
3rd hour of the night Monday 19 Iyyar A.G. 674
none
A.G. 674 went from 1 Oct. 362 to 30 Sept. 363 CE
(calculated using CHRONOS)
The calendar being used is a local variant of the lunisolar Macedonian Calendar with Jewish names substituted for the months.
19 Iyyar equates to 19 May1
"The date, however, in our Letter will be Iyyar according to the Julian calendar (i.e.
exactly our May) - but it so happens that in 363 the lunar Nisan and Iyyar for once exactly
corresponded with the Julian Nisan and Iyyar (April and May). It is hard to believe that we
are dealing with a mere coincidence. Can it be that there is some connection between
Lag ba 'Omer and the rebuilding of the Temple?.
19 May 363 CE fell on a Monday as stated in the text which gives added confidence to the date
(calculated using CHRONOS)
An Astronomical calculator from ClearSkyTonight.com
indicates that the sun set in Jerusalem at 7:28 pm on 19 May 363 CE. 3rd hour of the night began at 10:28 pm.
A.G. days begin at sunset while Julian days begin at midnight.
Thus, a time before midnight on 19 Iyyar equates to 18 May in the Julian calendar.
Illustration of correspondence between Julian Days and A.G. (aka Syriac) days
Days of the Week in different calendars
illustration by Jefferson Williams
The text suggests that Jerusalem experienced stronger shaking at ~1030 pm (3rd hour of the night) than at ~4:30 am
(partly at the ninth hour of the night).
2nd Earthquake
Year
Reference
Corrections
Notes
~430 am 19 May 363 CE
partly at the ninth hour of the night Monday 19 Iyyar A.G. 674
none
A.G. 674 went from 1 Oct. 362 to 30 Sept. 363 CE
(calculated using CHRONOS)
The calendar being used is a local variant of the lunisolar Macedonian Calendar with Jewish names substituted for the months.
19 Iyyar equates to 19 May1
"The date, however, in our Letter will be Iyyar according to the Julian calendar (i.e.
exactly our May) - but it so happens that in 363 the lunar Nisan and Iyyar for once exactly
corresponded with the Julian Nisan and Iyyar (April and May). It is hard to believe that we
are dealing with a mere coincidence. Can it be that there is some connection between
Lag ba 'Omer and the rebuilding of the Temple?.
19 May 363 CE fell on a Monday as stated in the text which gives added confidence to the date
(calculated using CHRONOS)
An Astronomical calculator from ClearSkyTonight.com
indicates that the sun set in Jerusalem at 7:28 pm on 19 May 363 CE. 9th hour of the night began at 4:28 am.
The text suggests that Jerusalem experienced stronger shaking at ~930 pm (3rd hour of the night) than at ~3:30 am
(partly at the ninth hour of the night).
Seismic Effects
the land was shaken
the earth was shaking and the entire people suffering
there were great tremors in the towns round about
the earthquake that took place
many Christians too living in these regions, as well as the majority of the Jews, perished at that scourge
It was on that very night that the great earthquake occurred, and we were all in the church of the Confessors, engaged in prayer
a Guidoboni et. al. (1994)
state that there are "palaeographic reasons to suggest that the
debated 'RDQLY in Cyril's letter may be a reference to Areopolis rather than Archelais".
Fire
mighty prodigies took place, and fire consumed great numbers of them, and many Christians (too) perished.
many Christians too living in these regions, as well as the majority of the Jews, perished at that scourge —
and not just in the earthquake, but also as a result of fire and in the heavy rain they had.
they (sc. the Jews) [] were running to the place where their synagogue usually gathered, and they found the synagogue doors closed
They [Jews] were greatly amazed at what had happened and stood around in silence and fear when suddenly the synagogue doors opened
of their own accord, and out of the building there came forth fire, which licked up the majority of them, and most of them collapsed
and perished in front of the building
The doors then closed of their own accord
There was great loss of life here.
Storms and other events
At the outset, when they wanted to lay the foundations of the Temple on the Sunday previous to the earthquake,
there were 'strong winds and storms, with the result that they were unable to lay the Temple's foundations that day
many Christians too living in these regions, as well as the majority of the Jews, perished at that scourge —
and not just in the earthquake, but also as a result of fire and in the heavy rain they had.
Libanius’ life is well-known.
He was born in Antioch, one of the largest
and most important cities of the Roman Empire, in 314. Hailing from a
curial and influential, yet somewhat impoverished family, he enjoyed a
good education and decided to dedicate himself to rhetoric in his mid-teens.
After thoroughly familiarizing himself with classical rhetoric and pursuing
his studies with Diophantus in Athens from 336 to 340, he embarked upon a
sophistic career. Active at first in Constantinople, where he enjoyed great
success, he left the new capital after a few years for Nicaea. From there, he
soon went on to Nicomedia. Although the future emperor Julian, also in
Nicomedia at the time, never attended Libanius’ classes, the two men
probably got to know each other at least indirectly. In 349, Libanius
returned to Constantinople, where he was honoured by several governors,
the senate and the emperor Constantius II, and once more became a
celebrated professor of Greek rhetoric. After spending the summer of 353 in
Antioch, however, he decided, against the wishes of the emperor, to return
to his home city for good. From 354 until his death, he taught rhetoric there,
first as a private teacher, but soon as the city’s official sophist. By speaking
and writing to emperors (Julian, but also Valens and Theodosius),
governors, city councillors and other people, he also took an active part in
public life, although he probably never held any official position in the
imperial administration. Libanius lived together with a woman of socially
inferior standing, by whom he had an illegitimate son called Cimon. The
latter’s death preceded his own, which occurred in 393.
As for us Antiochians, not one man survived, and the earthquakes
which have happened bear witness to the evil: some cities
in Palestine and Syria have been flattened in parts, others completely.
It seems to us that the god is showing a great sign through
great calamities. (Lib. Or. i. 134/Foerster i. 147ff.).
Seismic Effects
the earthquakes [plural] which have happened bear witness to the evil
some cities in Palestine and Syria have been flattened in parts, others completely
Locations
some cities in Palestine
some cities in Syria
Antioch ? - It seems unlikely that the Cyril Quake(s) produced heavy destruction in Antioch
but it is impossible to tell from this brief passage alone what earthquake
Libanius is referring to.
In his Epitaph in memory of the emperor Julian (Or. 18.292), Libanius records that "many cities in Palestine"
were destroyed (see entry ( 148 )). A brief reference to this earthquake is also to be found in his Autobiography (Or. 1.134).
4th hymn against Julian by Ephrem the Syrian
Background and Biography
Background and Biography
Ephrem the Syrian was a prominent Christian theologian and writer
who wrote in Syriac. He was born around 306 CE in Nisibis where he served as a
deacon (wikipedia). In 363 CE,
Roman Emperor Julian the Apostate began
hostilities against Persia (the Sasanian Empire) which led to
Julian's death in battle on 26/27 July 363 CE (wikipedia).
In the aftermath of Julian's demise, Nisibis was surrendered to the
Persians and all Christians were expelled. Ephrem then moved to Edessa where he died in 373 CE
(wikipedia and Griffith, 1987).
Griffith (1987) notes that as Robert Browning has emphasized more
recently, Ephraem wrote these hymns in Nisibis in the very year of Julian's death, after he saw the emperor's embalmed corpse lying in
state before the city's gates, with a Persian flag flying from the ramparts of the citadel.
Cain and Lenski (2009) also report that Ephrem composed his
Hymns against Julian within a year of the 363 CE earthquake.
At that time fearful events were stirred up to rebuke (men),
(God) proclaimed in the world truth to souls,
in that cities were overthrown, to the reproach of paganism.
Jerusalem especially held guilty
the accursed and the crucifiers, who had made bold threats and entered
so as to rebuild the ruins that their own sins had brought about.
Foolish and stupid, they had caused its ruin when it was still standing,
and now that it lies in ruins, they threaten to rebuild it !
When it was established, they tore it down, when it lies waste, they shower
their love on it. Jerusalem quaked when she saw
That her wreckers had come in again
to disturb her calm
She complained to the Most High
against them, and she was heard
He commanded the wind and it blew
He signalled the quakes and they came
The lightning and it flashed
the air and it darkened
the walls and they were wrecked
the gates and they were opened
Fire came out and consumed the scholar-scribes
Who had read in Daniel that she should lay in ruins forever1
they were chastened again and they learned
They had scattered her through the Lowly one,who had gathered together
her chicks,"
and they imagined He had gathered to her the error of the diviner(s);
they overthrew her because of the True one," they propped her up with
waverers,
they wished to rebuild her again.
They had upturned the great altar at the slaying of the Holy one,
and they imagined that the rebuilder of (pagan) altars would re-establish it.
They destroyed her through the wood of the Living Architect,
they propped her up with the broken reed of paganism;
they made her sad with Zechariah, who had given them joy, (saying)
' Behold your king';
they wanted to make her happy with the divination of the madman,
they proclaimed to her : 'Behold, there comes one furious, who will
rebuild you;
he will enter and sacrifice in you, and pour libations in you—to his demons'.
Daniel passed the sentence against Jerusalem and decreed
She will not be built again
and Sion believed him
The two of them were worn out and they wept
He cut off and cast away their hope
Cana, with its wine, gave comfort
to the two mourners, giving them advice
'Do not aggravate the injustice (done) to the Good one by your mourning'.
...
In the place of the People - uprooted
from all peoples
To see within your wombs
the grave and Golgotha
Who will ever again beleive in
fate and the horoscope ?
Who will ever again affirm
diviners and soothsayers
Who will ever again go astray after auguries and Zodiacal signs ?
All of them have been wrong in everything
So that the Just One will not have to instruct
each one who went astray He broke the one who went astray
so that in him those who have gone astray might learn their lesson
Footnotes
1 "Who had read in Daniel that she should lay in ruins forever" refers to the
Temple Mount - deserted at the time but undergoing a rebuilding project until apparently interrupted by the earthquake.
Chronology
The passage describes events before Julian the Apostate's death on 26/27 July 363 CE while attempts were made to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem.
Renoux C. 1975 (ed.), Ephrem de Nisibe. Memre sur Nicomedie, PO 37/2-3, Turnhout.
Fifth Oration Against the Pagans by Gregory of Nazianzusa
Background and Biography
Background and Biography
Gregory of Nazianzusa (~329 AD - ~390 AD), who is also known as
Gregory the Theologian and Gregory Nazianzen, was born sometime between 326 and 330 CE to Greek parents near to the town of
Nazianzus in southwest Cappadocia
(Daley, 2012:1 and wikipedia).
Gregory pursued his studies at a variety of locations including Caesarea in Cappadocia,
Caesarea in Palestine, Alexandria, and Athens (
Daley, 2012:4-5). On the way to Athens, he almost died in shipwreck off the coast of Cyprus. During this incident, he dedicated his life
to "God's service" as a Christian (
Daley, 2012:6). In Athens he formed a lifelong friendship with Basil of Caesarea
and probably encountered future Emperor Julian the Apostate who was also studying
in Athens at the time (Daley, 2012:6-7). After returning home, probably between 356 and 358 CE,
Gregory went on to hold a variety of ecclesiastical positions before becoming the Bishop of Constantinople in ~380 CE (
Daley, 2012:7,2 and wikipedia). Gregory wrote a variety of influential theological works and is noted for his
work on the Trinity. His two part invective against Emperor Julian the Apostate was composed during
Julian's reign and was probably finished by 364 CE (
Daley, 2012:32-33). This invective included a description of the 363 CE earthquake, an account which, according to
Cain and Lenski (2009), was written within a year of the event. Gregory
died in ~390 CE.
3. He [Julian]1a was daily growing more infuriated against us, as though raising up waves by other waves, he that went mad first against himself,
that trampled upon things holy, and that did despite unto the Spirit of Grace: is it more proper to call him Jeroboam or Ahab, those most wicked
of the Israelites; or Pharaoh the Egyptian, or Nebuchadnezzar the Assyrian; or combining all together shall we name him one and the same,
since he shows himself to have united in himself the vices of them all----the apostasy of Jeroboam, the bloodthirstiness of Ahab, the hardness
of heart of Pharaoh, the sacrilegious acts of Nebuchadnezzar, the impiety of all put together! For when he had exhausted every other resource,
and despised every other form of tyranny in our regard as trifling and unworthy of him (since there never was a character so fertile in finding
out and contriving mischief), at last he stirred up against us the nation of the Jews, making his accomplice in his machinations their
well-known credulity, as well as that hatred for us which has smouldered in them from the very beginning; prophesying to them out of their
own books and mysteries that now was the appointed time come for them to return into their own land, and to rebuild the Temple, and restore
the reign of their hereditary institutions ---- thus hiding his true purpose under the mark of benevolence.
4. And when he had formed this plan, and made them believe it (for whatever suits one's wishes is a ready engine for deceiving people),
they began to debate about rebuilding the Temple, and in large number and with great zeal set about the work. For the partisans of the
other side report that not only did their women strip off all their personal ornaments and contribute it towards the work and operations,
but even carried away the rubbish in the laps of their gowns, sparing neither the so precious clothes nor yet the tenderness of their own limbs,
for they believed they were doing a pious action, and regarded everything of less moment than the work in hand. But they being driven against
one another, as though by a furious blast1b of wind, and sudden heaving of the earth, some rushed to one of the neighbouring sacred places to
pray for mercy; others, as is wont to happen in such cases, made use of what came to hand to shelter themselves; others were carried away
blindly by the panic, and struck against those who were running up to see what was the matter. There are some who say that neither did the
sacred place [Greek word]2 admit them, but that when they approached the folding doors that stood wide open, on coming up to them they
found them closed in their faces by an unseen and invisible power1c which works wonders of the sort for the confusion of the impious and the
saving of the godly. But what all people nowadays report and believe is that when they were forcing their way and struggling about the entrance
a flame issued forth from the sacred place [church] and stopped them, and some it burnt up and consumed so that a fate befell them similar to
the disaster of the people of Sodom, or to the miracle about Nadab and Abiud, who offered incense and perished so strangely: whilst others it
maimed in the principal parts of the body, and so left them for a living monument of God's threatening and wrath against sinners. Such then was
this event; and let no one disbelieve, unless he doubts likewise the other mighty works of God! But what is yet more strange and more conspicuous,
there stood in the heavens a light circumscribing a Cross, and that which before on earth was contemned by the ungodly both in figure and in
name is now exhibited in heaven, and is made by God a trophy of His victory over the impious, a trophy more lofty than any other!
5. What will those gentlemen say of these events----they who are wise, as this world goes, and make a fine show of their own cause,
smoothing down their flowing beard and trailing before our eyes that elegant philosophic mantle! Reply to me for thyself, thou writer
of long discourses, that dost compose incredible stories and gapest up at the skies, telling lies about things celestial, and weaving
out of the movements of the stars, people's nativities and predictions of the future! Tell me of those stars of thine, the Ariadne's Crown,
the Berenice's Hair, the lascivious Swan, the violent Bull! or, if thou pleasest, tell me of thine Ophiuchus, or of thy Capricorn, or of thy
Lion, or all the rest that thou hast discovered for a bad end and made them into gods in constellations! Where dost thou find this cycle in
thy science, where the Star that of old moved towards Bethlehem out of the East, that leader and introducer of thy own Wise Men! I, too,
have something to tell from the heavens: that Star declared the presence of Christ: this Crown is that of the victory of Christ!
6. Thus much is taken from things celestial and sympathizing with our fortunes, in accordance with the mighty harmony and disposition
of the universe. What follows let the Psalm finish for me: "Because Thou hast cast down cities," namely, those ancient ones for the
very same acts of impiety, in the middle of the very same offences against us; some thereof overwhelmed by the floods, others
swallowed up by earthquake; so that one is pretty nearly able to apply the remainder: "The memorial of them hath perished with
a sound and a destruction noised abroad." For such has been their fall, and such their ruin, also of those their neighbours who |
took the most delight in their impiety, so that a very long time were necessary to them for their restoration, even if anyone should
have the boldness to undertake it.
7. Was it then only earth and heaven, and did not air likewise give a sign on that occasion, and was hallowed with the badges of the Passion ?
Let those who were spectators and partakers of that prodigy exhibit their gar- ments, which to the present time are stamped with the brandmarks
of the Cross ! For at the very moment that anyone, either of our own brethren or of the outsiders, was telling the event or hearing it told by
others, he be- held the miracle happening in his own case or to his neighbour, being all spotted with stars, or beholding the other so marked
upon his clothes in a manner more variegated than could be done by any artificial work of the loom or elaborate painting. What is the result of
this ? Such great consternation at the spectacle that nearly all, as by one signal and with one voice, invoked the God of the Christians, and
propitiated Him with many praises and supplications : whilst many, without further delay, but at the moment of the occurrence, ran up to our
priests, and besought them earnestly that they might be made members of the Church, being sanctified by the holy baptism, for they had been
saved by means of their fright.
Footnotes
1a. It is to be remarked that the preacher never once mentions Julian by name. Was this meant for an expression of contempt?
1b. [Greek word]. Gregory knows nothing of the "metuendi flammarum globi," with which Ammian adorns the story. It is plain from this account,
written but a few months after the occurrence, that a sudden storm of wind sufficed to frighten the superstitious Jews, who saw in it a
sign of the displeasure of Heaven with the work they were about.
2. This must be Helena's Church: Gregory terms the Temple new_j.
1c. The keepers of the church, who naturally shut the doors in the face of a mad crowd of Jews running towards it
(for only one purpose as they would imagine), and then proceeded to disperse those attempting to force an entrance
by the usual expedient of throwing fire upon them through the windows. Ammian confounds the fire thrown from the
Christian church with "flames spontaneously issuing out of the ruins" of the ancient Temple, which completely
alters the case. He also states that Julian was rebuilding the Temple at his own cost, whereas it appears from
Gregory he left it entirely to the fanaticism of the Jews, doubtless (i.e., the moneyed part of them), very
glad of a sign from Heaven to stop so expensive a project. But to give Ammian's words,
Templum instaurare
sumptibus cogitabat immodicis: negotiumque maturandum Alypio dederat Antiochensi, qui olim Britannias curaverat
propraefectis. Cum itaque rei idem fortiter instaret Alypius, juvaretque provincial rector, metuendi globi flammarum prope
fundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes, fecere locum exustis aliquantis operantibus inaccessum, hoc que modo,
elemento destinatius repellente, cessavit inceptum, - xxiii. 1, A.D. 363.
The story had got embellished with these
terrible globes of flame, in the interval of twenty years between the event and the time of Ammian's writing.
The pious Gregory was much too fond of miracles to have omitted so splendid a manifestation had the report of
it been contemporary.
English from King (1888) - embedded from archive.org
see paragraphs 3. to 7. on pages 87-91
Paragraph 4. has the most content and the least opinion
The passage describes events before Julian the Apostate's death on 26/27 July 363 CE while attempts were made to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem.
Seismic Effects
sudden heaving of the earth
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
There are some who say that neither did the sacred place admit them, but that
when they approached the folding doors that stood wide open, on coming up to them
they found them closed in their faces by an unseen and invisible power
when they were forcing their way and struggling about the entrance a flame
issued forth from the sacred place [church] and stopped them, and some it burnt up
and consumed so that a fate befell them similar to the disaster of the people of Sodom
Storms and other events
But they being driven against one another, as though by a furious blast of wind
It also happened that cities fell: those around
Nicopolis,
Neapolis,
Eleutheropolis,
Gaza,
and many others. A stoa of
Aelia, that is to say, Jerusalem, by
the synagogue of the Jews, fell and killed many of those just mentioned, and
fire broke out mysteriously and burned up a great number of Jews. And there
was darkness in those places, and continual earthquakes wreaking much
destruction in many cities.
Seismic Effects
continual earthquakes wreaking much destruction in many cities
Ammianus Marcellinus (c. 330 - c. 391-400 CE), also known as Ammian, was
an officer and soldier in the Roman armies of Constantius II (r. 337- 361 CE)
and Julian the Apostate (r. 361-363 CE where he served in Gaul and the East
(wikipedia). Ammianus was born in Syria
and likely was fluent in Greek, Latin, and his native language (wikipedia).
After retiring from the military, he moved to Rome where he wrote wrote Res Gestae - a history of Rome from 96-378 CE
(wikipedia).
Ammianus was a Pagan but modern scholarship describes him as
tolerant of Christianity (wikipedia). In Res Gestae,
Ammianus wrote a brief account of events surrounding the Cyril Quakes.
