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Transliterated Name Source Name
Samaria Hebrew שֹׁומְרוֹן
Sebaste Greek Σεβαστή
Somron Biblical Hebrew שֹׁמְרוֹן
Shomron Biblical Hebrew שֹׁמְרוֹן
as-Sāmirah Arabic السامرة
House of Khomry Assyrian
Bet Ḥumri Early (Assyrian?) cuneiform inscriptions
Samirin Cuneiform inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III (ruled 745–727 BCE) and later
Shamerayin Aramaic
Identification and History

Samaria, the capital of the kingdom of Israel and center of the region of Samaria, bears the name of the hill of Samaria on which Omri, king of Israel, built his city. The site is identified with the village of Sebastia (c. 10 km. northeast of Shechem). The place was renamed Sebaste by Herod when he rebuilt the city. The town lay on a high hill (430 m above sea level), towering over its surroundings. It was situated at a crossroads near the main highway running northward from Shechem, in a fertile agricultural region. Its topographic and strategic advantages were probably why the site was chosen for the capital of the kingdom of Israel, even though it lacked an adequate water supply.

The Bible records the foundation of Samaria: "In the thirty-first year of Asa king of Judah, Omri began to reign over Israel, and reigned for twelve years; six years he reigned in Tirzah. He bought the hill of Samaria from Shemer for two talents of silver; and he fortified the hill, and called the name of the city which he built, Samaria, after the name of Shemer, the owner of the hill" (1 Kings 16:23-24). Even after the fall of Israel, the Assyrians called it the house of Khomry, after Omri, the founder of the dynasty and of Samaria. Omri succeeded in strengthening the kingdom, but because of his failures in his wars with Aram, he was forced to cede to the king of Aram "streets" in Samaria for merchants to set up their bazaars (1 Kg. 20:34).

Ahab, Omri's son, reigned from 873 to 852 BCE. Toward the end ofhis reign, Samaria was besieged by Ben-hadad II, king of Aram, and his allies (1 Kg. 20: 1). Ahab struck back at Ben-hadad, at the gates of Samaria. Later, following a decisive battle at Aphek (1 Kg. 20:26-30), he obtained the return to Israel of the cities previously captured by the Arameans. He also acquired tradeconcessionsin the markets ofDamascus (1 Kg. 20:34). In the battle with the Assyrians at Qarqar (853 BCE), Ahab occupied an important position among the twelve members of the coalition. According to Assyrian sources, his army consisted oftwo thousand cavalry and ten thousand foot soldiers. In the last year of his reign, Ahab and his ally, the Judean king Jehoshaphat, waged war with the Arameans to recapture Ramoth-Gilead for Israel. Before setting out to battle, the two kings sat on the threshing floor at the entrance to the gate at Samaria and asked the prophets to ask God what lay before them ( 1 Kg. 22:1-1 0). In the battle of Ramoth-Gilead, Ahab was fatally wounded. His body was brought to Samaria and his chariot was washed of his blood in the pool ofSamaria(l Kg. 22:33-38). With the marriage of Ahab andJezebel, the daughterofEthbaal, king ofTyre, the alliance with Tyrewas consolidated, and its cultural influence on Israel increased. For his wife, Ahab built a sanctuary to Baal and Astarte in Samaria (1 Kg. 16:32-33; 2 Kg. 10:21) and a temple in the city of Jezreel, thus arousing the wrath of the prophets oflsrael, especially Elijah's. The statement in the Bible "Now the rest of the acts of Ahab, and all that he did, and the ivory house which he built, and all the cities that he built. .. " (1 Kg. 22:39) suggests that Ahab was a man of unbounded energy and a zealous builder.