Although he does not mention the earthquakes, he does mention the effort to rebuild the Temple and fire bursting forth from the foundations.
§ 1. To pass over minute details, these were the principal events of the year. But Julian, who in his third
consulship had taken as his colleague
Sallustius, the
prefect of Gaul,
now entered on his fourth year, and by a novel arrangement took as his colleague a private individual;
an act of which no one recollected an instance since that of
Diocletian and
Aristobulus.
2. And although, foreseeing in his anxious mind the various accidents that might happen, he urged on with great diligence all the endless
preparations necessary for his expedition, yet distributing his diligence everywhere; and being eager to extend the recollection of his reign
by the greatness of his exploits, he proposed to rebuild at a vast expense the once magnificent temple of Jerusalem, which after many deadly
contests was with difficulty taken by Vespasian
and Titus, who succeeded his father in the conduct of the
siege. And he assigned the task to
Alypius of Antioch, who had formerly been
proprefect of Britain.
3. But though Alypius applied himself vigorously to the work, and though the governor of the province co-operated with him, fearful balls of fire
burst forth with continual eruptions close to the foundations, burning several of the workmen and making the spot altogether inaccessible.
And thus the very elements, as if by some fate, repelling the attempt, it was laid aside.
fearful balls of fire burst forth with continual eruptions close to the foundations, burning several of the workmen and making the spot altogether inaccessible
the very elements, as if by some fate, repelling the attempt, it was laid aside
Jerome (Hieronymus in Latin) was a Christian Priest who authored and translated many works including an influential
translation of the Old and New Testaments from Hebrew and Greek into Latin creating most of what is known as the Vulgate - a text
which was used by the Catholic Church for over 1500 years. He was born in Stridon in the Roman province of
Dalmatia between 342 and 347 CE. He lived in a monastery in Bethlehem starting in 382 CE and died there in 420 CE.
I heard from an inhabitant of Areopolis — but the whole city witnessed the event — that a
great earthquake occurred when I was a child, and the sea swept in over the shores of
the whole world, and the city walls collapsed that same night.
Audivi quemdam Aerapolitem, sed et omnis civitas testis est, motu terrae magno in
mea infantia, quando totius orbis litus transgressa sunt maria, eadem nocte muros
urbis istius corruisse.
In Commentariorum In Esaiam, Jerome mentions additional earthquake damage
in Areopolis in Moab along with a possible
seiche in the Dead Sea. Because Jerome conflated this possible report of a seiche from Areopolis with the
tsunami associated with the
Crete Earthquake of 365 CE, it is not known if Jerome was making a mistake
based on an authentic report of a seiche in the Dead Sea in 363 CE or if Jerome was extrapolating reports from
Areopolis to include his childhood recollection of the unrelated
Crete Earthquake of 365 CE.
Seismic Effects
great earthquake occurred
the city walls collapsed that same night
possible tsunami conflated by Jerome with the tsunami from the
365 CE Crete Earthquake -
the sea swept in over the shores of the whole world
Jerome's Commentariorum In Esaiam, in a section dealing with the region of Moab (V, xv, 1; ed. Migne 1845: 168; ed. Corpus Christianorum,
Vol. 73, pars 2, 1963: 176)
Russell (1980) examined this Commentariorum In Esaiam. His comments are below :
Jerome probably heard this story in his travels after arriving in Bethlehem in 385-86, or from pilgrims to Bethlehem actually living in the
region of Moab (for an account of Jerome's early activities in Palestine, see Kelly 1975: 116-28). Unlike the other references to the 365 earthquake, this passage notes
coastal inundation supposedly associated with an earthquake in which the region of biblical Moab, and specifically Areopolis, suffered direct earthquake damage. While
earthquake destruction east of the Dead Sea along the edge of the Jordanian Plateau does not correlate with the other ancient accounts of the 365 earthquake, it does
fit the 363 earthquake as described in Harvard Syriac 99. Confirmation of this is found in the agreement of Jerome's statement with Harvard Syriac 99 in placing the
earthquake at night, while the 365 earthquake occurred shortly after daybreak (see Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVI, x, 16: Rolfe 1950: 648-49). Whether Jerome thought this
story referred to the earthquake and tidal wave of his "youth" remains in question. It could well be the case that Jerome actually added the statement about coastal
inundation because he assumed that the story did refer to this event. While it is possible that inundation of the Palestinian coast did occur in 363, there is no
mention of such in Harvard Syriac 99.along the edge of the Jordanian Plateau does not correlate with the other ancient accounts of the 365 earthquake, it does fit
the 363 earthquake as described in Harvard Syriac 99. Confirmation of this is found in the agreement of Jerome's statement with Harvard Syriac 99 in placing the
earthquake at night, while the 365 earthquake occurred shortly after daybreak (see Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVI, x, 16: Rolfe 1950: 648-49). Whether Jerome thought
this story referred to the earthquake and tidal wave of his "youth" remains in question. It could well be the case that Jerome actually added the statement about
coastal inundation because he assumed that the story did refer to this event. While it is possible that inundation of the Palestinian coast did occur in 363,
there is no mention of such in Harvard Syriac 99.
Historia Ecclesiastica by Socrates Scholasticus
Background and Biography
Background and Biography
Socrates Scholasticus (c.380 - after 439 CE), aka Socrates of Constantinople,
was a native of Constantinople who wrote Historia Ecclesiastica
- a history of the Christian Church from 305-439 CE (wikipedia). The work was intended as a
continuation of Eusebius' book on Church History and was completed in ~439 CE
(wikipedia). His profession is unknown but he may have been a layman
(wikipedia).
The Jews instigated by the Emperor attempt to rebuild their Temple, and are frustrated in their Attempt by Miraculous Interposition.
The emperor in another attempt to molest the Christians exposed his superstition. Being fond of sacrificing, he not only himself
delighted in the blood of victims, but considered it an indignity offered to him, if others did not do likewise. And as he found
but few persons of this stamp, he sent for the Jews and enquired of them why they abstained from sacrificing, since the law of
Moses enjoined it? On their replying that it was not permitted them to do this in any other place than Jerusalem, he immediately
ordered them to rebuild Solomon's temple. Meanwhile he himself proceeded on his expedition against the Persians. The Jews who
had been long desirous of obtaining a favorable opportunity for rearing their temple afresh in order that they might therein
offer sacrifice, applied themselves very vigorously to the work. Moreover, they conducted themselves with great insolence toward
the Christians, and threatened to do them as much mischief, as they had themselves suffered from the Romans.
The emperor having ordered that the expenses of this structure should be defrayed out of the public treasury,
all things were soon provided, such as timber and stone, burnt brick, clay, lime, and all other materials necessary for
building. On this occasion Cyril bishop of Jerusalem, called to mind the prophecy of Daniel, which Christ also in the
holy gospels has confirmed, and predicted in the presence of many persons, that the time had indeed come
'in which one stone should not be left upon another in that temple,' but that the Saviour's prophetic declaration
should have its full accomplishment. Such were the bishop's words: and on the night following, a mighty
earthquake tore up the stones of the old foundations of the temple and dispersed them all together with the adjacent edifices.
Terror consequently possessed the Jews on account of the event; and the report of it brought many to the spot who resided
at a great distance: when therefore a vast multitude was assembled, another prodigy took place. Fire came down from heaven
and consumed all the builders' tools: so that the flames were seen preying upon mallets, irons to smooth and polish stones,
saws, hatchets, adzes, in short all the various implements which the workmen had procured as necessary for the undertaking;
and the fire continued burning among these for a whole day. The Jews indeed were in the greatest possible alarm, and
unwillingly confessed Christ, calling him God: yet they did not do his will; but influenced by inveterate prepossessions
they still clung to Judaism. Even a third miracle which afterwards happened failed to lead them to a belief of the truth.
For the next night luminous impressions of a cross appeared imprinted on their garments, which at daybreak they in vain
attempted to rub or wash out. They were therefore 'blinded' as the apostle says, and cast away the good which they had in
their hands: and thus was the temple, instead of being rebuilt, at that time wholly overthrown.
Chronology
Socrates Scholasticus specified that the earthquake struck on the night following commencement of rebuilding of the Temple.
Seismic Effects
on the night following, a mighty earthquake tore up the stones of the old foundations of the temple and dispersed them all together with the adjacent edifices
the temple, instead of being rebuilt, at that time wholly overthrown
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
Fire came down from heaven and consumed all the builders' tools: so that the flames were seen preying upon mallets,
irons to smooth and polish stones, saws, hatchets, adzes, in short all the various implements which the workmen had
procured as necessary for the undertaking; and the fire continued burning among these for a whole day
Storms and other "events"
the next night luminous impressions of a cross appeared imprinted on their garments, which at daybreak they in vain attempted to rub or wash out.
Sozomen (~400 - ~450 CE), aka Salamanes Hermias Sozomenos, was born into
a wealthy Christian family in Beit Lahia, a small town near Gaza in Palestine
(wikipedia). His early education came from Monks and his family was reputed
to have converted to Christianity after witnessing a healing miracle from Saint Hilarion
(wikipedia). Sozomen studied
Law in Beirut and worked in Constantinople. Of the two books he wrote on Church History only the second one, composed in Constantinople between ~440 and
~443 CE, is extant. It covers the years from ~323 CE to 425 CE. Socrates Scholasticus
was one of the main sources. In addition to making use of several other sources, Sozomen is also known
for mining oral traditions, particularly of southern Palestine (wikipedia).
Chapter 22. From Aversion to the Christians, Julian granted Permission to the Jews to rebuild the Temple at Jerusalem; in every Endeavor to put
their Hands to the Work, Fire sprang upward and killed Many. About the Sign of the Cross which appeared on the Clothing of those who had exerted
themselves in this Work.
Though the emperor hated and oppressed the Christians, he manifested benevolence and humanity towards the Jews. He wrote to the Jewish patriarchs
and leaders, as well as to the people, requesting them to pray for him, and for the prosperity of the empire. In taking this step he was not actuated,
I am convinced, by any respect for their religion; for he was aware that it is, so to speak, the mother of the Christian religion, and he knew
that both religions rest upon the authority of the patriarchs and the prophets; but he thought to grieve the Christians by favoring the Jews,
who are their most inveterate enemies. But perhaps he also calculated upon persuading the Jews to embrace paganism and sacrifices; for
they were only acquainted with the mere letter of Scripture, and could not, like the Christians and a few of the wisest among the Hebrews,
discern the hidden meaning.
Events proved that this was his real motive; for he sent for some of the chiefs of the race and exhorted them to return to the observance of the
laws of Moses and the customs of their fathers. On their replying that because the temple in Jerusalem was overturned, it was neither lawful
nor ancestral to do this in another place than the metropolis out of which they had been cast, he gave them public money, commanded them to
rebuild the temple, and to practice the cult similar to that of their ancestors, by sacrificing after the ancient way. The Jews entered upon
the undertaking, without reflecting that, according to the prediction of the holy prophets, it could not be accomplished. They sought for the
most skillful artisans, collected materials, cleared the ground, and entered so earnestly upon the task, that even the women carried heaps of
earth, and brought their necklaces and other female ornaments towards defraying the expense. The emperor, the other pagans, and all the Jews,
regarded every other undertaking as secondary in importance to this. Although the pagans were not well-disposed towards the Jews, yet they
assisted them in this enterprise, because they reckoned upon its ultimate success, and hoped by this means to falsify the prophecies of Christ.
Besides this motive, the Jews themselves were impelled by the consideration that the time had arrived for rebuilding their temple. When they
had removed the ruins of the former building, they dug up the ground and cleared away its foundation; it is said that on the following day
when they were about to lay the first foundation, a great earthquake occurred, and by the violent agitation of the earth, stones were
thrown up from the depths, by which those of the Jews who were engaged in the work were wounded, as likewise those who were merely looking on.
The houses and public porticos, near the site of the temple, in which they had diverted themselves, were suddenly thrown down; many were caught
thereby, some perished immediately, others were found half dead and mutilated of hands or legs, others were injured in other parts of the body.
When God caused the earthquake to cease, the workmen who survived again returned to their task, partly because such was the edict of the emperor,
and partly because they were themselves interested in the undertaking. Men often, in endeavoring to gratify their own passions, seek what is
injurious to them, reject what would be truly advantageous, and are deluded by the idea that nothing is really useful except what is agreeable
to them. When once led astray by this error, they are no longer able to act in a manner conducive to their own interests, or to take warning
by the calamities which are visited upon them.
The Jews, I believe, were just in this state; for, instead of regarding this unexpected earthquake as a manifest indication that God was opposed
to the re-erection of their temple, they proceeded to recommence the work. But all parties relate, that they had scarcely returned to the
undertaking, when fire burst suddenly from the foundations of the temple, and consumed several of the workmen.
This fact is fearlessly stated, and believed by all; the only discrepancy in the narrative is that some maintain that flame burst from the
interior of the temple, as the workmen were striving to force an entrance, while others say that the fire proceeded directly from the earth.
In whichever way the phenomenon might have occurred, it is equally wonderful. A more tangible and still more extraordinary prodigy ensued;
suddenly the sign of the cross appeared spontaneously on the garments of the persons engaged in the undertaking. These crosses
were disposed like stars, and appeared the work of art. Many were hence led to confess that Christ is God, and that the rebuilding
of the temple was not pleasing to Him; others presented themselves in the church, were initiated, and besought Christ, with hymns
and supplications, to pardon their transgression. If any one does not feel disposed to believe my narrative, let him go and be
convinced by those who heard the facts I have related from the eyewitnesses of them, for they are still alive. Let him inquire,
also, of the Jews and pagans who left the work in an incomplete state, or who, to speak more accurately, were able to commence it.
Seismic Effects
on the following day when they were about to lay the first foundation, a great earthquake occurred
by the violent agitation of the earth, stones were thrown up from the depths, by which those of the Jews who were engaged in the work were wounded, as likewise those who were merely looking on
The houses and public porticos, near the site of the temple, in which they had diverted themselves, were suddenly thrown down;
many were caught thereby, some perished immediately, others were found half dead and mutilated of hands or legs, others were injured in other parts of the body
unexpected earthquake
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
Fire sprang upward and killed Many
fire burst suddenly from the foundations of the temple, and consumed several of the workmen.
some maintain that flame burst from the interior of the temple, as the workmen were striving to force an entrance, while others say that the fire proceeded directly from the earth
Storms and other "events"
suddenly the sign of the cross appeared spontaneously on the garments of the persons engaged in the undertaking
Theodoret of Cyrus (c. AD 393 – c. 458/466) was born in Antioch.
In his 20s he became a monk in the monastery of Nicerte not far from Apamea
(wikipedia). In 423 CE, he was appointed Bishop of Cyrrhus, located about
80 Roman miles east of Antioch. Theodoret, who spoke
Greek and Syriac but was unfamiliar with Latin and Hebrew, wrote a number of works including
Ecclesiastical History which covered
Church history from the rise of Arianism (late 3rd century CE?) until 429 CE
(wikipedia). It was completed in 449-450 CE
(wikipedia).
Of the Jews; of their attempt at building, and of the heaven-sent plagues that befel them
Julian, who had made his soul a home of destroying demons, went his corybantic way, ever raging against true religion.
He accordingly now armed the Jews too against the believers in Christ. He began by enquiring of some whom he got
together why, though their law imposed on them the duty of sacrifices, they offered none. On their reply that their
worship was limited to one particular spot, this enemy of God immediately gave directions for the re-erection of the
destroyed temple, supposing in his vanity that he could falsify the prediction of the Lord, of which, in reality, he
exhibited the truth. The Jews heard his words with delight and made known his orders to their countrymen throughout
the world. They came with haste from all directions, contributing alike money and enthusiasm for the work; and the
emperor made all the provisions he could, less from the pride of munificence than from hostility to the truth. He
dispatched also as governor a fit man to carry out his impious orders. It is said that they made mattocks, shovels,
and baskets of silver. When they had begun to dig and to carry out the earth a vast multitude of them went on with
the work all day, but by night the earth which had been carried away shifted back from the ravine of its own accord.
They destroyed moreover the remains of the former construction, with the intention of building everything up afresh;
but when they had got together thousands of bushels of chalk and lime, of a sudden a violent gale blew, and storms,
tempests and whirlwinds scattered everything far and wide. They still went on in their madness, nor were they brought
to their senses by the divine longsuffering. Then first came a great earthquake, fit to strike terror into the hearts
of men quite ignorant of God's dealings; and, when still they were not awed, fire running from the excavated foundations
burnt up most of the diggers, and put the rest to flight. Moreover when a large number of men were sleeping at night in
an adjacent building it suddenly fell down, roof and all, and crushed the whole of them. On that night and also on the
following night the sign of the cross of salvation was seen brightly shining in the sky, and the very garments of the
Jews were filled with crosses, not bright but black. When God's enemies saw these things, in terror at the heaven-sent
plagues they fled, and made their way home, confessing the Godhead of Him who had been crucified by their fathers.
Julian heard of these events, for they were repeated by every one. But like Pharaoh he hardened his heart.
Seismic Effects
first came a great earthquake
probably due to the earthquake - when a large number of men were sleeping
at night in an adjacent building it suddenly fell down, roof and all, and crushed the whole of them
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
fire running from the excavated foundations burnt up most of the diggers, and put the rest to flight
Storms and other "events"
When they [the Jews] had begun to dig and to carry out the earth a vast multitude of them went on with the work all day,
but by night the earth which had been carried away shifted back from the ravine of its own accord.
They destroyed moreover the remains of the former construction, with the intention of building everything up afresh;
but when they had got together thousands of bushels of chalk and lime, of a sudden a violent gale blew, and storms,
tempests and whirlwinds scattered everything far and wide.
On that night and also on the following night the sign of the cross of salvation was seen
brightly shining in the sky, and the very garments of the Jews were filled with crosses, not bright but black
The Julian Romance was composed by an anonymous
author (or authors) in Syriac, most likely in the city of Edessa in northern
Mesopotamia at the beginning of the sixth century, and surviving only in that
language. The Julian Romance is a Christian discourse of historical fiction and
consists of a number of narratives about the emperors Julian the Apostate and
Jovian. The Romance and the stories it comprises are part of the large number
of late antique discourses of imagination. ... The Julian
Romance fits into the tradition of Christian polemical rhetoric against Julian
which started to appear immediately after the death of the pagan emperor.
While Julian is pictured as the worst emperor ever to have ruled the Roman
Empire, Jovian is presented as the ideal Christian emperor. In the final and
longest part of the Romance, Jovian plays a prominent role as second-incommand
after Julian and as confidant of the emperor. After Julian’s death,
Jovian becomes his successor. He openly promulgates a Christian policy and
gradually develops into an ideal Christian emperor, a second Constantine.
Excerpts
Brock (1977) explains that this story tells of the Jews obtaining permission to rebuild the Temple
but deliberately does not discuss events in Jerusalem because they were described by another author.
English
I should be doing something superfluous if I inserted into our narrative what has been outlined by
another writer, who has described these events (i.e. the rebuilding of the temple) fittingly, as they actually took place.
Online Versions and Further Reading
References
Julian romance (ed. J. G. E. Hoffmann, Julianos der Abtrunnige, Leiden,1880, 108-16)
Chronicon anonymum ad annum 724, which is preserved in a manuscript in the British LIbrary
(BM. Add. 14643, fols. 1-57) and is sometimes referred to as Liber Calipharum, is a world chronicle written in
Syriac by an anonymous author in the 8th century CE
(Brock, 1976).
Brock (1976) notes that
its entries are not always in chronological order. Affixed to the end of the text is something that may have been added by a later copyist
- a list of Caliphs from Mohammed to Yezid II (r. 720-724 CE)
along with the lengths of their reigns. This list is thought to have been translated
from Arabic for a number of reasons including that it preserves the lengths of the reigns as they are counted in lunar Islamic years
(
Penn, 2015:196-197).
At that time the Lord was angry with the cities of the pagans and Jews
and Samaritans and of the false teachings in the south that had joined in
with the madness of the pagan Julian. Anger went forth from the Lord's
presence and began to destroy the unclean and pagan cities because of
(or over) their inhabitants, because they had defiled them with the blood
they had unjustly shed. And it began to destroy the cities, twenty-one in
number, some of which were overthrown, others collapsed, and yet others
survived, in the month of Iyyar of the year 674, on the twenty-seventh day.
The calendar being used is a local variant of the lunisolar Macedonian Calendar with Jewish names substituted for the months.
27 Iyyar equates to 27 May
Seismic Effects
began to destroy the cities, twenty-one in number, some of which were overthrown, others collapsed, and yet others survived
Chronicle of Zuqnin (Annals Part 1) by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre
Background and Biography
Background and Biography
This Syriac text also known as the Chronicle of Zuqnin
is now thought to have been composed
by a monk from the Zuqnin monastery rather than
Dionysius of Tell-Mahre - hence the cognomen Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre. Parts 3 and 4 cover events from 488 - 775 CE.
There is apparently a debate over its date of composition with some scholars suggesting it was composed
in the 9th century CE rather than the late 8th century CE as the text would indicate - it ends in 775 CE.
Harrak (1999) opines on the opening page of his translation
that it was composed in 775 CE by a West Syrian Monk - probably
Joshua (the Stylite) of the monastery of Zuqnin.
The work is preserved in a single handwritten manuscript (Cod. Vat. 162),
now in the Vatican (shelf mark Vatican Syriac 162).
... In the land of Samaria, a great crowd of monks were martyred while going to prayer, for Samaritans and Jews fell upon them and killed all of them with sticks.
Now Julian the emperor compelled the Jews to sacrifice and they sacrificed. They begged the emperor that their temple which is in Jerusalem be rebuilt,
810 and he ordered them to build it, the expenses to be paid by the public treasury. Thus, they quickly prepared everything: stones, wood, burnt bricks, lime
instead of clay, and other things needed for the construction. When the holy Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, saw this, he prophesied saying: It is time for our
Saviour's word to be fulfilled:
There will be not left here one stone upon another.811
The holy Cyril said these words in advance. Now during the night there was such a mighty earthquake that the ancient foundation stones of the temple flew up,
and all of them scattered by the intensity of the earthquake.
Also the houses that were near the place were uprooted, and the news of the ruin spread out in the whole land. Then in another day, fire fell down from the sky,
destroying all the work of the architects, masons, and all kinds of instruments of work. One could see the hammers, tongs, axes, and hatchets, and in short all
the work that had been prepared by them for the building was burning in the fiery blaze; the fire burnt the instruments throughout the entire day. A great fear
befell the Jews, and unwillingly, they confessed that Christ was God. But they did not obey his will, nor did the triple miracle [179] that happened to them
bring them to the Faith. In another night, luminous impressions of a cross appeared imprinted on their garments, and when the day came and they saw this sign,
they sought to wash them and wipe them out with every means but they failed.812
Now Julian, the maternal uncle of the tyrant emperor, when he went to Jerusalem and entered the holy church and seized the holy vessels of the Church there,
the Lord struck him: he bred worms and died.813
Footnotes
810 Soc. III xx.
811 Matthew 24:2
812 Soc. III xxi.
813 See Soz. HS, V viii, Theod., HE, III viii—ix. See also the full account of Mich. Syr. 147a [I 285].
Witakowski suggests that this detail about Julian may have derived from Theodore Anagnostes,
who wrote a Church history also called Historia Tripartita, and who was one of Mich. Syr.'s sources
in the Armenian version of his Chronicle. Since there is no evidence that this Historia was translated
into Syriac, Jacob of Edes. and or John of Ephesus who used it in its original language may well be the sources
of Chr. Zuq. and Mich. Syr.; Witakowski, "Third Part;" pp. 194—5. With regard to Cyril and Jerusalem
see Sebastian Brock, "A Letter Attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem on the Rebuilding of the Temple," BSOAS 40:2 (1977), pp. 267-286.
during the night there was such a mighty earthquake that the ancient foundation stones of the temple flew up, and all of them scattered by the intensity of the earthquake
Also the houses that were near the place were uprooted
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
in another day, fire fell down from the sky, destroying all the work of the architects, masons, and all kinds of instruments of work.
all the work that had been prepared by them for the building was burning in the fiery blaze
the fire burnt the instruments throughout the entire day
Storms and other "events"
In another night, luminous impressions of a cross appeared imprinted on their garments, and when the day came and they saw this sign, they sought to wash them and wipe them out with every means but they failed
Sources
Pseudo-Dionysius' Sources
Harrak (2017:xvi) lists Pseudo-Dionysius' sources from
298/9 - 429/30 CE as
Socrates' Ecclesiastic History
A Chronicle of Edessa (unspecified)
The Sleepers of Ephesus' (Part II)
Plerophoria of John Rufus
Background Information
Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre vs. Dionysius of Tell-Mahre
Annals by Dionysius of Tell-Mahre and Annals by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre are not the same work nor
were they composed by the same author. Annals by Dionysius of Tell-Mahre is largely lost. It only exists in fragments.
Annals by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre is extant. Annals by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre is also known as the Chronicle of Zuqnin
as it is thought to have been composed by a monk at the monastery of Zuqnin before it was falsley attributed to
Dionysius of Tell-Mahre - hence the reason why the author is referred to as Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre. To complicate matters further,
Chabot (1895) published a French
translation of Annals by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre which he mistakenly titled
Annals by Dionysius of Tell-Mahre. Well, it was actually titled
Annals by Denys of Tell-Mahre which is
another name for Dionysius of Tell-Mahre.
Online Versions and Further Reading
Online versions including the supposed autograph (original copy)
Harrak (2017:xvi) notes major sources identified in Parts I and II of the
Zugnin Chronicle had been discussed in great detail by Witakowski.
Witakowski, Study, p. 124-135
Witakowski, "The Sources of Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre for the Second Part of his Chronicle," in J.O. Rosenqvist (ed.),
AEIMΩN Studies Presented to Lennart Ryden on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (Uppsala, 1996), pp. 181-210
Witakowski, "Sources of Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre for the Christian Epoch of the First Part of his Chronicle," in G.J. Reinink and A.C. Klugkist (eds.),
After Bardaisan: Studies on Continuity and Change in Syriac Christianity in Honour of Professor Han J.W. Drijvers
(Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters en Department Oosterse Studies, 1999), pp. 329-366.
The Talmudis the textual record of generations
of rabbinic debate about law, philosophy, and biblical interpretation, compiled between the 3rd and 8th
centuries CE and structured as commentary (the Gemara)
on the Mishnah
with stories interwoven (sefaria.org). The
Mishnah is a written collection of Jewish
oral traditions. The Gemara is commentary and debates on the
Mishnah. The Mishnah
and the Gemara make up the core of the
Talmud. The Talmudexists in two versions: the more commonly studied Babylonian Talmud
was compiled in present-day Iraq, while the Jerusalem Talmud
was compiled in Israel (sefaria.org).
Lack of Excerpts
Russell (1980) noted the apparent silence of Jewish sources on the Temple rebuilding project. Part of this may have to do with one point of view
in Jewish eschatology where the Temple is not supposed to be rebuilt until the arrival of the messiah.
The silence in the Jewish sources brings into question whether some Christian sources were accurate in describing the Temple rebuilding project as involving
significant Jewish involvement. Did one faction of Judaism, perhaps swayed by national/ethnic pride seek to rebuild the Temple or did Christian theologians and
apologists seek to tell a story of the triumph of Christianity over its Jewish and Pagan (represented by Julian) rivals with the assistance of God's hand in
summoning an earthquake, fire, and signs from the heavens ? While we do not have a definitive answer to this, the silence of Jewish sources does cast doubt on,
at the least, the accuracy of the Christian sources on Jewish involvement and by extension highlights the increasingly embellished tales of fires from heaven
or the earth, crosses appearing in the skies, and indelible black crosses appearing on the clothing of "the Jews" in the days after the earthquake. There
may be a "kernel of truth" to some of these embellished tales (e.g., a fire raging in Jerusalem in the aftermath of the earthquakes and inclement weather
around the time of the earthquakes) but it seems that a lot of tall tales entered the apologetic literature. Russell's (1980)
discussion with links to other sources is repeated below:
With the exception of two rather
obtuse statements in the Palestinian Talmud
attributed to R. Acha, which might have been
intended as a rationale for rebuilding the Temple
(see Bacher 1898), the only other Jewish accounts
date to the 16th century and were obviously based
upon earlier ecclesiastical sources (see Adler 1893:
642-47). The apparent correlation between the day
on which the Temple project began (as given in
Harvard Syriac 99) and the Jewish semifestival of
Lag ba-`Omer (Brock 1976: 104;
1977: 268) makes
this silence even more of an enigma.
Such considerations not withstanding, the historical
"kernel of truth" for the events of 363
involves Julian's attempt to rebuild the Temple
and the subsequent occurrence of a devastating
earthquake. The death of Julian in the following
month ushered in an unbroken line of Christian
emperors to the Roman throne, and the temple
project was never resumed. Whether Jews were
actively involved in Julian's project, as maintained
by ecclesiastical accounts. or refused to participate,
as maintained by Graetz ( 1956: 597-601) and
Baron (1952: 160-61) remains a moot point.
Brock (1979-1980:14) describes this anonymous Syriac Chronicle as brief and covering "Creation" to 846/847 CE.
In a manuscript of the 10th century (London Add. 14642, ff. 1-36.), the beginning of the work (most of the 7th century CE)
is lost and there are some lacunae elsewhere
(
Brock, 1979-1980:14 and Brock, 1976:21).
Brock (1979-1980:14) further noted that in his edition CSCO Brooks concluded from the several mentions of the monastery of
Qartmin (Tur Abdin) that the chronicle had been written there, but as Barsaum
later pointed out in his edition of the Chronicle to 819, such a provenance would
be more suitable for the latter chronicle which served as a source for such entries to the
846 chronicle; even this, however, is far from certain.
The Jews, being reproved by Julian for having neglected sacrifices, put
forward as the reason the fact that it had been laid down that it was not
permissible to make sacrifice except in the Temple at Jerusalem, Give us
permission ', they said, ' if you want us to sacrifice, to rebuild our Temple '.
When he had given them permission they began to build, and while they
had still only laid bare the foundations, fire issued forth from them and
destroyed those on the site. The fire consumed the building (operations)
and destroyed them. On hearing this, Julian ceased from urging them on
over the matter of the rebuilding and sacrifices.
Seismic Effects
an earthquake was not mentioned
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
while they had still only laid bare the foundations, fire issued forth from them and destroyed those on the site
The fire consumed the building (operations) and destroyed them
Sources
Sources according to Brock (1979-1980)
Brock (1979-1980:14) describes sources for Chronicon anonymum ad annum 846 as follows:
Prominent among its sources are an antecedent of the
Melkite chronicle and the Syrian Orthodox Chronicle to 819.
The text is not preserved in its entirety, and the layout of Michael’s chronicle was distorted through the process of copying.
Chabot’s edition is a facsimile of a documentary copy written for him in Edessa (Urfa) from 1897 to 1899. While the scribes
tried to imitate the layout, a number of mistakes were introduced. Its
Vorlage,
the only extant ms., was written in 1598 by a very competent scribe. It is kept by the community of the Edessenians in Aleppo. In view of the loss of the original, this
beautiful manuscript is the best witness for the layout of the chronicle. Fortunately it will soon be made available in print.
This ms. was probably the Vorlage
for an Arabic translation, which also sought to preserve some of the visual features,
while changing others. The Arabic translation has much the same lacunae as the Syriac text. By comparing his version with
the Arabic translation preserved in ms. London, Brit. Libr. Or. 4402 (which is one of several Arabic copies), Chabot
detected some details lost in the Syriac text. No further research has been done so far on this problem.
The historical material was originally organized in four columns, the first being designated as the ‘succession of the
patriarchs’, the second as ‘succession of the kings’, the chronological canon as ‘computation of the years’. No title
of the additional column, which contains mixed material, is now known. Chapters with
excursus were inserted, which
interrupted the system of columns. After an open and abrupt end, six appendices follow. The first appendix is a
monumental synopsis of all the kings and patriarchs mentioned. It was supposed to function as a directory. The
second appendix is a treatise on the historical identity of the Syrians, who are connected to the Ancient
Oriental Empires, the Assyrians, the Babylonians, and the Arameans. When the chronicle was translated into
Armenian, in two different translations, in 1246 and 1247, it was transformed according to Armenian interests.
The Jews obtained permission to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem and to make sacrifices there9.
They brought about 3,000 modius (?) of lime. A strong wind blew through the air; the earth shook;
the stones of the old foundations arose; fire came down from the sky and devoured the levers10,
axes and all tools of the trade. The following night, a third miracle occurred.
Radiant images of the cross seemed fixed on all their clothes; in the day they tried
to make them disappear by washing it out, but they could not. — On the occasion of the reconstruction
of the Temple, the image of the cross appeared on all the garments of the Jews, as well as of the pagans and
Christians, not only in Jerusalem, but also in Antioch and its environs. — The cross, adorned with a
crown of light, appeared from Golgotha to the Mount of Olives. She was prettier and more
brilliant than that which appeared in the time of Constantine the Great.
Les Juifs obtinrent la permission de rebâtir le Temple de Jérusalem et d'y faire des sacrifices9.
Ils amenèrent environ 3.000 modius de chaux. Un vent violent souffla dans l'air; la terre trembla;
les pierres des anciens fondements surgirent; le feu descendit du ciel et dévora les leviers10,
les haches et tous les instruments de travail. La nuit suivante, survint un troisième prodige.
Des images rayonnantes de la croix paraissaient fixées sur tous leurs vêtements; au jour, ils essayèrent
de les faire disparaître en lavant l'endroit, mais ils ne le purent. — A l'occasion de la reconstruction
du Temple, l'image de la croix parut sur tous les vêtements des Juifs, aussi bien que des païens et des
chrétiens, non seulement à Jérusalem, mais aussi à Antioche et dans leurs environs. — La croix, ornée d'une
couronne de lumière, apparut depuis le Golgotha jusqu'au mont des Oliviers. Elle était plus belle et plus
brillante que celle qui apparut du temps de Constantin le Grand.
Footnotes
9. Socr., III, xx; Theod., III, xx.
10. greek text moxlo ?
English Translation by Bedrosian (1870-1871) of an Armenian version of Michael the Syrian
Michael the Syrian's Chronicle was also translated into Armenian twice in the first half of the 13th century.
Over 60 Armenian manuscripts have survived. These manuscripts are, however, abridged and edited.
The fact is we don't have an original copy of Michael the
Syrian's Chronicle. We have multiple differing versions.
The excerpt below was translated into English from Classical Armenian editions found
in Jerusalem by Robert Bedrosian in the years 1870 and 1871.
[Julian] changed the names of cities: he renamed Caesarea to Mazaka (Bazke'), and
Constantinople to Biwzandia. He deceitfully built hostels, poor houses, and places where
orphans and widows could be cared for. He commanded that pagan legends be read and
that the children of Christians not be excluded from secular learning. He left Antioch
with threats about what would happen when he returned peacefully from Persia. He sent
to Edessa to prepare for [receiving] him, but they refused. He then went to Harran,
sacrificed to the demons, and honored the Jews there, commanding that they go to
Jerusalem, [re]build the Temple, and make sacrifices according to [their] faith. [The
Jews] took 3,000 measures of lime, gathered up those who had been dispersed, went and
began to rebuild. A fierce wind scattered the lime and cement they wanted to build with,
and fire descended and burned the structure and their tools. The Jews in Edessa arose
against the Christians, and were killed by them [gl43].
English Translation by Bedrosian (1870-1871) of an Armenian version of Michael the Syrian - embedded
see middle of left page starting with [Julian] changed the names of cities
the earth shook; the stones of the old foundations arose
Locations
Jerusalem
Fire
fire came down from the sky and devoured the levers, axes and all tools of the trade
Storms and other "events"
A strong wind blew through the air
The following night, a third miracle occurred. Radiant images of the cross seemed fixed on all their clothes; in the day they tried to make them disappear by washing it out, but they could not.
the image of the cross appeared on all the garments of the Jews, as well as of the pagans and Christians, not only in Jerusalem, but also in Antioch and its environs
The cross, adorned with a crown of light, appeared from Golgotha to the Mount of Olives.
She was prettier and more brilliant than that which appeared in the time of Constantine the Great.
Online Versions and Further Reading
References
Michael the Syrian, ' Chronicle ' (ed. J. B. Chabot, ii, 288-9 (translation) ;
iv, 146 (text)).
A manuscript, dated 1598, of the Syriac text of this massive work was only discovered in 1889 in Urfa (Edessa).
It is a transcript of this in facsimile that Chabot published, along with a French translation and index of names.
Next to Michael's Chronicle this world chronicle (sometimes referred to as the 'Anonymous of Edessa')
contains the most detailed account of events in the seventh century that is available in Syriac.
It is largely independent of Michael's work, and the lost chronicle of Dionysius of Teilmahre appears
to be one of the compiler's main sources for this period. The text is preserved in a unique manuscript
(perhaps of the fourteenth century) that was in private hands in Constantinople at the beginning of
the century.
Excerpts
Brock (1977) relates that this Syriac chronicle devotes over 10 pages to Julian's reign but does
not discuss the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem. He also says that it contains a long extract from
Socrates ( HE, ni.1).
Online Versions and Further Reading
Online versions
There are two volumes to this Chronicle. Vol.1 deals with secular history and Volume 2 deals with ecclesiastical history. For our purposes, we are
interested in Volume 1.
Ambrose - "thinks that building work on the Temple in Jerusalem was interrupted by a sudden fire
rather than an earthquake."
John Chrysostom - "thinks that building work on the Temple in Jerusalem was interrupted
by a sudden fire rather than an earthquake."
The History of the Church in Alexandria — "an anonymous and fragmentary work in Coptic which was probably not originally written in Coptic but
translated, not earlier than the 5th century, from a similar Greek work, now lost"
Incorrect 362 date reported in older Scientific literature
Kagan et. al. (2011) dates the two earthquakes to ~362 CE and 363 CE.
The 362 CE date is based on
Ben-Menahem (1991) who misdated the earthquake
to 24 May 362 CE - perhaps partly influenced by Sieberg (1932a) who dated the
Cyril Quake(s) to June 362 CE without citing a source. A deep examination of the various textual accounts reveals that mistakes were made by early earthquake cataloguers
in parsing the accounts leading to incorrect months and dates and likely years as well. Since these earthquakes appear to be well dated by contemporaneous sources to
363 efforts to unravel the source of this propagating catalogue dating mistake will not be pursued here. Russell (1980, p.52) relates that
"the scholarly process by which 362 rather than 363 came to be the accepted date is difficult to ascertain".
The hippodrome was already quarried for stone by the end of the 4th C. A number of its seat stones was used for rebuilding (repairing) a stretch of the city wall,
which according to an inscription mentioning the event and its date took place in 390 (ZAYADINE 1981a, p. 346).
Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020:315) report evidence that potters and other craftsmen took
over the structure starting at the end of the 3rd century CE. Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020:142)
suggested the possibility that an earthquake had damaged the structure to such an extent that
it could no longer be used for racing.
It is clear that the SW part of the
cavea had collapsed at a certain date and that
once this happened no races could be held. This occurrence would best explain the reoccupation of and
quarrying for stone in the hippodrome. There is no direct evidence for dating the collapse of that part of the
cavea but it is tempting to associate it
with the earthquake of 363 which affected many sites in Palestine and NW Arabia (RUSSELL 1985, p. 39, 42). This earthquake has not been attested at
Jerash so far but the study of the earthquakes which affected Gerasa is only in its infancy.
The suggestion of seismic damage stemmed from earlier publications which was later revised by
Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020:150) where they
state that the building ceased to serve the primary purpose [] because of the disintegration of a large part of its masonry and of the arena where
the disintegration was caused by the extremely poor foundation of the structure. Foundation problems, including estimates of foundation pressures, are discussed in detail in
Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020:157). An E-W cross section of a part of the Hippodrome (see top) illustrates potential foundation problems
where an uncompacted fill of variable thickness lies underneath the majority of the structure - something which could have easily led to differential settlement.
Although foundation problems appear to be present, this does not preclude the possibility that seismic damage contributed to the demise of the Hippodrome as a racing facility.
As Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020) were unaware of the
mid 3rd century CE Capitolias Theater Quake, if
Ostrasz and Kehrberg-Ostrasz (2020:315) have correctly dated occupation of the structure by potters and other craftsmen to
the end of the 3rd century CE, the possibility exists that the Hippodrome was damaged by an earthquake sometime in the 3rd century.