The reign of Joram, thesonofAhab, witnessed a decline in the political and economic position of the kingdom of Israel. Samaria was put under heavy siege by the Aramean king Ben-hadad, and famine spread through the city (2 Kg. 6:24~30). In connection with this great famine, the Bible relates that the "gate of Samaria" was the marketplace for food (2 Kg. 7:1). When Joram renewed the war against Aram for Ramoth-Gilead, Jehu, the commander of his army, who had been anointed king by the prophet Elisha, revolted against Joram. Jehu annihilated Ahab's family and put an end to the cult of Baal in Samaria. He paid tribute to the Assyrians in 841 BCE. His submission is related on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III. On the obelisk Jehu is referred to as the "Son of Omri," that is, king over the land of the House ofOmri (which was Israel). Jehu lost large tracts ofland east ofthe Jordan. In the days of the great Israelite king, Jeroboam II (784~ 748 BCE), Samaria reached the zenith of its prosperity and expansion. Jeroboam conquered Damascus, extending the borders of his kingdom from Hamath to the sea ofthe Arabah (2 Kg. 14:23~29). In the days ofSamaria's greatness, a powerful aristocracy emerged that pursued a life of luxury. Instances of injustice appeared, causing the prophet Amos to protest strongly against the luxuries in the palaces and "ivory houses" in Samaria and against the pomp of the cult at Bethel (Am. 3:9~15, 4:4).

The beginning of the decline and disintegration of the kingdom of Israel followed the death of Jeroboam. Menahem, king oflsrael, had to pay heavy tribute to the Assyrians in 783 BCE. Large territories were split from the country during the military expeditions of Tiglath-pileser III in 734 and 733 BCE. Pekah and Hoshea attempted to revolt against the Assyrians, but Shalmaneser V marched against Samaria and held it under siege for three years. In 722 BCE, Sargon II conquered the city and many of its inhabitants were deported to remote districts in the Assyrian empire (2 Kg. 17:5~6, 18:9~ 1 0). Samaria became the center of the province of the same name and the seat of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian governors. The Assyrian kings settled colonists there from various countries (2 Kg. 17:24). They mixed with the local Israelite population, creating an increasing cultural and religious amalgamation. During a period of Assyrian weakness, Josiah, king of Judah (2 Kg. 23:8), raided the towns of Samaria and destroyed the high places (bamot) set up by the kings oflsrael. This event encouraged those in Samaria who had remained faithful to the Lord, and many ofthem went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem after its conquest by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 41:5). Nevertheless, in the course of time, a Samaritan community arose in Samaria that broke away from the people of Israel. Sanballat the Horonite, the Persian governorofSamaria, stood at the head of the opposition to the buildingofthe city wall in Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah.

When the Persian empire fell to Alexander the Great, Samaria too was conquered (332 BCE), and thousands of Macedonian soldiers were settled here. Samaria became a Greek city, differing in its ethnic, cultural, and religious point of view from the provincial cities of the Samaritans, whose religious center was Mount Gerizim. During the reigns of the Hellenistic kings, Samaria experienced a number of wars and conquests, but no destruction so complete as that inflicted upon it by the Hasmoneans under John Hyrcanus in 108 BCE. According to Josephus, Hyrcanus razed the city and sold its inhabitants into slavery.

In the time of Pompey (63 BCE), Samaria was annexed to the Roman province of Syria, and under Gabinius (57 BCE) the city revived. In 30 BCE, the emperor Augustus granted it to King Herod, who rebuilt it, adorned it with buildings, and named it Sebaste, in honor of Augustus (in Greek Sebastos = Augustus) (Josephus, Antiq. XV, 246). Herod, too, settled foreign soldiers here, and again the complexion of the city's population changed. During the First Jewish Revolt against Rome, from 66 to 70 CE, the city was once more destroyed. Septimius Severus granted it the status of a Roman colony with all the inherent privileges in 200 CE. Although the city had already begun to decline when Christianity became dominant, in the fourth century CE Sebaste became the seat of a bishop. A popular tradition locating the tomb of John the Baptist here lent the site a certain importance in the eyes of the Christians, who built churches here. After the Arab conquest, various travelers described the many extant ruins

History from Gibson (2014)

Samaria-Sebaste was destroyed during the First Jewish War (66–73 CE), but was rebuilt and gained the status of a Roman colony from the hands of Septimus Severus in 200 CE. By the time that Christianity became the dominant religion, Sebaste was already deteriorating and after the Arab conquest in the first half of the seventh century CE it was left in ruins.