Stratum 11 Earthquake (Mitchel, 1980) - 4th century CE - possibly Cyril Quake
Mitchel (1980:181) noted that a
destruction of some sort tumbled the wall on the east side of the great stairway, signaling the end of the latter's useful life. The destruction
was interpreted to be a result of one of the 363 CE Cyril Quakes.
Mitchel (1980:193) suggested the source of the tumble was
most probably the retaining wall at the east margin of the stairs (D.3:16A).
Mitchel (1980:181) also suggests that this earthquake
destroyed the Temple on the acropolis; noting that it was never rebuilt as a Temple. Numismatic evidence in support of a 363 CE earthquake destruction date
was obtained from Locus C.5:219 where an Early Byzantine soil layer produced a coin of Constans I, A.D. 343
providing a closing date for Stratum 11
(Mitchel, 1980:195).
However, Mitchel (1980:195) noted the presence of an
alternative hypothesis where
Sauer (1973a:46) noted that
a 365/366 coin would suggest that the rock tumble and bricky rei soil of Stratum 6 should be associated with a
365 earthquake. Mitchel (1980:195) judged
this hypothesis as untenable citing other numismatic and ceramic evidence. In a later publication,
Sauer (1993:255-256) changed his dating assessment of the strata which
appears to align
with Mitchel (1980)'s original assessment.
Storfjell (1993:109-110) noted that damage appeared to be limited at Tall Hesban during this earthquake
Although evidence for the AD 363 earthquake was found at Hesban, it could only be identified in a few rock tumbles in various areas of the tell.
Following the earthquake there was no large scale construction, neither domestic nor public. The earthquake, which was severe at other sites
(Russell 1980) probably did little damage at Hesban.
That said, if Mitchel (1980:193) is correct that
a retaining wall collapsed on the monumental stairway, unless it was tilted and at the point of collapse beforehand, it's collapse suggests high levels
of local Intensity.
Fischer et al (1984) examined a Temple at
Kadesh which, based on inscriptions and architectural decorations, was presumed to have been in use in the second and third centuries CE.
Noting that there were indications that the Temple appeared to have been destroyed by an earthquake, they speculated that the Temple was damaged by the northern
Cyril Quake.
Some of the masonry courses of the east facade are clearly shifted out of line
(PI. 27: I), and a similar disturbance is
evident in the keystones above the two side entrances. This could have been caused by an
earthquake some time in the past. One likelihood is the devastating earthquake of May 19,
363 C.E. that affected the entire region, from northern Galilee to Petra and from the Mediterranean coast to the Jordan Valley (Russel 1980; Hammond 1980).
...
Although it is still difficult to determine when the temple was abandoned, there are indications that it was
destroyed by an earthquake, possibly the one that struck the region on May 19, 363 C.E
Schweppe et al (2017) reiterated that Fischer et al. [1984] suggest that the temple was destroyed by an earthquake on May 19, 363 C.E..
They further stated that unearthed ceramics and coins show that the
temple was abandoned after the earthquake. This last quote does not refer to any part of
Fischer at al (1984) and its source or whether it is a paraphrase
is unknown.
While the northern Cyril Quake of 363 CE could have damaged the Temple, other seismic events -
in particular the mid 8th century CE earthquakes - could have also damaged the Temple or caused additional damage.
The destruction of the Roman Basilica built in the
center of the city at the end of the 1st century CE is clear evidence
for the 363 CE earthquake judging by the archaeological data
(Eisenberg, 2016;
Segal, 2014a). The latest coins found in-between
the fallen architectural fragment and the basilica floor are dated
to 362 CE while the floor built above its debris is dated to the 380s
CE. It is possible that some of the later, strong, post-abandonment
earthquakes caused some additional damage at the site.
Press reports (Science Daily) also indicate the discovery of the skeleton of a woman with a dove-shaped pendant
under the tiles of a collapsed roof in an area north of the Basilica which was attributed to the northern Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
A Topographic or Ridge Effect appears to be present at the site.
Therefore a second phase - VIb - of Late
Roman occupation, after this seismic event, is
postulated. This second Late Roman phase is also
terminated by an earthquake, no doubt in A.D. 362.
The coin evidence for this terminus is extremely
illuminating, inasmuch as the earliest preserved
surfaces of the western corridor contain coins
which may extend at the latest until A.D. 365.
Equally important, the ceramic repertoire from
VIb corresponds precisely to that of Meiron
Stratum IV and Khirbet Shema Stratum IV. In
other words, there is a clear continuity in the
ceramic tradition here, unmistakably late Roman.
Whereas Stratum VIa contains many 3rd-century
Middle Roman forms, these forms virtually
disappear in VIb.
Stratum VII, representing the Byzantine period,
thus begins after the 362 earthquake and is characterized by significant localized repairs made within
the building.
Their misdating of the Cyril Quake to 362 AD is a mistake frequently found in older papers. Their mention
of coins from the Western corridor extending "at the latest until 365 AD" is somewhat problematic as this coincides with the date of the
Crete Earthquake of 365 AD. The epicenter of this earthquake was too far away to have
produced archeoseismic damage at Gush Halav so this will be left as a numismatic mystery which does not infringe badly on their chronology. The biggest potential problem with
their chronology is it is debated. Magness (2001a) performed a detailed examination of the stratigraphy
presented in the final report of (Meyers, Meyers, and Strange (1990)) and concluded, based on numismatic and ceramic evidence,
that a synagogue was not built on the site until no earlier than the second half of the fifth century. While she agreed that earthquake destruction evidence was present in the excavation,
she dated the destruction evidence to some time after abandonment of the site in the 7th or 8th centuries AD.
Strange (2001) and
Meyers (2001) went on to rebut Magness (2001a) to which
Magness (2001b) responded again.
Netzer (1996) reviewed the original archaeological reports and although he agreed with the
original dating of the material remains, he concluded that only one synagogue was constructed at Gush Halav
and it was constructed in the first half of the 4th century CE. He further concluded that the seismic destruction of this synagogue dates to
the 551 CE Beirut Quake. He did not interpret destruction in 363 CE that left a mark in the material remains.
The second building period thus witnessed no major modification [for] the
plan of the building. However, stratigraphic assessment of the data indicates
quite clearly that great effort was made to reinforce corners, stylobates, and
walls. The debris buildup in the western corridor in particular demonstrates
how soon after the great 363 CE earthquake the basilica was reused. Many
architectural fragments were then reused, and a smaller bema replaced the
earlier and larger one on the southwest
interior of the southern facade wall.
The population grew steadily from Late Hellenistic times but especially
after the wars with Rome; its most productive era was the third and fourth
centuries CE; its economic orbit was northern, oriented toward the port of
Tyre; conditions from the period of Gallus Caesar (351~352 CE) to the great
earthquake of 363 CE conspired to create a situation that resulted in systematic
abandonment
Russell (1980) suggested that the site may have been
destroyed by the northern Cyril Quake of
363 CE; as well as abandoned. A thick destruction layer was found in multiple rooms of
the lower city ( Site M I ) as well as the northern suburb of the city ( Site M II ).
Further, in what the excavators believed was a store room of the so-called 'Patrician House',
they discovered crushed storage jars still containing remnants of
stored food. The stored food was interpreted by
Eric M. Meyers in Stern et al (1993) as follows
A strange fact came to light when the small finds (a bell and a sickle) and the
food remains (identified as nuts, wheat, barley, and beans) from the Patrician
House were examined. The food was placed in the storage jars in a charred and
inedible state, inside a sealed room with no convenient access. On one of the
storage jars the word "fire" was carved, while on another an inscription read
"belonging to Julia (or Julian)." Apparently, the room had been a deposit
area for a pious individual or family-possibly descended from the line of
priests who settled in Meiron after the destruction of the Temple. The finds
and food had been dedicated to the Lord as heqdesh (consecrated items) and
hence purposely rendered unusable-the foods by charring, the bell by not
having a clapper, and the sickle by not having a handle. The contents of this
house undoubtedly reflect the religious views of the people who lived here.
Coin and pottery evidence apparently dates this abandonment to ~360 CE
(Meyers and Meyers, 1978).
Meyers, Strange, and Groh (1978)
report that in the stratum of interest (III) no stratified coins were found dating to after 360 CE.
Magness (2012)
redated the chronology of the original excavators. Her analysis is repeated in its entirety in
Magness and Schindler (2015).
This analysis redated construction of the houses to "the second half of the fourth century and first half of the fifth century,
which means that occupation ended a full century later than the excavators believe." This was based on coin and ceramic
evidence. In particular, Magness and Schindler (2015) identified some post 363 CE coins and ceramics as not intrusive which
the original excavators viewed as intrusive.
Although excavators Meyers, Kraabel, and Strange (1976) identified two earthquake events (
Eusebius' Martyr Quake of ~306 CE and
Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE) which destroyed a Synagogue I and then a Synagogue II at
Khirbet Shema, subsequent authors (
e.g. Russell, 1980 and
Magness, 1997) re-examined their chronology and redated the earthquake evidence.
Russell (1980) redated the two earthquake events to the northern Cyril Quake
of 363 CE and the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE while Magness (1997)
concluded that there was no solid evidence for the existence of a Synagogue I on the site and evidence for an earthquake event in ~306 CE was lacking. She posited that Synagogue II was
constructed in the late 4th to early 5th century CE and concluded that there was no solid evidence for the 419 CE (or 363 CE) earthquake as well. In Magness (1997) interpretation of the
evidence, she suggested that the site had been abandoned when an earthquake brought down Synagogue II sometime before the 8th century CE.
Two sealed loci at the site provide a terminus post quem for the construction of Synagogue II.
The latest coin found within a Bema was dated to
337-341 AD during the rule of Constans. The bema was described as "absolutely
sealed by the stonework of the bema around and over it" where
"contamination by later intrusions is virtually impossible" (Meyers, Kraabel, and Strange 1976:34). A declivity in the northwest
corner of Synagogue II contained fill which was
"sealed beneath more than a meter of debris, including large fallen architectural members" (Meyers, Kraabel, and Strange 1976: 34).
Pottery within the fill below was described as homogeneous
Middle-Late Roman. At the lowest levels a coin from Gratian (who ruled from 367-383 AD)
was discovered.
Meyers, Kraabel, and Strange (1976) interpreted the construction above the declivity to be part of a remodel. If we consider that construction
above the declivity could also represent original construction,
the terminus post quem for the construction of Synagogue II is between 337 and 383 AD. It is conceivable that Synagogue II was constructed
over earthquake damaged remains of an earlier structure
due to the presence of "battered architectural fragments built into Synagogue II (including those identified as belonging to the "Torah shrine")
(Magness, 1997:216) however, as pointed out by
Magness (1997) the provenance of these battered elements is unknown. They could come from another building.
Nevertheless, this can be considered as possible archeoseismic evidence which
predates the construction of Synagogue II. As for the causative earthquake(s), the
Eusebius' Martyr Quake of ~306 AD
and the Cyril Quake of 363 AD are both possibilities. Two other fills were examined
(east and west of the Stylobate wall) but neither were
sealed and neither added chronological precision to the construction of Synagogue II.
Meyers, et al. (2009)
performed excavations of what they labeled Synagogue 2 at en-Nabratein. They subdivided
the life of this structure into two phases of Period III (Late Roman, A.D. 250-350/363)
Period
Age
Date
Phase
I
Early Roman
1-ca. 135 CE
Period I is pre-synagogue, but it does have structural remains related to those of subsequent periods
II
Middle Roman
ca. 135 - ca. 250 CE
(Synagogue 1)
III
Late Roman
ca. 250-363 CE
IIIa
Late Roman
ca. 250-306 CE
(Synagogue 2a)
IIIb
Late Roman
ca. 306-363 CE
(Synagogue 2b)
IV
Byzantine and Early Arab
ca. 564-700 CE
(Synagogue 3)
Meyers et al (1982) dated Period III phase a using ceramics and some coins and end phase a with the
Eusebius' Martyr Quake
of ~306 AD which they believed damaged the synagogue and led to rebuilding.
The rebuilding effort initiated Period III phase b. The end of Period III phase b is not
precisely dated with material remains. Ceramics and "an irregular supply of
coins dating up to ca. 350 A.D." provide the earliest possible date for the end of Period III
phase b. The authors state that the end of Period III phase b "is perhaps to be understood as a
combination of factors, mainly the revolt against
Caesar Gallus (A.D. 350-52), general economic hardships, and the great earthquake of A.D. 363".
By the 7th decade of the 4th century AD, the authors consider the site to have been virtually
abandoned until a third synagogue was established towards the end of the
Byzantine era in A.D. 564; according to an inscription.
Magness (2010) examined the reports of
Meyers, Strange, and Meyers (1982) paying attention to stratigraphic levels and chronological information
and concluded that the first (and only) Synagogue built on the site occurred "no earlier
than the second half of the fourth century, and point to occupation and activity precisely during the centuries
when the excavators claim the site was abandoned." A coin of 341-346 from the east wall and
pottery suggests a terminus post quem of the second half of the 4th century for the synagogue's construction.
Other evidence leads to a terminus ante quem of the second half of the 5th century or later
(mid 6th century). There is also the inscription which states that the synagogue was built or
remodeled in 564 AD (Magness, 2010). Meyers and Meyers (2010)
rebutted Magness (2010) analysis of the stratigraphy and chronology discussing intricate details
of sloping bedrock, lensed stratigraphy, later disturbance of the site, the coin of 341-346 not being
in the wall but in earthen fill, etc. etc.
Numismatic evidence from various strata revealed that a synagogue in Capernaum was built in the late 4th or early 5th centuries CE
(Loffreda, 1972,
Loffreda, 1973, and Chen, 1986)
note.
The synagogue was built on an artificial platform that was itself on top of the remains of an earlier village (stratum a). Chronology was established after construction
of the synagogue but not before leaving the timing and cause for the underlying village to be in remains unanswered - at least not definitively. Russell (1980)
speculated that the village was damaged or destroyed by the northern Cyril Quake of 363 AD citing numismatic evidence to bolster his case.
After publications by
Loffreda (1972) and
Loffreda (1973),
there was opposition to the dating of the construction of the synagogue at Capernaum to the
late 4th or early 5th century AD. Opposing scholars dated these synagogues later with Magness (2001)
supporting a 6th century CE date for it's construction.
For causes yet unknown, the harbor basin was silted by 45–60 cm lacustrine sandy deposits
covered by conglomerates of gravel (Units 3–4) typical of beaches areas, rich in mollusc shells and byoclasts (in particular melanopsis are copious). The imbrication of clasts,
principally oriented eastwards and only partially toward the west, reveals the strongest water motion, typical of upper beach/foreshore environment. The potsherds from the
conglomerates date back to the Middle-Late Roman (3rd century A.D.) period and give a terminus post quem for its formation (cf. Figs. 10 and 20 - see above).
On this layer of pebbles, probably due to the earthquake of 363 A.D., there was the collapse of the elevation of the eastern portico to which several
architectural elements – voussoirs, worked wall stones, corbels – belong. A great quantity of fragments of wall plasters with traces of paintings in
vermilion red hues, burned ochre, yellow ochre, copper green, black and Egyptian blue, have been uncovered in context with pieces of ochre, red and caeruleum pigments, as well as coins
and potsherds from the 3rd–4th century A.D.
Close to the southern area, the collapse was levelled and covered with crushed and pressed
limestone of an Early Byzantine-Islamic building that was probably the service quarter of the monastery. The Byzantine structures were completely destroyed,
greatly looted and consequently covered by a layer of pebbled,
deposited by the lake which had dramatically risen toward the middle of the 8th century A.D., almost certainly due to the effect of the earthquake of 749 A.D..
The collapse of the roof of the Bet She'an odeum and the partial destruction of the theater were attributed to the 363 CE earthquake.
A major wave of construction in the city center is thought to be related to earthquake damage
(Foerster and Tsafrir 1988:18, 15-32;
Foerster and Tsafrir 1992a:11-12;
Foerster and Tsafrir 1992b;
Foerster 1993;
Atrash 2003:VI;
Mazor and Najjar 2007:14,17,55-56,70,187).
The excavations have shown that Scythopolis was damaged by the famous earthquake of the year 363 c.E.
Beshan is mentioned as partly destroyed in a Syriac manuscript [Letter attributed to Cyril] that gives a list of the ruined settlements
in Palestine by name. The excavations support the information given in the source that the city was
only partially destroyed. The damage has been discerned mainly through the rebuilding of several Roman
monuments in various locations at the site. The stratigraphy, the similar character of the rebuilding,
and the distribution of ruined or renovated monuments all over the city center have led us to the
conclusion that the monuments were damaged at the same time, most likely by an earthquake.
The reconstruction of the monuments after the earthquake was somewhat inferior to the original
second-century construction, but the classical character of the restoration proves that
the classical tradition was still alive in the late fourth century.
The fate of each individual monument, whether restored or left in ruins, is significant,
as the act of reconstruction and the extent of investment in each of the public buildings
reflect the order of priorities of the citizens, the city council, the provincial
administration, and the metropolitan bishop.104
...
The
nymphaeum, next to the temple, was severely damaged during the earthquake and then rebuilt
"from the foundations" by the governor (archon) Artemidorus, the περίβλεπτος (spectabilis) comes.
This information is supplied by a monumental inscription incised on the decorated architrave
above the podium in the central niche of the nymphaeum.110
The date of the rebuilding is unknown, but the fact that the inscription is adorned by crosses shows that it could not have been incised before the mid-fourth century.
Footnotes
104 An inscription on a large limestone slab was found near the theater (the original provenience is unclear)
with an inscription saying that the city was renovated (άνενεώθη) in the days of the Metro(politan) Ablabius; Mazor, ESI 6 (1987-88), 22.
The text refers to the restoration of the city (ή πόλις) in general; thus it is reasonable to connect it with the restoration
of buildings in Scythopolis after the earthquake of 363 G.E. If the title of Ablabius means that he was the
metropolitan bishop of the province of Palaestina Secunda (not to be confused with the governor, Taurus Syncletius Ablabius,
mentioned in another inscription), we have an indication, dated no earlier than the foundation of the province in the late
4th or early 5th century, of the involvement of church leaders in municipal matters.
110 For the inscription of the nymphaeum, see Foerster and Tsafrir, ESI 6 (1987-88), 27-28. Artemidorus' high rank of
peribleptos or spectabilis suggests that he was the governor of Palestine before its division into
three parts and the foundation of Palaestina Secunda. As he was active around 400 (and no later than 404; see below),
we may conclude that the division of Palestine took place some time between 400 and 409, the date of the edict mentioning
the three Palestines (CTh 7.4.30). The date given by Malalas, Chronographia 13 (ed. Dindorf, 347), that relates this
reorganization of Palestine to the days of Theodosius I (379-395 c.E.) seems, therefore, too early. Still, it is possible that
Artemidorus gained his high rank for his personal virtues, with no relation to his appointment in a province of lower status,
but such an interpretation seems to us less likely.
Bull and Campbell (1968:4-6) reported on excavations at Tell er-Ras,
which is located on a north trending ridge off the peak of
Mount Gerizim and overlooks Tell Balata (ancient Shechem). There
they encountered the remains of a Temple Complex dedicated to Zeus which they suggested was built during
Emperor Hadrian's visit to Palestine around 130 CE.
Adjacent to Wall 12,000 which surrounded Buildings A and B (presumed to be part of the Zeus Temple Complex),
Bull and Campbell (1968:15-17)
encountered six cisterns. They excavated three.
At the bottom of Cistern II, a 0.15 meter thick layer of black silt was overlain by a 0.2 meter thick layer of compact fine grey silt.
These two silty layers, containing a large quantity of pottery, glass fragments, coins, and other artifacts, were overlain by an apparent destruction layer -
1.10 m of loose grey earth containing architectural fragments, vaulting, and building stones.
43 dateable coins were recovered from the two silty layers in Cistern II ranging in age from
Severus Alexander (222-235) to
Julian II (360-363) - providing a terminus post quem of
360 CE for the destruction layer. Cisterns I and VI exhibited similar stratigraphy to Cistern II.
Bull and Campbell (1968:16) noted that the cisterns
abutted and post dated Wall 12,000 which had been part of the Zeus Temple Complex.
Bull and Campbell (1968:6) also reported that
late and often confusing Samaritan records
indicate that the Temple to Zeus was in ruins by the time of
Julian II (360-363) indicating that the cisterns
likely fell into disuse and began to silt up prior to 363 CE.
Negev (1969) published a description of an inscription
regarding a restored Temple which he interpreted as attributing the restoration to
Emperor Julian II (aka Julian the Apostate).
Julian's name is not specifically mentioned but possibly referred to as Romani orbis liberatori.
An analogue to another inscription in Italy was used to hypothesize that this referred to Julian.
Language in this inscription found at Ma’ayan Barukh was also compared to other inscriptions attributed to
Julian which Negev (1969) used to further bolster
the case that the inscription found at Ma’ayan Barukh refers to Julian. Julian's reign was characterized by
restorations of a number of Pagan Temples; some of which had been previously damaged by zealous Christians
earlier during the 4th century CE. If Julian is referred to in the inscription, the use of the title
"Pontifici maximo" dates the inscription to some time after the summer of 362 CE as Julian did not use
that title earlier in his reign (Negev, 1969).
Raphael and Bijovsky (2014) examined "a large hoard of 3,700 copper coins found in the excavations of" what may have been a synagogue.
They describe the discovery of the coin hoard as follows:
In 1962, during the excavations at Caesarea, Avi-Yonah unearthed a large hoard containing 3,700 copper-alloy coins,
in a building that he identified as a synagogue.
The latest coins in the hoard date to 361 CE, suggesting that the synagogue was destroyed by the 363 CE earthquake.
...
The finds from the excavation were only partially published. Much of the information, such as locus numbers,
is not always clear and the exact location of the hoard is not marked on a plan or described by Avi-Yonah.
Nevertheless, his written descriptions clearly state that the hoard was found in the building and the strata
are fairly well defined. A photograph shows Avi-Yonah in the building during the excavation kneeling next
to the in situ hoard (Fig. 1).
The coins were found in Stratum IV. The original excavator (Avi-Yonah) "gave
no reason for the destruction of Stratum IV." In discussing evidence for seismic destruction in Caesarea,
Raphael and Bijovsky (2014) provide the following:
None of the excavations revealed large scale damage in Stratum IV: "there is no evidence of wholesale
destruction across the site, especially since the wall lines are still mostly intact based upon
photographic record. Yet not much remains of the structure either in stratum IV or stratum V"
(Govaars et al. 2009:132). After the earthquake debris was cleared, the synagogue was rebuilt.
Stones from the previous synagogue were reused for the building of the stratum V synagogue, but
the hoard was not found until Avi-Yonah's excavations. Govaars wrote "the direct relationship of
the coin hoard to a structure is uncertain and, therefore the coin evidence cannot be used to date
the still unknown structure" (Govaars et al. 2009:42). This is a somewhat peculiar statement
considering the coins were found in the synagogue and are on the whole well preserved,
homogeneous and well dated. Avi-Yonah was convinced that the hoard was directly related to the
Stratum IV building: "The fact that a hoard of 3,700 bronze coins was found in the ruins of the
synagogue itself that were buried in 355/356 AD indicates that this synagogue was built in the
end of the third or the early fourth century, and was destroyed in the mid fourth century AD"
(Avi-Yonah 1964:26 n. 5).
...
Evidence at Caesarea
The subject of earthquakes and tsunamis has been partially reviewed by several archaeologists
who directed or participated in the excavations at Caesarea. None of the monumental buildings
across the site revealed earthquake damage that dates to the fourth century CE.
The report of remains from the excavations of the Promontory Palace at Caesarea,
dated between the early fourth century and early sixth centuries, does not mention
destruction levels (Levine and Netzer 1986:176-184). In other excavations, the
Roman and Byzantine-period warehouses and granaries
(horreum) gradually fell into ruin
over a considerable period. Neither the main streets, pavements, sewage and water systems,
the theater, amphitheater nor the stadiums of the Late Roman and Byzantine periods show
signs of destruction that suggested earthquake damage (Humphrey 1974:32;
Porath 1996:114-120; Porath 2003 and Porath [pers. comm.]).
If the town was partially damaged or destroyed in the 363 CE earthquake,
as the Harvard Syriac letter [i.e. the letter attributed to Cyril] describes, then other than the large coin hoard,
the earthquake left no clear, tangible evidence. The damage was cleared and
buildings were repaired or rebuilt. Although none of the archaeological reports
mentions earthquake damage, several reports clearly describe the abandonment
and/or the rebuilding of public buildings in the second half of the fourth century CE.
None of the authors provided a reason for their destruction or abandonment.
Tectonic evidence such as collapsed columns, thick piles of debris or warped walls are elusive
throughout the fourth century architecture of Caesarea. Why is this typical earthquake damage missing?
Are the written sources and the numismatic evidence sufficient proof of the 363 CE earthquake in Caesarea?
It is important to note that among the various violent, politically motivated upheavals that took place
in the second half of the fourth century, one of the main candidates explaining destruction at
archaeological sites is the
Gallus Revolt (352 CE). However, none of the sources that
describe this revolt mention Caesarea Maritima (Geller-Nathanson 1986:34)
1,453 coins from the hoard of coins were identifiable by mints and dates. They ranged in age from 315 CE to the
first quarter of the 5th century CE. 110 of these coins ranged in age from 364 - 421 CE and post dated 363 CE.
The bulk of the hoard, however, were struck between 341 and 361 CE. The authors noted that 11 of the post 363 CE
coins may have been intrusive. An explanation for the other 99 post 363 CE coins was based largely on a comparison to
a similarly dated coin hoard in Qasrin.
The authors opined that the many coins from
Julian II shows that the coins could not have
been concealed before 355 CE ruling out the
Gallus Revolt (352 CE) as a cause
for the loss of the hoard. On the whole, this numismatic evidence for the Cyril Quake striking Caesarea seems
tenuous however since Caesarea was mentioned as being partly ruined in Cyril's letter, it merits inclusion in this catalog.
Netzer (1991:655) reports that a great earthquake [] destroyed
most of the walls on Masada sometime during the 2nd to 4th centuries CE.
In an earlier publication, Yadin (1965:30) noted that the
Caldarium was filled as a result of earthquakes by massive debris of stones.
Yadin concluded that the finds on the floors of the bath-house represent the last stage in the stay of the Roman garrison at Masada.
The stationing of a Roman Garrison after the conquest of Masada in 73 or 74 CE
was reported by Josephus in his Book
The Jewish War where he says in Book VII Chapter 10 Paragraph 1
WHEN Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Caesarea; for there were now no enemies
left in the country, but it was all overthrown by so long a war.
Yadin (1965:36)'s evidence for proof of the stationing of the Roman garrison follows:
We have clear proof that the bath-house was in use in the period of the Roman garrison - in particular, a number of "vouchers" written in Latin and coins
which were found mainly in the ash waste of the furnace (locus 126, see p. 42). Of particular importance is a coin from the time of Trajan,
found in the caldarium, which was struck at Tiberias towards the end of the first century C.E.*
The latest coin discovered from this occupation phase was found in one of the northern rooms of Building VII and dates to 110/111 CE (Yadin, 1965:119)**.
Yadin (1965:119) interpreted this to mean that, this meant that the Roman garrison stayed at Masada at least till the year 111 and most probably several years later.Russell (1985) used this 110/111 coin as a
terminus post quem for the
Incense Road Earthquake while using a dedicatory inscription at Petra for a
terminus ante quem of 114 CE. Masada may be subject to seismic amplification due to a
topographic or ridge effect as well as a slope effect for those structures built adjacent to the site's steep cliffs.
Footnotes
*Yadin (1965:118) dated this coin to 99/100 CE -
This would be coin #3808 -
Plate 77 - Locus 104 -
Caldrium 104 - Square 228/F/3
Excavations in Jerusalem revealed a domestic structure
just south of the pier of "Robinson's Arch"
(Mazar, 1975: 247,
Mazar, 1976: 36-38).
Numerous coins were recovered from beneath
the rubble and ash that marked the destruction of
this house. The latest of these dated to the reign of
Julian II. Mazar interpreted this destruction as
probable evidence of Jewish preparations for the
reconstruction of the Temple.
The Constantinian structures near the Western Wall
may have been destroyed by Jews who, encouraged by
Julian, began preparations for the reconstruction of the
Temple—which project came to nought upon the
emperor's death (Mazar 1976: 38).
However, Russell (1980) noted that the location of the structure to the side of Temple Mount rather than on it suggests that the destruction was
more likely due to the Cyril Quake than Jewish preparations to rebuild the Temple.
A Hebrew inscription citing Isaiah 66:14 was discovered by B. Mazar on one of the stones of the western wall. Mazar dated it to the mid-fourth century CE, the days of Julian the Apostate.
However, it may now be understood as having been directly related to the cemetery, and should thus be dated to around the eleventh century CE.
Gibson (2014) proposed that archeoseismic evidence for the Cyril Quake of 363 AD
was in fact discovered during the excavations by Mazar and states the following :
What is the date of the stone collapse near Robinson’s Arch?
A full publication of the stone collapse unearthed by Mazar has still not been made,
so we still do not know what ceramics and coins were found between the
ashlars and the fallen debris. However, Mazar excavated a building adjacent
to Robinson’s Arch (Building 7066, the “bakery” in Area VII) and it was
built immediately on top of ruined walls from the Second Temple period
(Mazar(1971:20-21)). This structure reportedly had two building phases, the
first from the Late Roman period, and the second from the beginning of the
Byzantine period. The latter building was burnt in a fire and on the basis of
numismatic finds its destruction was dated by Mazar to the time of Julian’s
death in 363 CE. The excavation of this building has now been fully
published by Eilat Mazar (2011, 145-183). The bulk of the coins (more than
200 of Constantius II, with a few of
Julian II) seem to indicate a termination
of the building in 363 CE at the time of the earthquake (see further on this,
below). The few coins from this building which happen to post-date 363
appear to be intrusive or perhaps they represent squatter activities in the area
in the aftermath of the earthquake. The fact that the foundations of this
bakery and the adjacent bath-house to its north (Mazar 2011, 1-83) do not
seem to have encroached much on the Herodian street, does suggest that the
position of this street was taken into account by the architects of these two
building complexes during the major planning and construction activities in
this area c. 120 CE (see more on this in Weksler-Bdolah, 2014 a; idem 2014
b). Therefore, the Early Roman (Herodian) stone-paved street was
maintained as a thoroughfare in the Late Roman period as well, with a slight
build-up of soil surfaces and fills in places, and with the construction of
channels and various other small features, as was noted by the excavators.
Hence, I would suggest that the massive collapse of the marginal-drafted
stones from the western Temple Mount wall down on to the surface of the
paved street does not date to 70 CE, as so many previous commentators have
suggested, but to the time of the earthquake of 363 CE instead.
Hence, I would argue that the massive stone collapse seen today above the level of the Early Roman
(Herodian) street pavement just north of Robinson’s Arch, is the direct result
of this devastating earthquake and is not evidence of a deliberate destruction
at the hands of the Romans in 70 CE as has hitherto been claimed.
Gibson (2014) noted the similarity of the fallen stones north of Robinson's Arch accompanied by destruction of nearby domestic structure(s) to the description in Historia Ecclesiastica by
Socrates Scholasticus (in Notes) that
a mighty earthquake tore up the stones of the old foundations of the temple and dispersed them all together with the adjacent edifices.
Gibson (2014) argued further that the massive stone collapse just north of Robinson’s Arch contained
pilaster stones which had likely been upright and standing in 325 CE when
Christian builders imitated them in supporting pillars that have been found from the
Church of the Holy Sepulchre,
the church over the Tomb of the Patriarchs and the
church at Mamre near Hebron.
This would add further evidence that this massive stone collapse occurred during the Cyril Quake of 363 AD rather than due to Roman destruction during the seige on the
second Temple in 70 CE [5].
Leen Ritmeyer countered in a blog
pointing out that underneath the fallen Herodian stones was a thin layer of destruction debris that contained many Herodian coins supporting the original interpretation that these stones were pushed over the
wall by Roman Troops after the Second Temple burned. He summarized his counter argument while making reference to an illustrated cross section
If the earthquake of 363 AD did destroy the Western Wall, where is the evidence? The heap of fallen Herodian stones is only three meters (10 feet) high.
No stones were ever added on top of this, as this Roman destruction was covered by a late Roman bath house and Byzantine street level and drain. The Roman
floor level was later covered over by the floor of an Umayyad palace. If the Western Wall was destroyed in 363 AD,
then a large pile of stones would have been found on top of the Roman bath house and Byzantine street level which would have been completely destroyed, but no sign of this was found.
Ben Ami and Tchekhanovets (2013) excavated a large
peristyle building of the Late Roman period
located to the south-west of the Temple Mount in the Givati site of the
City of David.
Ben Ami et al, 2013) dated its construction to the third century CE based on a coin found in one of its walls. The coin was a
provincial Roman coin
from the reign of Diocletian (Alexandria mint)
of the year 285 CE. This provided a terminus post quem for the foundation of the building (Ben Ami et. al. (2013)). The building
collapsed violently with scores of coins buried under the collapse in various rooms dated to no later than 361 CE providing a terminus post quem
for the destruction (Ben Ami and Tchekhanovets, 2013).
Three tombstones discovered in Ghor-es-Safi (Byzantine Zoara) provide an explicit date for the southern Cyril Quake.
All three tombstones state that the victims died during the earthquake. Collective chronological information is presented below:
All three tombstones specified a date of 28 Artemisios which corresponds to 18 May/
All three tombstones specified a year of 258 of the era of Province Arabia which spanned from 22 March 363 to 21 March 364 CE
(using CHRONOS).
Two tombstones specified Monday as the day of the week. The other tombstone did not specify a day of the week. Since 18 May 363 CE
fell on a Sunday and 19 May 363 CE fell on a Monday
(using CHRONOS),
the day of the week from the Safi tombstones may be incorrect. This is not unusual.
Meimaris and Kritikakou (2005:51) noted that 47 out of 151 epitaphs at Ghor es-Safi specified a day of the week that was incompatible with the date.
Further, they noted that these incongruities [] are more frequent from the early fourth until the early fifth centuries.
Specifically, the tombstones say that
Siltha and Kyra died during the earthquake on 28 Artemisos (18 May). The day of the week was not specified.
Obbe died during the earthquake on a Monday on 28 Artemisos (18 May).
Samakon died during the earthquake on a Monday on 28 Artemisos (18 May).
The Letter attributed to Cyril states that the earthquake struck on
19 Iyyar (i.e. 19 May) on a Monday. There is a potential discrepancy of one day with the tombstones at Safi if we rely solely on dates
(18 May vs. 19 May) and there is no discrepancy if we rely on day of the week (Monday vs. Monday). For the
Letter attributed to Cyril,
which used an A.G. Calendar, a new day began at sundown as is the standard for that calendar. Perhaps, for the Era of Province Arabia calendar
used in Safi, the new day began at midnight as would be the case for the Julian Calendar. The Era of the Province Arabia calendar was, after all,
a calendar which was introduced by the Romans in 106 CE and the Romans used the Julian calendar. If this is the case,
then the 18 May date specified in Safi indicates that the first earthquake
which the Letter attributed to Cyril says
struck at ~930 pm (3rd hour of the night) and did the most damage in Jerusalem was the same earthquake that killed people in Safi. In the Julian Calendar,
this first earthquake struck on the night of 18 May. If this is the case, then the southern
Cyril Quake struck first (~9:30 pm on 18 May 363 CE) followed
by the northern Cyril Quake which struck at ~3:30 am (9th hour of the night)
on 19 May 363 CE.
Karcz and Kafri (1978: 244-245) reported that
tilted and distorted walls and subsiding arches were encountered in the excavations of the Byzantine town of
Antipatris (Aphek) which led Kochavi (1976) and
Kochavi (personal communication to Karcz) to attribute the end and decay of the town to the earthquake of 419 AD. In his preliminary report on excavations
Kochavi (1975) reported that very little was uncovered in
the Early Byzantine Period and suggested that Byzantine Antipatris, as a city of any importance, probably
came to its end around the beginning of the 5th century B.C.E. while
Kochavi (1981) reports that the entire city of Antipatris was destroyed by an earthquake in 419 CE.
Golan (2008) does not present any earthquake evidence but mentions that Kochavi thought that the city was destroyed by the Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
The fact that most of the coins dated to the second half of the fourth century CE suggests that the cardo may have been
abandoned at the beginning of the Byzantine period, which seems to corroborate the excavators’ conclusions
(Kochavi 1989) that assumed the city was destroyed in the year 363 CE.
The latest coins reported by
Kochavi (1975), apparently come from the Early Byzantine level, dated to
Constantine the Great (308-337 C.E.),
Constantius II (337-361 C.E.), and
Arcadius (395-408 C.E.).
Caution must be exercised in interpreting the numismatic data, however, as the ceramic fords included
PRS 3 forms dating to the mid-5th-6th century (Golan 2008: fig. 5.5-6). More troubling is the apparent
presence of `Mefjar ware' (i.e. Islamic Cream Ware), which dates no earlier than the late 7th century
(see Walmsley 2001), in the `earthquake stratum' (Neidinger 1982: 167). This may indicate multiple
destructions, but without more complete publication of the excavations, this is difficult to evaluate.
It is, however, worth noting the presence of a bishop of Antipatris at the Council of Chalcedon in 451
(Dauphin 2000; Frankel and Kochavi 2000: 23, 31). This may be explained, as Fischer (1989: 1806) suggests,
by assuming that the role of Antipatris `was filled with a great number of smaller settlements'
like Khirbat Dhikrin (Zikrin) after the 418/419 earthquake, but it is equally likely that
Antipatris was simply not abandoned in the early 5th century.
In 1999–2000 an area located east of the Byzantine town wall and the
north tower at Oboda was excavated on behalf of the Israel Antiquities
Authority.
...
Some structural damage, probably resulting from the 363 CE earthquake,
is evident in the blockage of a few doorways and the collapse of one of
the rooms (rooms 4, 7, 17).
one room of the earlier structure appears to have been utilized in the fourth century CE (room 7), and it apparently collapsed in the 363 earthquake.
the numismatic and ceramic evidence uncovered in this third phase indicate that the dwellings were destroyed in a violent earthquake several decades
after that of 363 CE. Following this second, local earthquake, the area was abandoned and many of the building stones were robbed.
Intensity was downgraded one unit because of possible ridge effect.
1st Earthquake - late 3rd - mid 6th century CE - perhaps around 500 CE
Korjenkov and and Mazor (2005) surmised that the first earthquake struck in the Byzantine period
between the end of the 3rd and the mid-6th centuries A.D.. Citing Avraham Negev, they discussed this evidence further
Negev (1989) pointed out that
one earthquake, or more, shattered the towns of central Negev between the end of the 3rd and mid-6th centuries A.D..
Literary evidence is scarce, but there is ample archeological evidence of these disasters. According to Negev a decisive factor is that
the churches throughout the whole Negev were extensively restored later on. Negev found at the Haluza Cathedral indications of two constructional phases.
One room of the Cathedral was even not cleaned after an event during which it was filled with fallen stones and debris from the collapsed upper portion of a wall.
In the other room the original limestone slabs of the floor had been removed but the clear impression of slabs and ridges in the hard packed earth beneath
suggests that they remained in place until the building went out of use (Negev, 1989:135).
The dating of the discussed ancient strong earthquake may be 363 A.D., as has been concluded for other ancient cities around Haluza,
e.g. Avdat37,
Shivta38,
and Mamshit39.
However, Negev (1989:129-142)
noticed inscriptions on walls and artifacts.
The inscriptions Negev noticed were discovered at Shivta which
Negev (1989)
discussed as follows:
A severe earthquake afflicted Sobata [aka Shivta].
...
The epigraphic evidence of Sobata may help in attaining a close as possible date both for the earthquake and for the subsequent reconstruction of the North Church. One of
these inscriptions, that of 506 A.D., is clearly a dedicatory inscription of a very important building, which justified the participation of a Vicarius, a man of the highest
rank, in the dedication of this building. This inscription was not found in situ. However, there is no question about the inscription of A.D. 512, in which year the mosaic
floor of one of the added chapels was dedicated by a bishop and the local clergy. It is thus safe to assume that the whole remodeling of the North Church began in the first
decade of the sixth century.
Although Negev (1989) and
Korjenkov and and Mazor (2005) suggested the
Fire in the Sky Earthquake of 502 CE as the most
likely candidate, its epicenter was too far away to caused widespread damage throughout the region. This suggests that the causitive earthquake
is unreported in the historical sources - an earthquake which likely struck at the end of the 5th or beginning of the 6th century CE. This hypothesized earthquake
is listed in this catalog as the Negev Quake.