Two major archaeological expeditions excavated at Samaria. From 1908 to 1910, an expedition from Harvard University excavated here, first on a small scale, underthedirectionofG. Schumacher, and later more extensively under G. A. Reisner and C. S. Fisher. This expedition unearthed the western part of the fortress (the acropolis) from the time of the dynasties ofOmri and Jehu, includingthecasematewalls, the royal residence, and the storehousewithin its precincts. Especially noteworthy finds are the ostraca (see below). Also uncovered were the ruins of the Hellenistic fortifications of the acropolis, the Roman city wall, thewestgate,houses, the temple of Augustus, the forum, the basilica, and the stadium. The second expedition was a consortium of five institutions that worked at the site from 1931 to 1935: Harvard University, the British Palestine Exploration Fund, the British Academy, the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The director of the excavations was J. W. Crowfoot, with E. L. Sukenik as assistant field director. K. Lake represented Harvard University. K. M. Kenyon and G. M. Crowfoot also participated in the expedition, assuming a major role in the publication of the excavation report, as well as N. Avigad and the architect J. Pinkerfeld. The Joint Expedition extended the area previously excavated by clearing the fortress of the Israelite kings. The finds from the royal quarter included a collection of ivory carvings. A burial cave and a cult place(?) from the Israelite period were also uncovered. Smaller projects included the exploration of the Hellenistic fort, the colonnaded street, the forum, and the stadium. Also discovered were the remains of a temple dedicated to the goddess Kore, a theater, Roman tombs, and a church; the water system of the Roman city was investigated.

The excavators met with considerable difficulty in distinguishing between the various strata because the town had been destroyed several times. The builders had dismantled previous structures, reused their stones, and deepened foundations down to bedrock. Building foundations from different periods were therefore frequently found side by side, rather than superimposed. Foundation trenches that penetrated several strata of construction disturbed the stratigraphy and the deposits. The conditions on the site forced the excavators to dig according to the strip system: the earth removed from every excavated strip was dumped into the previously excavated strip, a system with numerous disadvantages.

From 1965 to 1967, small-scale excavations were conducted at Samaria under the sponsorship of the Jordan Department of Antiquities, directed by F. Zayadine. These investigations were concentrated mainly in the area of the theater, the colonnaded street, the west gate, and the temple of Augustus. An Iron Age tomb was also uncovered. In 1968, the western sector of the mound was briefly examined by J. B. Hennessy, who exposed several strata from the Hellenistic and Roman periods.

Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, and Sections
Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, and Sections

Maps and Aerial Views

  • Fig. 4 - Location Map from Tappy (2014)
  • Annotated Aerial View of Samaria/Sebaste from
  • Samaria/Sebaste in Google Earth
  • Samaria/Sebaste on


Normal Size

  • Fig. 4.15 - Site plan of Samaria-Sebaste from Tappy (2014)
  • Fig. 4.16 - Summit plan of Samaria from Tappy (2014)
  • Fig. 20 - Google Earth view of Samaria, indicating the main elements that make up the site from Finkelstein (2013)


  • Fig. 4.15 - Site plan of Samaria-Sebaste from Tappy (2014)
  • Fig. 4.16 - Summit plan of Samaria from Tappy (2014)
  • Fig. 20 - Google Earth view of Samaria, indicating the main elements that make up the site from Finkelstein (2013)


  • Fig. 22 - Architectural section through the southern side of the Acropolis and lower platform at Samaria from Finkelstein (2013)


Biblical Period

The first expedition distinguished three Israelite building phases: the palace from the time of Omri, the casemate wall and the storehouse from the reign of Ahab, and the buildings west of the casemate wall from the days of Jeroboam II. The Joint Expedition dug a stratigraphic section across the royal quarter. Early Bronze Age I pottery was found on the rock, but the site was not resettled until the Israelite period. Kenyon distinguished eight pre-Hellenistic building and ceramic periods, six of them belonging to the time between the foundation of the city in 876 BCE and its conquest in 721 BCE. This division was based on both architectural and ceramic considerations. According to Kenyon the building periods I-VI coincide with the ceramic periods I-VI, as shown here:
Period Description
I Omri: construction of the inner wall and the palace.
II Ahab: construction of the casemate wall and probably also of the east gate.
III Jehu and others: repair of the casemate wall, rebuilding of earlier structures, erection of new buildings.
IV Time of Jeroboam II and others: repair of the casemate wall, alterations in existing buildings, and construction of new ones, probably also of the storehouse.
V-VI Changes and repairs: burned layer attributed to the conquest of Samaria in 721 BCE.
The proposals for the first two periods - decisive for establishing the chronology of the pottery - have been questioned. The disagreement is rooted in the different approaches to archaeological methodology. The pottery from period I was found in the fills of the structures from period I, according to Kenyon's terminology. She attributes this pottery to the construction period of the buildings, claiming that it was brought by the builders in the time of Omri. For the same reason, she ascribes the pottery from period II - which is very similar to the earlier pottery - to building period II.