Earthquake from 324 CE to early 6th century CE - possibly Southern Cyril Quake (363 CE)
Coins below collapsed arches in Room 45 provide an apparent terminus post quem of 324 CE while
coins above an associated floor date from the first half of the 4th century to the early 6th century CE.
Erickson-Gini and Moore Bekes (2019) discussed the 4th century earthquake as follows:
Three phases of construction and occupation were identified in the camp (Erickson-Gini 2010:97–99). The camp appears to have been built around
the time that the Diocletianic fort was constructed on the tell, in the late third or early fourth century CE.
It was devastated in the earthquake of 363 CE, which damaged the bathhouse and the fort as well.
The camp was subsequently reconstructed and remained in use until the sometime in the sixth century CE.
The 2003 Excavation
Room 45
A north–south wall (W785), running through the center of the room was exposed to its full length. The wall was made up of pilasters and collapsed arches over a
layer of dark soil and ash (Figs. 6, 7). Coins discovered under the arches included a Roman Provincial coin from the third century CE (IAA 97941),
coins of Licinius I (320 CE; IAA 97946) and Constantine I (324 CE; IAA 97937), and a Late Roman coin from 324 CE (IAA 97936).
The soil over the Room’s floor (L300/L303) contained coins, mainly from the fourth century CE, attributed to both the first phase of the
structure (late third or early fourth century to the earthquake of 363 CE) and its second phase (from 363 CE until the early sixth century CE).
These included coins of Arcadius (383 CE; IAA 97942) and Theodosius (379 CE; IAA 97940), as well as several other Late Roman coins of the early
fourth century CE (IAA 97939, 97944, 97945, 97947, 97948). A Late Roman coin from 346 CE was recovered on the surface of the site elsewhere in the structure (IAA 97949).
Room 53
According to the 1994–1995 field notes by Y. Kalman, Area E supervisor, Room 53 was filled
with collapsed debris, stone slabs that were used for roofing, arch stones and other building stones. The structure probably collapsed in the 363 CE earthquake.
The 2009–2010 Excavations
The wall running down the center of the structure and dividing it into two (W578; Fig. 14)—probably a stylobate or a foundation
for a series of arches—appears to have been constructed in the second, post-363 CE phase of the camp. This wall is essentially
an extension of W785, running down the center of Room 45. This suggests that the original gatehouse was blocked, probably after
it was damaged in the earthquake, and the entrance to the camp was removed to a different location.
Negev (1974) dated the first earthquake to late 3rd/early 4th century via coins and church architectural styles
however he dates construction of the East Church, where some archaeoseismic evidence for the first earthquake was found, to the 2nd half of the 4th century CE. Given this
apparent contradiction, I am labeling the date of the first earthquake at Mamphis as "Early Byzantine ?".
Korzhenkov and Mazor (2003)
characterized this as a strong earthquake with an epicenter at the north, and an EMS-98 scale intensity of IX or more with an epicenter some distance away
Excavators view earlier destruction layer to be due to military activity rather than an Earthquake
Davies et al (2015) excavated a Roman Fort at Yotvata
from 2003-2007. A monumental Latin inscription discovered earlier (1985) outside of the east gate suggests that the fort at
Yotvata was built when Diocletian transferred
the Tenth Legion Fretensis
from Jerusalem to Aila in
the last decade of the third century. Two destruction layers were described after establishment of the fort - a burned layer and a collapse layer.
The authors noted that the first phase of Roman occupation at our fort, which is associated with coins that go up to
ca. 360, ended with a violent destruction evidenced by intense burning throughout.
Reconstruction is said to have occurred immediately after this destruction as documented by a series of
successive floor layers throughout. The cause of the burned layer was not established but
the authors suggested a a possible connection with the Saracen revolt against Rome led by
Queen Mavia, ca. 375–378 noting the documented successes
of her forces against Roman field armies and that the inclusion of former foederati
among her troops suggest that her forces would have been capable of taking and destroying the fort at Yotvata.
Whatever the specific cause, the excavators strongly believed that human agency rather than the
southern Cyril Quake of 363 AD was the general cause noting that
there was no visible evidence of structural damage or a collapse layer. One of the excavators, Gwyn Davies (personal communication, 2020) noted that
We are confident that the fort was destroyed in a violent attack as we encountered signs of intense burning across most contexts and, even more suggestively,
the stone frame of the main gate was fire-seared as well.
If the fire had been more localized and associated with signs of toppling collapse, then ‘natural causes’ may have been more persuasive or,
indeed, that this represented an accidental destruction. Instead, the evidence suggests to us that the fort was put to the torch quite deliberately
Another of the excavators, Jodi Magness (personal communication, 2020) related the following
In addition to the lack of evidence of visible structural damage that could be attributed to an earthquake in the earliest destruction level,
the absence of whole (restorable) pottery vessels and other objects in that level suggests an earthquake did not cause the destruction, as one would
expect these artifacts to be buried in a sudden collapse. Therefore, we attributed the destruction by fire to human agents.
As for the collapse layer, it is dated to after the abandonment of the fort in the late 4th century.
Zayadine, F. (1973) excavated on the western slope of Khubta Cliff; uncovering a small dwelling in a cave
in "Area A". Inside the cave, Zayadine (1973), found objects dated to the beginning of the 4th century AD noting that "it was tempting to consider that the cave was abandoned after an earthquake."
Although the Phase X destruction layer was initially misdated to the Crete earthquake of 365 CE, Hammond (1980) later acknowledged
this as a mistake. The corrected correlation of the Phase X destruction layer would then be to the southern
Cyril Quake of 363 CE. See also
Area I near the Temple of the Winged Lions. Jones (2021) noted that
Ward (2016: 144) has pointed out that the evidence for dating the major destruction to 363 is quite limited, although this is still the most reasonable
date for this destruction.
It should be noted, however, that the reason that the evidence for dating the major destruction to 363 is quite limited may be because a final report on the excavation was never published before the deaths
of Hammond and Russell.
During the seasons of 1975-1977, Hammond (1978) excavated at a location north of the
Cardo Maximus and encountered some chronologically
precise archeoseismic evidence for the Cyril Quake(s). Ken Russell served as one of two supervisors on these excavations and provided a detailed account of the archeoseismic evidence encountered in his article from
1980. In the 1976 and 1977 seasons at what was termed the "middle house" structure of Area I, Russell (1980) reports the discovery of a destruction layer
containing numerous domestic articles such as lamps, shattered ceramics and glass, spindle whorls, and coins. In Room II, a hoard of
85 bronze coins was discovered of which 45 were identifiable. All 45 identifiable coins were minted during the reign of
Constantius II who ruled from 337-361 AD. Further, 40 of these 45 coins were identified as being minted after 354 AD.
This coin evidence provided a terminus post quem - i.e. the earliest
possible date of destruction was between 354 and 361 AD. This points to the southern Cyril Quake as the probable cause of the destruction layer in the "middle room" in Petra.
Tholbecq et al (2019:36-37) attributed a destruction layer (see Figures 11 and 12) to the southern
Cyril Quake of 363 CE based on excavations of the western
Temple Staircase (peribola) in Zone F of Qasr al Bint. The dating is approximate - to the 3rd or 4th century CE - apparently based on pottery fragments
(North African Sigillata) and oil lamps.
Colluvium atop the destruction layer suggests partial abandonment of the site after the destructive earthquake.
Phase 4 earthquake - Late Roman/Early Byzantine - not precisely dated
Tholbecq et al (2019) reports destruction of the northern masonry of the orchestra during this phase. They deduce that this event (earthquake?) occurs shortly after the late
Roman period, or even during this period.
End of Phase 2 Earthquake - 4th century CE ? - Dating difficulties
Fiema in Tholbecq et al (2019) acknowledged difficulties in dating this presumed seismic destruction but suggested that the southern
Cyril Quake of 363 CE was responsible.
The architectural elements of the pool complex suffered serious damage in the mid-4th century AD, most likely a result of the
well-documented earthquake of 363 AD. The upper courses of the pavilion walls collapsed into the pool, forming a dense layer
of large stone rubble in a reddish-brown sandy matrix overlying the Phase IV fill (trench 1) (Fig. 24 ). In the south-west corner,
stones falling from the South Wall and the Great Temple's East Perimeter Wall formed a similar destruction layer (Fig. 23 ).
Bedal (2003:79) entertained the less likely possibility that the observed destruction was due to decay rather than seismic forces.
While it is possible that this destruction resulted from neglect and structural decay over a long period of time,
it more likely that the island-pavilion fell victim to the major earthquake of 363 CE that caused irreparable damage
to many of the major monuments at Petra and destruction throughout the region (Russell 1980; 1985:42; Amiran et al. 1994:265).
74
Bedal (2003:79) dated
Phase V seismic destruction to the 4th century CE unlike
Bedal et al (2007) who dated it to the mid 4th century CE.
4th century CE earthquake - some seismic effects appear to be speculative
Kanellopoulos (2001:16) speculated that a partial collapse of the upper story of Room 28 was caused by the southern
Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
Fiema (2008) further speculates that in the area of the Colonnaded Street,
damage must have included shifted walls, collapsed columns and arches, and a damaged pavement.
Fiema (2008) added that the [collonaded] street area appears to have been only partially
rebuilt after the earthquake and that subsequent constructions were erected on the sidewalk with reused material, such as
column drums, and even inscribed blocks. adding that the drums used in the construction of these structures indicate that at least some
parts of the colonnade had fallen down and were not restored.
Fiema (1998:398) also discussed archaeoseismic evidence uncovered from previous excavations.
The disastrous earthquake which affected Petra on May 19, AD 363 (Russell 1980), would have spelled the end to some of the shops,
or at least seriously limited their function. The shop excavated by Parr was definitely abandoned then, displaying a
layer of destruction debris - Phase XV (Parr 1970: 366-368).
Fiema and Schmid (2014:429) suggest that Structure 2 in the NEPP area was
destroyed by the southern Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
Fiema and Schmid (2014:429-430) suggest that Structure 1 in the NEPP area was
destroyed by the 363 earthquake, but later restored although in much altered form and appearance with final
destruction and abandonment taking place afterwards, perhaps sometime in the early 5th century. They suggest final destruction and abandonment may have been
due to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE.
363 CE Earthquake - well dated and identified as seismic destruction
Stucky (1990:270-271) discovered two skeletons
(a woman and child) along with 65 bronze coins between the woman's ankles thought to come from a purse which was attached to her belt.
These were found beneath a destruction layer (collapsed roof and masonry) in Room 1 of
area EZ 1 in Ez-Zantur. The coins dated from 336 - 361 CE providing a strong
chronological correlation to severe earthquake damage in Petra due to the southern
Cyril Quake.
Bedal et al. (2007)
also excavated the Ez-Zantur domestic complex at Petra. They identified a destruction layer composed of architectural elements of the pool
complex of Ez-Zantur which they attributed to the southern
Cyril Quake.
Pottery fragments in the layer below the destruction layer were dated from the 1st to 4th century AD.
Kolb et al (1998) offered the following regarding chronology of earthquakes at ez-Zantur
EZ IV: The Nabataean "Villa"
The Last Phase of Occupation
Household objects such as a basalt hand mill, two bone spoons, an alabaster pyxis and a number of unidentifiable iron objects,
as well as large quantities of ceramics and glass vessels of the fourth century AD lay buried on the pavement, along walls
H and K, beneath innumerable fragments of stucco from the wall and ceiling decoration (see below for the contributions of D. Keller and Y. Gerber).
The datable objects confirm last year's findings from room 2, where the coins indicated that the end of the final phase of
occupation came with the earthquake of 363 AD (Kolb 1997: 234).
The thick layer of mural and moulded stucco fragments on top of the household utensils of the fourth century proves
beyond any doubt that the Nabataean decor remained on the walls up till the aforementioned natural catastrophe.
3
Seismic effects from Room 6 at ez-Zantur IV (EZ IV) included broken columns, debris, and a cracked flagstone floor under 6 carbonized wood beams which
Kolb et al (1998) described as a witness to the violence with which the wood hit the floor. Also found in ez-Zantur IV were
cracked steps which may have been seismically damaged. There were no indications from the article what lay below the steps and whether geotechnical factors could have played a role
in cracking the steps.
Kolb et al (1998) report that some structures at EZ IV were built directly on bedrock.
Kolb B. and Keller (2002:286) also discussed archeoseismic evidence at ez-Zantur for both an early 2nd c CE earthquake and the southern Cyril Quake
Stratigraphic excavation in square 86/AN unexpectedly brought useful data on the history of the mansion' s construction phases
and destruction. The ash deposit in Abs. 2 with FK 3524 and 3533 provided clear indications as to the final destruction in 363.
A further chronological "bar line" — a some-what vaguely defined construction phase 2 in various parts of the terrace in the
late first or second century AD — received clear confirmation in the form of a thin layer of ash.
The lamp and glass finds from the associated FK 3546 date homogeneously from the second century AD,
and confirm the assumption of a moderately severe (not historically documented) earthquake that led to the structural
repairs observed in various places and the renewal of a number of interior decorations.
Kolb and Keller (2000:366-368) discovered some glass lamps normally dated to a later time period associated with 363 CE debris.
Pre-Monastic Phasing Destruction Event (IV) - 363 CE or an earthquake from around that time
In Appendix C of the
Petra - the mountain of Aaron : the Finnish archaeological project in Jordan., one can find Pre-Monastic Phasing.
Phase IV is listed as a destruction layer attributed to the 363 CE earthquake. However, if one considers the dates for the
phases before and after Phase IV in Appendix C, it appears that other earthquakes are also plausible candidates
such as the Aila Quake of the 1st half of
the 4th century and the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE.
Some of the reasoning behind assigning a 363 CE date to this presumed seismic destruction was based on the
southern Cyril Quake of 363 CE being assigned to seismic destruction at other sites in Petra.
PEnd of Phase II earthquake - based on rebuilding evidence - 363 CE ?
Fiema et al (2001:18) surmised that Phase II ended with an earthquake based on rebuilding evidence discussed below:
The type of construction activity in Phase III [] included massive backfilling of certain spaces with material clearly originating from a demolition. Furthermore, there was seemingly no shortage of
architectural elements - including doorjambs, drums, cornices and ashlars - which were reused. This evidence all indicates that Phase II ended in disaster and was followed by a period of intense
restoration and construction. This hypothesis, combined with the available absolute dating, suggests that the earthquake of A.D. 363 is the best candidate for such a disaster.
That earthquake is a historically documented, major natural calamity which beset Petra during the Byzantine period. The severity of its destructive power left numerous Nabataean
and Late Roman period structures in ruins, e.g., the domestic structures at ez-Zantur, the Temple of the Winged Lions and Area I, the Theater, the Colonnaded Street area,
and the Southern Temple. Afterwards, some buildings were either partially abandoned or never rebuilt. Whether the Phase II structures in the excavated area were seriously affected is not apparent,
but it remains a possibility. At any rate, Phase II most probably represents the 3d century A.D. and the first half of the following century, ending in A.D. 363.
...
One telling indication that Phase III was initiated after a devastating earth tremor is the amount of reused stone material, presumably readily available after the disaster.
In all the stone-tumble layers excavated in the interiors of the northern rooms and courts - almost 4 m deep - the number of reused doorjambs was simply astonishing.
In total, 275 complete stones or recognizable fragments were retrieved from that area.
Dating for the end of Phase II was largely established from sounding 30 of the foundation course of Wall I (infra), which Fiema et al (2001:18) states
certainly dates to Phase III. Fiema et al (2001:18) reports that two coins were found there, one unidentifiable,
the other dated to A.D. 350-55.
Thomas et al (2007) identified earthquake destruction (Earthquake V) in a collapse layer which they dated to the southern Cyril Quake. A terminus post quem of 360 CE for Earthquake V
was established with coins and pottery.
Thin wall construction and surface layers produced pottery from the mid to late fourth century A.D. (similar types to Phase 2 described earlier).
The latest pottery dates from about A.D. 360 onward (based on several examples of African Red Slip form 67, introduced ca. A.D. 360; Hayes 1972).
However, over 100 coins were found on the final floor of this phase. The majority of these coins were found associated with the remains of a
broken box in Room 2. The latest coins date to the reign of Constantius II who
reigned from A.D. 337 to 361 (Parker 1999a) and provide a terminus post quem for this building phase.
They added
The very refined pottery and coin dates give a secure post A.D. 360 date for the Earthquake V event. The scarcity of post A.D. 360 pottery and the
location of the coin hoard at the interface between occupation surface and collapse horizon indicate that this event cannot have occurred long
after A.D. 360. We have interpreted this earthquake to be the historically attested earthquake of May 19, A.D. 363 (Russell 1980; Guidoboni 1994: 264-67).
At the end of thetroubled third century, the Legio X Fretensis was transferred from Jerusalem to bolster
Diocletian’s new Limes Arabicus, to the effect that the population increased
substantially and the city emerged as a regional centre.61 A church was built in c. 300 –
one of the oldest in the world – testifying to the early progress of Christianity in
Palestine; it was apparently destroyed by the earthquake of 363 and subsequently
covered by the new city wall. This stone and mud-brick wall was complete by the late
fourth or early fifth century, suggesting something of the seriousness which the
continued threat of Saracen raiding was taken.62
The second earthquake is believed to have tilted the
scaenae wall approximately
8 degrees to the north where the upper 2/3 of that wall is now missing.
Al-Tawalbeh et. al. (2020:8) suggest this event led to final abandonment of the theater as so much was left unrepaired. Later, an adjacent buttress wall was built providing a terminus
ante quem for the second event. They dated this terminus ante quem to the 4th to 5th centuries CE. Sediment infill in the theater provides a second later terminus ante quem based on ceramics of Late Roman, Byzantine, and Umayyad ages
and radiocarbon dating of ash bands within the sediment infill which indicated that most of the sediment was deposited between 521 and 667 CE
( Al-Tawalbeh et. al., 2020:10). While their evidence strongly suggests earthquake damage,
the dating of the causative event is unfortunately not well constrained. Al-Tawalbeh et al (2020) estimated a local intensity of 8-9.
Lapp et al (1980:8-9) identified a possible seismic destruction layer between Stratum I and Stratum II.
Stratum II
Following the construction of the Qasr, left
unfinished by the Hellenistic builders, the monumental buildings were
not used for sedentary occupation until early in the Byzantine period. Stratum II represents reoccupation by the Byzantines when
they made use of the internal Qasr wall foundations, added walls to support their roofs especially
outside the east and west Qasr walls, and laid soil and plaster floors. Two floors of Stratum II were distinguished at a number of places at the Qasr with the earliest at the level of the Hellenistic
pavement either replacing the Hellenistic pavement or providing one where the early builders had
never done so. Stratum II at the Square Building is
the period of the construction of the "square"
building which was the distinguishing feature be fore the 1962 excavations
took place. One floor of Stratum II was delineated there.
Fourth century A.D. pottery is characteristic of Stratum II both at the Qasr and in the Square Building.
At the Qasr the tumbled megaliths of the wall onto the Stratum II floors separate Stratum II
from the one above. A Theodosius I coin dating to A.D. 393-395 (reg. no. 51) from the fill for the
second floor above the destruction debris provides
a terminus ante quem for the catastrophic event,
probably an earthquake. A major earthquake is
known to have taken place in Transjordan in
A.D. 365 (Kallner-Amiran 1950-51: 225) [JW: should be 363 CE. 365 CE date is a common mistake in earlier archeological literature attributing the Crete Earthquake of 365 CE for the Cyril Quakes of 363 CE]. At the
Square Building a Constantine II coin, dated
A.D. 335-337 (reg. no. 180) was found in the Stratum II floor east of the building so a terminus post
quem is provided. The dates, A.D. 335-365, Early
Byzantine I (according to Sauer's terminology,
1973:4), may tentatively be assigned Stratum II,
though a detailed study of the pottery may refine
these dates.
Stratum I
Following the earthquake at the Qasr a leveling
off, which in some areas meant the importation of
a massive fill, was necessary to cover the earthquake debris. The main line of the Stratum III
Qasr walls continued to be followed with only
slight deviations. Two floors were distinguished
inside some rooms of the Qasr and outside on the
west. On the porches fallen debris precluded occupation. At the Square Building almost a meter of
debris and three floors were associated with
Stratum I, but no earthquake destruction separated
Stratum I from Stratum II. The floors were distinguished both inside and outside the Square Building
and some of the Stratum II building features were
reused.
The Byzantine pottery of Stratum I is typologically later than that of Stratum II, and more
absolute dates can be assigned the stratum by some
coins. The Theodosius I coin (A.D. 393-395) was in
the fill for the I A floor, that is the second floor
above the earthquake debris. Thus a period of
time, perhaps about thirty years, can be allowed
for the first phase of occupation in Stratum I. At the
Square Building a coin of Arcadius, dated A.D. 383-408
(reg. no. 179), was found laying on the earliest Stratum I
floor. In the fill above the latest floor inside the Qasr
was a coin of Zeno, A.D. 476-491 (reg. no. 24), suggesting
occupation to the end of the fifth century, and the pottery
indicates heavy occupation in the latter half. Stratum I can
tentatively be dated A.D. 365-500, Early Byzantine II-IV
(according to Sauer's terminology, 1973:4).
363 CE Earthquake - abandonment of Baths - dating info not presented
Durand (2015:14) attributes abandonment of A2 baths in Dharih
to the southern Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
Durand (2015:14) states that during the Byzantine era, around the 6th century,
the bathing building was almost completely dismantled to recover building materials. Evidence in support of these dates
was not presented in Durand (2015).
End of Period III Earthquake - 3rd-4th centuries CE
Period III ended when a violent earthquake undoubtedly destroyed [the] entire temple (Glueck, 1965:122).
McKenzie et al (2013:47,62) date the end of Period III to the middle of the 4th century CE attributing Period III destruction to the southern
Cyril Quake of 363 CE. McKenzie et al (2013:159) used the
southern Cyril Quake of 363 CE as a terminus ante quem for some glassware that they concluded
were of a 3rd or early to mid 4th century CE date indicating that they may have used the date of the 363 CE earthquake to refine dating of some artefactual remains rather than the other way around.
Hence although they may be right that Period III ended in 363 CE, I am expanding the possible dates for this seismic destruction to the 3rd-4th centuries CE.
Lain and Parker (2006:130) established a terminus post quem of 355 CE in
the aedes
where architectural installations from a rebuild after the 1st earthquake included a new floor. Underneath the new floor was a layer which yielded
Early Byzantine pottery and two coins dated to 330-340 CE and 355 - 385 CE.
A terminus ante quem comes from Room A.13 where Lain and Parker (2006:149) report on a
0.25-0.33 m thick beaten earth floor which was constructed from fill and leveled after the first earthquake. In an intrusive pit (A.13.009),
a coin hoard was discovered with 249 bronze coins all dated from 326 to 383-384. The latest coin (Coin #461) was an issue of
Arcadius dated to 383-384
which provides a terminus ante quem of 384 CE. This earthquake appears to have struck between 355 and 384 CE indicating that it is probable that the southern
Cyril Quake was responsible for the seismic damage.
Speculative evidence regarding a 363 CE earthquake
Clark (1987) identified some wall charring which could be earthquake related.
Stones of the adjacent barrack walls (H.2:001 and 002) were charred at this level. This may represent a localized fire or possibly extensive
conflagration, perhaps the result of the 363 earthquake (note also the ash in H.1:012, 014, and 015). Ceramics from this ash were
predominantly Late Roman IV to Early Byzantine, but a query is raised by a single sherd which may be Umayyad
Elsewhere in the vicus building, H.5., coins were found in the soil
immediately overlying floor H.5:009 with the latest coin dating to 337-340 (Coin #52-H.5:014).
There were no indications that occupation of this room extended beyond the mid-fourth century. Although no clear archaeoseismic evidence was reported in the
vicus building,
Clark (1987:488) speculated that abandonment of this room may have been related to the southern
Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
No physical tsunamogenic evidence from the Cyril Quake(s) has been conclusively identified in the Dead Sea. However, as discussed in the
Commentariorum In Esaiam by Jerome
in the Textual Evidence section of this catalog entry, Jerome
apparently relayed oral reports coming from the town of Areopolis of a
seiche in the Dead Sea generated by the Cyril Quake(s).
Although Jerome mistakenly conflated these reports with tsunamis generated in the Mediterranean during the
Crete Earthquake of 365 AD, Jerome's mistake is not a reason
to reject this report and Geologists would be well advised to examine the Cyril Quake seismites for tsunamogenic evidence.
Sbeinati et. al. (2010)
report a seismic event X which they dated to 335 AD ± 175 years at a displaced aqueduct at al-Harif, Syria (close to Masyaf, Syria).
Kanari, M. (2008) examined rockfalls in
Qiryat-Shemona which were attributed to earthquakes.
Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating was performed on soil samples beneath the fallen rocks.
Kanari et al (2019) proposed that
rockfalls QS-3 and QS-11 were most likely triggered by the northern Cyril Quake of 363 CE. Their discussion is quoted below:
QS-3 (1.6±0.1 ka) and QS-11 (1.7±0.2 ka) fit the historical earthquakes of 363 and 502 CE, and only lack
40 years in error margin to fit the one of 551 CE.
Since the 502 CE earthquake was reported on shoreline localities only in the DST area, we find the 363 CE
earthquake to be a better rockfall-triggering candidate.
We suggest that the two ages are clustered around one
of these earthquakes, hence suggesting they represent
one rockfall event in the 363 CE earthquake. However,
we cannot completely rule out the possibility that these
were two separate rockfall events, both triggered by
large earthquakes in 363 and 502/551 CE.
The Northern Cyril Quake is a good fit for Event CH4-E1 (Modeled Ages 294-369 CE)
particularly as it relates to other events observed in these trenches.
(Wechsler at al., 2014)
Lu et al (2020)
associated a turbidite in the core to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake. CalBP is reported as 1636 ±47. This works out to a date of 314 CE with a 1σ bound of 267-361 CE.
Ages come from Kitagawa et al (2017).
The deposit is described as an 11 cm. thick turbidite (MMD). Lu et al (2020) estimated local seismic intensity
of VII which they converted to Peak Horizontal Ground Acceleration (PGA) of 0.18 g. Dr. Yin Lu relates that "this estimate was based on previous studies of turbidites
around the world (thickness vs. MMI)" (
Moernaut et al (2014). The turbidite was identified in the depocenter composite core 5017-1 (Holes A-H).
Migowski et. al. (2004)
assigned a 419 CE date to 0.5 cm. thick seismite at a depth of 237 cm (2.37 m).
Williams et. al.(2012) varve counted part of the same
1997 GFZ/GSI core that Migowski et. al. (2004)
worked on and produced an estimate of varve count uncertainty based on distance from a well dated "anchor" earthquakes
which in this case are the Josephus Quake
of 31 BC and the Sabbatical Year Quake of 747/749 CE. These anchor quakes are
between 329 and 394 years away from the Cyril Quake of 363 CE and/or the
Monaxius and Plinta Quake
of 419 CE. Assuming a worst case scenario of 394 years, the 8% varve count error estimated by Williams et al (2012)
constrains Migowski et. al.'s (2004) 419 CE to +/-32 years - i.e. between 387 and 451 CE. Two conclusions can be drawn.
Migowski et. al.'s (2004) varve count suggests they identified a seismite caused by the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE.
The Monaxius and Plinta Quake
of 419 CE would not likely have masked or overprinted the Cyril Quake seismite of 363 CE indicating that the Cyril Quake did not produce
a seismite in En Gedi. Simple calculations supporting this are shown below. This is consistent with Migowski et al
(2004: Table 2) which did not list
a 363 CE seismite being masked or overprinted by a 419 CE seismite.
Calculations
Migowski et al (2004) report the 419 CE seismite at a depth of 2.3716 m with a thickness of 0.5 cm. They report the ~175 CE seismite at a depth of 2.5562 m. A simple calculation reveals
that in this part of the core, 1 cm. of sediment represents ~13 years of time. As 363 CE is 56 years earlier than 419 CE, it should be ~4 cm deeper and thus ~3.5 cm. below the bottom of the 0.5
cm. thick 419 CE seismite. It should not have been masked or overprinted.
There has been an ongoing debate since the start of the millennium whether a seismite in Nahal Ze 'elim should be assigned to the southern
Cyril Quake
of 363 CE or to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE.
Ken-Tor et al. (2001a) assigned a
4 cm. thick Type 4 seismite dated
to 358- 580 CE (± 2σ) and labeled as
Event D in Nahal Ze 'elim (ZA-1) to the 363 CE Cyril Quake Seismite as did
Williams (2004). Neither Ken-Tor et al. (2001a) nor Williams (2004) were aware
at the time that the Cyril Quake was a result of two earthquakes with northern and southern epicenters; just that the damage reports were so widespread
that it was doubtful that one earthquake could have produced so much destruction. Considering the possibility that textual reports overstated the damage,
this cast significant uncertainty in determining which date to assign to the seismite. Williams (2004) estimated that that the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE was unlikely to
produce sufficient shaking to form a seismite in Nahal Ze 'elim which is why he rejected that earthquake for Event D. At the time, he was relying on Russell (1980) whose article
suggested an epicenter north of the Sea of Galilee. This may not have been a good assumption. He also noted that at the time three authors
(Abou Karaki (1987),
Ben-Menahem et. al, (1981),
and
Galli and Galadini (2001)) had placed the epicenter
of the 363 CE Cyril Quake to the south in the Araba.
Other authors had estimated that the epicenter was in the north due to the many northern cities listed in
Cyril's letter (Brock, 1977).
At ZA-2, Kagan et. al. (2011)
assigned a 5 cm. thick intraclast breccia at a depth of 342 cm (Modeled Age ±1σ - 453 CE ± 67, ±2σ - 456 CE ± 86). to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE. this appears to be
the same seismite Ken-Tor (2001a) labeled as Event D at ZA-1. Kagan et al (2011) likely assigned a 419 CE date because it better fits with the modeled ages. Bookman (nee Ken-Tor) co-authored a paper in 2010
(
Leroy et. al., 2010) which maintained a 363 CE date for Event D.
Because
Migowski et. al. (2004) had used varve counting
in the En Gedi core to assign a seismite to the 419 CE earthquake rather than the 363 CE Cyril Quake, there was doubt whether the 363 CE Cyril
Quake had created seismites in the Southern Dead Sea.
Because the southern Cyril Quake produced fatalities in nearby Ghor-es-Safi, Jordan
(see Archeoseismic evidence for the Cyril Quake),
it seems likely that the southern Cyril Quake produced a seismite in Nahal Ze 'elim however there is a
significantly better radiocarbon match with the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE and thus the correct Quake assignment remains unresolved.
Klinger et. al. (2015) identified a seismic event (E6) in a trench near Qatar, Jordan in the
Arava which they modeled between 9 BCE and 492 CE. The large spread in age caused them to consider two possible earthquakes as the cause; the
early 2nd century CE Incense Road Quake
and the southern Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
They preferred the Cyril Quake of 363 CE based on weighing
other evidence
not related to their paleoseismic study and noted that further investigation was required.
Location (with hotlink)
Status
Intensity
Notes
Displaced Aqueduct at al Harif, Syria
Sbeinati et. al. (2010)
report a seismic event X which they dated to 335 AD +/- 175 years at a dispalced aqueduct at al-Harif, Syria (close to Masyaf, Syria).
Qiryat-Shemona Rockfalls
Kanari, M. (2008) examined rockfalls in
Qiryat-Shemona which were attributed to earthquakes.
Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating was performed on soil samples beneath the fallen rocks.
Kanari et al (2019) proposed that
rockfalls QS-3 and QS-11 were most likely triggered by the northern Cyril Quake of 363 CE. Their discussion is quoted below:
QS-3 (1.6±0.1 ka) and QS-11 (1.7±0.2 ka) fit the historical earthquakes of 363 and 502 CE, and only lack
40 years in error margin to fit the one of 551 CE.
Since the 502 CE earthquake was reported on shoreline localities only in the DST area, we find the 363 CE
earthquake to be a better rockfall-triggering candidate.
We suggest that the two ages are clustered around one
of these earthquakes, hence suggesting they represent
one rockfall event in the 363 CE earthquake. However,
we cannot completely rule out the possibility that these
were two separate rockfall events, both triggered by
large earthquakes in 363 and 502/551 CE.
Bet Zayda (aka Beteiha)
The Northern Cyril Quake is a good fit for Event CH4-E1 (Modeled Ages 294-369 CE)
particularly as it relates to other events observed in these trenches.
(Wechsler at al., 2014)
Dead Sea - Seismite Types
Dead Sea - ICDP Core 5017-1
Lu et al (2020)
associated a turbidite in the core to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake. CalBP is reported as 1636 ± 47. This works out to a date of 314 CE with a 1σ bound of 267-361 CE.
Ages come from Kitagawa et al (2017).
The deposit is described as an 11 cm. thick turbidite (MMD). Lu et al (2020) estimated local seismic intensity
of VII which they converted to Peak Horizontal Ground Acceleration (PGA) of 0.18 g. Dr. Yin Lu relates that "this estimate was based on previous studies of turbidites
around the world (thickness vs. MMI)" (
Moernaut et al (2014). The turbidite was identified in the depocenter composite core 5017-1 (Holes A-H).
See the following from
Lu et al (2020b) regarding estimating intensity from turbidites:
Previous studies have revealed that the intensity threshold for triggering historic turbidites are variable
in different regions and range from MMI V½ to VII½ (Howarth et al., 2014; Moernaut, 2020; Van Daele et al., 2015; Wilhelm et al., 2016).
The intensity threshold constrained from the Dead Sea data (≥VI½) is situated in the middle of this range.
Previous studies in Chilean lakes have indicated that the (cumulative) thickness of historic turbidites across
multiple cores correlates with seismic intensity, and can thus be used to infer paleo-intensities in this setting
(Moernaut et al., 2014). However, in the case of the Dead Sea core 5017-1, there is a random relationship
(a correlation factor of 0.04) between the thickness of prehistoric turbidites and seismic intensity (Figure 5a).
Migowski et. al. (2004)
assigned a 419 CE date to 0.5 cm. thick seismite at a depth of 237 cm (2.37 m).
Williams et. al.(2012) varve counted part of the same
1997 GFZ/GSI core that Migowski et. al. (2004)
worked on and produced an estimate of varve count uncertainty based on distance from a well dated "anchor" earthquakes
which in this case are the Josephus Quake
of 31 BC and the Sabbatical Year Quake of 747/749 CE. These anchor quakes are
between 329 and 394 years away from the Cyril Quake of 363 CE and/or the
Monaxius and Plinta Quake
of 419 CE. Assuming a worst case scenario of 394 years, the 8% varve count error estimated by Williams et al (2012)
constrains Migowski et. al.'s (2004) 419 CE to +/-32 years - i.e. between 387 and 451 CE. Two conclusions can be drawn.
Migowski et. al.'s (2004) varve count suggests they identified a seismite caused by the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE.
The Monaxius and Plinta Quake
of 419 CE would not likely have masked or overprinted the Cyril Quake seismite of 363 CE indicating that the Cyril Quake did not produce
a seismite in En Gedi. Simple calculations supporting this are shown below. This is consistent with Migowski et al
(2004: Table 2) which did not list
a 363 CE seismite being masked or overprinted by a 419 CE seismite.
Calculations
Migowski et al (2004) report the 419 CE seismite at a depth of 2.3716 m with a thickness of 0.5 cm. They report the ~175 CE seismite at a depth of 2.5562 m. A simple calculation reveals
that in this part of the core, 1 cm. of sediment represents ~13 years of time. As 363 CE is 56 years earlier than 419 CE, it should be ~4 cm deeper and thus ~3.5 cm. below the bottom of the 0.5
cm. thick 419 CE seismite. It should not have been masked or overprinted.
Dead Sea - Nahal Ze 'elim
There has been an ongoing debate since the start of the millennium whether a seismite in Nahal Ze 'elim should be assigned to the southern
Cyril Quake
of 363 CE or to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE.
Ken-Tor et al. (2001a) assigned a
4 cm. thick Type 4 seismite dated
to 358-580 CE (± 2σ) and labeled as
Event D in Nahal Ze 'elim (ZA-1) to the 363 CE Cyril Quake Seismite as did
Williams (2004). Neither Ken-Tor et al. (2001a) nor Williams (2004) were aware
at the time that the Cyril Quake was a result of two earthquakes with northern and southern epicenters; just that the damage reports were so widespread
that it was doubtful that one earthquake could have produced so much destruction. Considering the possibility that textual reports overstated the damage,
this cast significant uncertainty in determining which date to assign to the seismite. Williams (2004) estimated that that the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE was unlikely to
produce sufficient shaking to form a seismite in Nahal Ze 'elim which is why he rejected that earthquake for Event D. At the time, he was relying on Russell (1980) whose article
suggested an epicenter north of the Sea of Galilee. This may not have been a good assumption. He also noted that at the time three authors
(Abou Karaki, 1987,
Ben-Menahem et. al, 1981,
and
Galli and Galadini, 2001) had placed the epicenter
of the 363 CE Cyril Quake to the south in the Araba.
Other authors had estimated that the epicenter was in the north due to the many northern cities listed in
Cyril's letter (Brock, 1977).
At ZA-2, Kagan et. al. (2011)
assigned a 5 cm. thick intraclast breccia at a depth of 342 cm (Modeled Age ±1σ - 453 CE ± 67, ±2σ - 456 CE ± 86). to the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE. this appears to be
the same seismite Ken-Tor (2001a) labeled as Event D at ZA-1. Kagan et al (2011) likely assigned a 419 CE date because it better fits with the modeled ages. Bookman (nee Ken-Tor) co-authored a paper in 2010
(
Leroy et. al., 2010) which maintained a 363 CE date for Event D.
Because
Migowski et. al. (2004) had used varve counting
in the En Gedi core to assign a seismite to the 419 CE earthquake rather than the 363 CE Cyril Quake, there was doubt whether the 363 CE Cyril
Quake had created seismites in the Southern Dead Sea.
Because the southern Cyril Quake produced fatalities in nearby Ghor-es-Safi, Jordan
(see Archeoseismic evidence for the Cyril Quake),
it seems likely that the southern Cyril Quake produced a seismite in Nahal Ze 'elim however there is a
significantly better radiocarbon match with the Monaxius and Plinta Quake of 419 CE and thus the correct Quake assignment remains unresolved.
Araba - Introduction
Araba - Taybeh Trench
LeFevre et al. (2018) might have seen evidence for this earthquake in the
Taybeh Trench (Event E3 - Modeled Age 551 AD ± 264).
Araba - Qatar Trench
Klinger et. al. (2015) identified a seismic event (E6) in a trench near Qatar, Jordan in the
Arava which they modeled between 9 BCE and 492 CE. The large spread in age caused them to consider two possible earthquakes as the cause; the
early 2nd century CE Incense Road Quake
and the southern Cyril Quake of 363 CE.
They preferred the Cyril Quake of 363 CE based on weighing
other evidence
not related to their paleoseismic study and noted that further investigation was required.
Notes
Ambraseys (2009)
AD 363 May 19 Palestine
Two successive earthquakes in Palestine, six hours apart,
destroyed 22 towns in Palestine and Syria and caused
great loss of life. The first shock happened at the third
hour, destroying one part of the region, and the second
shock at the ninth hour of the night between Sunday
and Monday, 18–19 May 363, destroying the rest of it.
The whole of Antipatris, Nicopolis, Sebastia, Sepphoris and their territories as well as Ain d-Gader, Haifa
and Japho were destroyed.
More than half of Archalais, Beit Gubrin, Hada, a
suburb of Jerusalem, Jerusalem itself, Lydda, Petra and
their territory as well as of Samaria also were ruined
and half of Ascalon, and Azotus, collapsed. Also part
of Baishan, Caesarea Gophna, Tiberias and their territory were destroyed and one third of Paneas fell to
the ground. Ensuing fires and heavy rains added to the
destruction.
These shocks in Jerusalem probably destroyed,
among other structures, a cistern, and they are often associated with the fire and earthquake which seems to have
halted the rebuilding of the Temple.
The greater part of Areopolis and its walls as well
as Zoora, in the Ghoe al-Safi, also fell, the earthquakes
causing the Dead Sea to flood its shores.
There is archaeological evidence that this earthquake caused damage in Gush Halav, and damaged the
cathedral and staircase in the ‘Fountain Court’ of Gerasa
(Jerash).
It is not possible to separate the effects of the
two shocks, one of which was probably felt in Antioch. It is probable that the first shock on the night of
18 May occurred in the northern part of the affected
region, whereas the second shock of 19 May affected the
southern part of the region.
Contemporary and later writers amalgamate the
effects of this event with those of the large earthquake
during the Hellenic arc of AD 365.
The contemporary orator Libanius, listing the
earthquakes during Julian’s reign, says that
‘as for us
Antiochians, not one man survived, and . . . some cities in
Palestine and Syria have been flattened in parts, others
completely.’
A far more detailed list, which enables the extent
of the area affected by the earthquake to be established,
is found in a Syriac letter attributed pseudonymously to
Bishop Cyril of Jerusalem, which was discovered in 1976.
This letter also provides a precise time and date for the
earthquake in Jerusalem: Monday, at the 3rd hour, and
partly at the 9th hour of the night . . . on 19 Iyyar of the year
674 of the kingdom of Alexander the Greek = 19 May 363.
Even though not all the place names in the letter have
been deciphered, this kind of source is as valuable as it
is rare, and gives us a yardstick whereby to assess other
extant sources for this event and archaeological evidence.
Another valuable item of evidence that fixes the
date of the events, adding one more site that was ruined,
comes from three funerary inscriptions in Greek found
at Ghor el-Safi, the Byzantine Zoora (Zoara), on the
extreme southeast of the Dead Sea. The date of the
event given explicitly on the three epitaphs is Monday,
28 Artemisios 258 of the era of Province Arabia, that is
18 May 363 (Meimaris and Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou
2005, nos. 22–24).
In the Syric letter the date is given as Monday, 19
Iyyar of the year 674 of the Seleucid era, which falls on
the 19th of May 363, suggesting that it was the second
shock that affected chiefly the southern part of the general epicentral region.
Localized repairs and numismatic evidence point
to an earthquake at about this time in Gush Halav, c.
40 km inland from Ptolemais. ‘In light of the known extent
and severity of the 363 earthquake, there was no possibility
that Gush Halav could have escaped such damage’ in this
event (Russell 1981, 36). Originally the damage to Gush
Halav was dated to AD 362 by Russell (1981, 36), who
probably relied on Amiran (1950–51, 225). Also the damage to the cathedral and staircase in the area of the ‘Fountain Court’ of Gerasa, which has been dated to between
340 and 365 (Crowfoot 1931, 144; 1938, 219), was probably due to this earthquake (Russell 1981, 40).
An inscription found in the Upper Jordan valley at Ma’ayan Barukh, near ancient Caesarea Philippi,
commemorates Julian’s restoration of temples during the
later years of his reign, perhaps summer 363 when he
was in Syria (Negev 1969, 170). Another inscription from
‘Anz in the southern Hauran states that another temple
was restored by Julian (Littman 1910, 108/no. 186).
Areopolis (Rabbat Moab), mentioned by St
Jerome, is inside the area of this earthquake. He says
that its walls came down ‘when the seas overran the
shores of the whole world during my childhood’. The reference to a sea wave might lead us to associate Areopolis’ destruction with the AD 365 earthquake instead,
but that occurred in the early morning (Ammian. XXXI.
x. 15–18/LCL. ii. 648–650), and Areopolis is more than
120 km inland from the Mediterranean coast and only
15 km from the coast of the Dead Sea.
Many authors (see the notes) record that in about
AD 363, when the Jews had begun to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem at the Emperor Julian’s instigation,
fire came out of the ground and earthquakes shattered
the new foundations. Many authors have an apparition
of the Cross following this. Most of the sources are
Christian authors, some of them near-contemporary, and
clearly anxious to discredit the apostate emperor and
to vindicate Christ’s prophecy that of the Temple not a
stone would remain upon a stone (Matt. xxiv. 15). However, the pagan contemporary Ammianus Marcellinus
also relates this event, although he says only that ‘flames
kept bursting forth near the foundations of the temple’,
and does not mention an earthquake (strangely, he does
not mention the great earthquake in Palestine and Syria
either).
Jerusalem was undoubtedly damaged by this
earthquake. It is possible that Christian authors have syncretised the fire at the Temple site and the earthquake,
and factual and chronological discrepancies among the
various accounts have led modern authors to dismiss
them out of hand. Lardner dismisses St Gregory of
Nazianzen’s account in particular as ‘monkish fables’ and
claims that Ammianus credulously copied the Christian
sources (Lardner 1769–88, vol. 8, 376ff.). Ammianus was
contemporary with Gregory, but the widely differing
styles and emphases of these two accounts indicate independent composition; hence Ammianus, in fact, lends the
Christian sources for this event some credibility.
An eighth-century Christian chronicle says that
God ‘began to destroy 221 cities of which some were overthrown, others collapsed and others held out, in the month
Iyar of the year 674’. This date fully agrees with that in
Harvard Syriac 99. Oddly, though, the chronicler does not
mention the destruction of the Temple.
Notes
‘As for us Antiochians, not one man survived, and the earthquakes which have happened bear witness to the evil: some cities
in Palestine and Syria have been flattened in parts, others completely. It seems to us that the god is showing a great sign through
great calamities.’ (Lib. Or. i. 134/Foerster i. 147ff.).
‘Now we should like to write down for you the names of the
towns which were overthrown: Beit Gubrin – more than half of it;
part of Baishan, the whole of Sebastia and its territory, the whole
of Nikopolis and its territory; more than half of Lydda and its
territory; about half of Ashqelon, the whole of Antipatris and
its territory; part of Caesarea, more than half Samaria; part of
NSL’, a third of Paneas, half of Azotus, part of Gophna, more
than half Petra (RQM); Hada, a suburb of the city (Jerusalem) –
more than half; more than half Jerusalem . . . Part of Tiberias too,
and its territory more than half ‘RDQLY’, the whole of Sepphoris (SWPRYN) and its territory, ‘Aina d-Gader; Haifa (?; HLP)
flowed with blood for three days; the whole of Japho (YWPY)
perished, [and] part of ‘D’NWS.
This event took place on Monday at the third hour, and
partly at the ninth hour of the night. There was great loss of life
here. [It was] on 19 Iyyar of the year 674 of the kingdom of
Alexander the Greek.’ (Brock 1977).
‘I heard (and the entire city testifies to this) that when the seas
overran the shores of the whole world during my childhood,
the walls of a certain Areopolis collapsed on the same night.’
(Hieron. Hist. Comment. ad Ess. 185/168).
‘And although he (Julian) weighed every possible variety of
events with anxious thought, and pushed on with burning zeal
the many preparations for his campaign, yet turning his activity to every part, and eager to extend the memory of his reign
by great works, he planned at vast cost to restore the once splendid temple at Jerusalem, which after many mortal combats during the siege by Vespasian and later by Titus, had barely been
stormed. He had entrusted the speedy performance of this work
to Alypius of Antioch, who had once been vice-prefect of Britain.
But, though this Alypius pushed the work on with vigour, aided
by the governor of the province, terrifying balls of flame kept
bursting forth near the foundations of the temple, and made the
place inaccessible to the workmen, some of whom were burned to
death; and since in this way the element persistently resisted them,
Julian gave up the attempt.’ (Ammian. XXIII. i. 2–3/LCL. ii.
310).
‘For the Jews were friendly towards [the Greeks] and shared their
eagerness, as they suspected that they would be able to succeed in
their undertaking and thus spread lies against the words of Christ,
and they put their heads together and concluded that it was the
right time to rebuild the temple. When they had pulled down and
gathered up the remains of the first building, and had cleared the
ground, the next day it is said, when they were about to lay the first
foundations, there was a great earthquake, and the stones were
cast forth by a shock from the depths of the earth, and the Jews
who were in charge of the work were killed and reached their destination (i.e. their deserts) at the sight of this earthquake. For the
houses and public colonnades which were near the temple, and in
which the Jews died, all collapsed together. And of the many who
were trapped, some were killed, others were found half-dead with
their legs or hands amputated, and others had lost some other
parts of their bodies.’ (Sozomen v. 22).
‘And in another way the Emperor, being keen to hurt the Christians, disproved his own religion. For as he was fond of sacrifices, not only did he rejoice in blood himself, but he ordered
that others who did not make [sacrifices] be punished. And when
he had found out a few such people, he sent for the Jews. And
when he had found out, from them, for his pleasure, that the
Mosaic Law commands sacrifices, they went away. Since they
said that they could not do this anywhere except in Jerusalem,
he ordered them to build Solomon’s Temple quickly. He, meanwhile, advanced against the Persians. The Jews had for a long
time been keen to know when the right time was for them to
rebuild the Temple in order to offer sacrifices, and then they were
keen to get to work. They showed themselves frightened by the
Christians, and swaggered to them, threatening that they would
do the things which they had once suffered at the hands of the
Romans. Since the Emperor had ordered that the cost be borne
by public funds, everything was made ready . . . Then Cyril, the
bishop of Jerusalem, recalled the words of the prophet Daniel,
which Christ confirmed in the ancient Gospels, and he said to
many, that now was the time when “not a stone would remain
on a stone”, but that the words of the Saviour would be fulfilled.
Thus spoke the bishop. And during the night a great earthquake
shattered the old foundation-stones of the temple, and scattered
them together with the nearby dwellings . . . And when there were
many people there, another portent occurred. For fire fell down
from heaven and destroyed the workmen’s tools . . .’ (Socr. Sch.
iii. 20).
‘But when they began to pile together thousands of measures of
gypsum and stones, suddenly great winds arose, and whirlwinds,
hurricanes and storms together shattered everything. And when
they carried on their madness, and did not come to their senses
through divine patience, first a massive earthquake happened,
which of all divine phenomena was enough to inspire terror in
the most brute creatures; and as this did not terrify them a fire
came up from the depths of the foundations and devoured most
of the builders and put the rest to flight. At night the building collapsed, crushing those who were in the neighbouring colonnade,
asleep. The same night, the saving Cross appeared as a glowing
sign in the sky, and the clothes of the Jews appeared not bright,
but stained with a dark colour.’ (Theod. HE III. xv/1112ff.).
‘. . . he [Julian] persuaded the Jews . . . and they put their minds
to rebuilding the Temple, and they worked very hard on this task
with hand and mind . . .When of a sudden they were driven back
by a savage whirlwind and an earthquake (brasmou ges), some
rushed to the nearest temple in order to pray, others, as is accustomed to happen in such events, used whatever means were available for help, while still others rushed together in this disaster, and
ran about hither and thither. There are those who say that they
could not get into the Temple, but that when they approached the
gates, which were open, it happened that they were closed by some
unseen and unknown power, which worked wonders for the consternation of the unbelievers and well-being of the faithful. And
they all say and believe that, while the injured were fighting each
other to get out [of the Temple], a fire arose from the temple in
their way, which consumed and destroyed some of them (which
is similar to what happened to the Sodomites . . . ), while others
had their extremities burned off in mortal places . . . And it was
indeed this, and let no one deny it, nothing other than the powers
of God. But, which was more extraordinary and revelatory than
this, a brilliant light in the shape of the Cross shone in the sky,
and as the earlier [portent] had reproached on earth the godless,
now a shape and a name in the sky was an equal revelation, and
was a divine emblem of victory over the unbelievers, higher than
all [other] emblems.’ (Greg. Naz. Contr. Iul. ii. 149/668–669).
‘a.674: Julian urged the Jews to sacrifice, and indeed sacrifice they
did. And they petitioned him to rebuild their Temple in Jerusalem.
And he allowed them to rebuild it, and paid for it out of the
public exchequer. For this reason, everything was quickly made
ready: stones, tools, planks, line for the clay, and the other things
which are needed for construction. However St Cyril, the Bishop
of Jerusalem, when he saw these things, prophesied and said that
the time had come in which the words of the Saviour would be
fulfilled: A stone will not be left upon a stone here. And so St
Cyril predicted these things. And at night there was a great earthquake so that the stones of the old foundations of the Temple were
cast up and were scattered by the violence of this shock; and the
houses nearby were overturned. And the story of this upheaval
spread over the whole world. And again on the following day fire
came down from heaven, and it consumed all the works of the
architects and builders, together with the rest of their tools. The
flames could be seen to consume hammers, tongs, axes and trowels; indeed all the day the fire burned up the tools. The Jews, however, were thrown into great terror; reluctantly they confessed that
Christ was God, but they did not comply with their wills, nor did
the third prodigy which happened among them lead them to faith.
For on the following night, glowing signs of the cross appeared
marked on their clothes, and at daybreak, when they saw this sign,
they tried to scrub and wash it off by every means, but they were
not able to.’ (Ps.Dion. 178/i. 132).
‘And the Jews, when they were blamed by Julian for neglecting
their sacrifices, cunningly requested him, “As it is our law that
we are not allowed to sacrifice outside the Temple of Jerusalem,
grant that we may rebuild our Temple, if you want us to make
sacrifices.”. He approved this and they began to build. Scarcely
were the foundations laid, than fire sprang up from them; and
it killed those who were there and consumed and destroyed the
buildings. When Julian heard this he stopped urging them to build
or sacrifice.’ (Chron. 846, 199).
‘And in the 52nd year of the peace granted to the
Churches, Julian acceded to the Universal Imperium of the
Romans, and he renewed the persecution against the Christians,
and ordered the temples of idols to be opened and their altars to
be rebuilt, the idols restored, and their cult to be re-established. He
stole the treasures of the Churches; and he ordered synagogues of
false teachings to be set up, and sent bishops into exile from their
sees.’ (Chron. 724, 133/103–104).
‘a.674: At the same time, the Lord grew angry against the
cities of the pagans and of the Jews and the Samaritans and the
cities of false teaching in the south, which had taken part in the
madness of the pagan Julian. And anger came from the Lord, and
he began to destroy the unclean and pagan cities over the heads of
their inhabitants, because they had polluted them with the blood
which they unjustly caused to flow there, and He began to destroy
221 cities of which some were overthrown, others collapsed and
others held out, in the month Iyar of the year 674.’ (Chron. 724,
133/104).
In the antipagan polemics which the church fathers unleashed against Julian the
Apostate, some emphasis is placed on the prodigies which occurred in Jerusalem after
the emperor's decision to rebuild the Jewish temple. What happened plays an important part in the writings of the church fathers and in ecclesiastical histories. Indeed,
the Christians of the time took literally the prophecy in St. Matthew's Gospel (24.1ff.),
according to which Jesus would prevent the rebuilding of the temple. Gregory of
Nazianzus seems to be a contemporary source, and in his Second Invective against
Julian, he writes:
Immediately fleeing before both the furious storm and the earthquake, at the nearby temples J and everyone tells or claims that while the injured
were fighting with one another to reach the exit, fire broke out in the temple, burning
them and casting them out [...] But the most striking and miraculous thing of all was a
light which rose up in the sky in the form of a cross 1...].
This kind of account makes it seem likely that many details were passed on orally (see
Brock 1977, p.267).
In his Ecclesiastical History, Socrates describes what happened as follows:
"and on a
night following, a mighty earthquake tore up the stones of the old foundations of the
temple, and dispersed them all together with the adjacent ediiices. This circumstance
exceedingly terrified the Jews; and the report of it brought many to the spot who resided at a great distance. When, therefore, a vast multitude was assembled, another
prodigy took place. Fire came down from heaven and consumed all the builders'
tools".
The accounts of Sozomen, Theodoret and Philostorgius are on similar lines.
The most interesting account, however, is to be found in a letter which has come down
to us in a 6th century Syriac translation, and which may have been written by Cyril,
who was bishop of Jerusalem at the time (some place names which are difficult to
identify have been transliterated using small capital letters):
"3. At the digging of the
foundations of Jerusalem, which had been ruined because of the killing of the Lord,
the land shook considerably, and there were great tremors in the towns round about.
[...] 5. We have not written to you at length, beyond the earthquake that took place at
God's (behest). For many Christians living in these regions, as well as the majority of
the Jews, also perished in that scourge — and not just in the earthquake, but also as a
result of fire and in the heavy rain they had. 6. At the outset, when they wanted to
lay the foundations of the Temple on the Sunday previous to the earthquake, there
were strong winds and storms, with the result that they were unable to lay the
Temple's foundations that day. It was on that very night that the great earthquake
occurred, and we were all in the church of the Confessors. [...] 11. Now we should like
to write down for you the names of the towns which were destroyed: more than half of
Beit Gubrin; part of Baishan, the whole of Sebastia and its territory, the whole of
Nicopolis and its territory; more than half of Lydda and its territory; about half of
Ascalon, the whole of Antipatr is and its territory; part of Caesarea, more than half of
Samaria; part of NSL', a third of Paneas, half of Azotus, part of Gophna, more than half
of Petra (NINA); more than half of Hada, a suburb of the city (Jerusalem); more than
half of Jerusalem. And fire came forth and consumed the teachers of the Jews. Part
of Tiberias too, and its territory, more than half of Areopolis (RDQLY'), the whole of
Sepphoris (swpRyx) and its territory, 'Aina d-Gader; Haifa (au) flowed with blood for
three days; the whole of Japho (vwp-v) perished, (and) part of 'D'NWS. 12. This event took
place on Monday at the third hour, and partly at the ninth hour of the night. There
was great loss of life here. (It was) on 19 Iyyar of the year 674 [May 363] of the kingdom of Alexander the Greek [...]".
It is also worth recording the evidence provided by Jerome in his Commentary on
Isaiah. He refers to the seismic sea-wave of 21 July 365 (see entry ( 154 )) and relates
it to an earthquake at Areopolis, on the border between Arabia and Palestine:
"I heard
from an inhabitant of Areopolis — but the whole city witnessed the event — that a
great earthquake occurred when I was a child, and the sea swept in over the shores of
the whole world, and the city walls collapsed that same night".
Audivi quemdam Aerapolitem, sed et omnis civitas testis est, motu terrae magno in
mea infantia, quando totius orbis litus transgressa sunt maria, eadem nocte muros
urbis istius corruisse.
As Jacques and Bousquet (1984, p.446ff.) have pointed out, Jerome is bringing
together two occurrences, one in 363 and the other in 365, but the nature of Jerome's
evidence does not oblige us to date the Areopolis earthquake to 365, for it occurred in
an area close to Palestine (east of the Dead Sea), but was perhaps too far from the area
of the patriarchate of Jerusalem for Cyril to mention it in his letter. In our view, there
are palaeographic reasons for suggesting that the debated 'RDQLY in Cyril's letter may
be a reference to Areopolis rather than Archelais. Jacques and Bousquet (1984,
p.447) rightly conclude that Jerome had something to gain by bringing the two events
together, for Isaiah had prophesied (15.1) that Areopolis (Moab) would be destroyed in
an earthquake, and by relating that event to the great "universal" earthquake of 365,
Jerome enhanced the evidence he provided.
In his Epitaph in memory of the emperor Julian (Or. 18.292), Libanius records that
"many cities in Palestine" were destroyed (see entry ( 148 )). A brief reference to this
earthquake is also to be found in his Autobiography (Or. 1.134).
There are no Hebrew sources for this earthquake, but some Syriac ones record that it
was indeed a disastrous earthquake. The Syriac Chronicle of 724 (which has the date
27 Iyyar, i.e. May) and the Maronite Chronicle tell of the destruction of 21 cities; and
another Syriac writer, Agapius of Mabbug, (Po 7.4, 581), records the destruction of 22.
Of the Greek and Latin sources, Ammianus, Ambrose and John Chrysostom think
that building work on the Temple in Jerusalem was interrupted by a sudden fire
rather than an earthquake.
There is also a Coptic source, the History of the Church in Alexandria — an anonymous and fragmentary
work which was probably not originally written in Coptic but where mention of the Temple episode contains an implicit reference to an earthquake:
"So they began to build. They built from morning to night. When they returned in
the morning they found that what they had built [the previous day] had been
destroyed, but not by the hand of man".
Russell (1980, p.52) refers to possible obscure allusions in the Talmud. In Amiran's
catalogue (1950-51, p.225), it was wrongly taken to be the 365 earthquake (see entry
(154 )). The collapse of some buildings, for which there is archaeological evidence, has
been attributed to this earthquake. See the bibliography in Russell (1980, pp.55-7).
Grumel (1958, p.477) does not give an exact date for the earthquake, simply placing it
during the reign of Julian. The exact date is in fact May 363, very probably on the
19th (see Brock 1977, p.268).
An odd book was written on this earthquake by the Anglican bishop William
Warburton (1750). In it, he thoroughly examined all the Greek and Latin historical
evidence in order to explain the earthquake as caused by Divine Providence.