These conclusions were disputed, however, by W. F. Albright, Y. Aharoni, R. Amiran, G. E. Wright and others, who maintain that the pottery from periods I-II found in the fills of structures I-II predates these buildings. On the grounds of a typological comparison with pottery from other excavations, they date it earlier, to the tenth and beginning of the ninth centuries BCE. In their opinion the pottery attests to the fact that a small settlement existed on the site prior to the foundation of the city of Samaria.

Kenyon did not overlook this problem. Although she noted the discovery of two walls covered by the floors of buildings from period I, when discussing the pottery she stated that there was no trace of occupation from the beginning of the Early Bronze Age until the time of Omri.

Avigad shared the view of those who claim that pottery periods I-II precede building periods I-II and that the pottery of period III, which is richer and more varied than the preceding examples - parallels building periods I-II. Wright has also suggested a correction in the chronology of the walls. In his opinion, Omri, who resided in Samaria for only six years, could not have succeeded in building the first wall and the palace in such a short time. It is difficult as well to assume, according to Wright, that Ahab could have erected a fortification as extensive as the casemate wall during the twenty-two years of his reign. Wright therefore considers that Omri only began the construction of the first wall and that Ahab completed it, whereas Jehu, the founder of the next dynasty, built the casemate wall.

Wright's contentions are not acceptable to this writer. In Avigad's opinion it is highly improbable that Omri would have established his residence in a city that was not walled and in which there were no quarters suitable for a king. In all probability, he began the fortifications of the hill and the building of his palace while still living in his first capital, Tirzah. He would have transferred his capital to Samaria only after the site had been prepared - that is, after the main buildings had been wholly or nearly finished. He could certainly have completed the inner wall, which is a single wall only 1.6 m thick. The building of the casemate wall, on the other hand - for which the summit of the hill had to be widened by an artificial fill - was indeed a major undertaking. It required considerable time and means, as well as the vision of a great builder .It was certainly possible to complete it in the twenty-two years of Ahab's reign. In fact, the work was finished in an even shorter time, because during Ahab's reign Samaria withstood the siege of the Arameans only by virtue of its strong fortifications. (It should be noted that this discussion refers only to the fortifications of the acropolis; in times of emergency, the acropolis could also shelter the inhabitants of the lower city, of whose walls almost nothing is known.) Ahab, who married Jezebel, the daughter of the king of Tyre, certainly received ample assistance from the Phoenicians for this extensive construction project. During his reign, prosperity prevailed in the kingdom of Israel, and the Bible relates that Ahab was a builder of cities and palaces. Archaeological finds from sites other than Samaria also attest that Ahab was a great builder. He erected strong fortifications at Hazor and at Megiddo. At the latter site he probably also built the large stables, an assumption borne out by an Assyrian source recording the considerable number of war chariots that stood at Ahab's disposal. It cannot, therefore, be conceived that in his own capital, Samaria, he would have been satisfied with merely completing the construction of the unpretentious "inner wall" begun by his father.

For these reasons, it is difficult to attribute the construction of the casemate wall to Jehu. Even though Jehu founded a new dynasty, put an end to the cult of Baal, and won the confidence of the prophets, his reign does not seem to have been propitious for such a large building project as this. During his reign, the kingdom of Israel suffered political defeats and lost extensive territory. Jehu was the first Israelite king to pay heavy tribute to the Assyrians. Commercial relations with Tyre were broken off with the killing of Jezebel, and it is hardly likely that the Phoenicians would have nevertheless supplied him with aid to build fortifications. Furthermore, the Bible does not attribute any building activity to Jehu.

Therefore, those archaeologists seem to be correct who have ascribed the building of the casemate wall to Ahab and only its repairs to Jehu and his successors. The following chronological table summarizes the different views on the dating and the correlations between the building and ceramic periods at Samaria, up to its conquest in 722 BCE.

Stratigraphic Comparisons for the Biblical Periods in Samaria Stratigraphic Comparisons for the Biblical Periods in Samaria

Stern et al (1993)

The Iron Age in the Southern Levant

8th century BCE Earthquake (?)

Although Austin et. al. (2000) state that according to Yadin et al. (1960:36), traces of the middle-eighth-century earthquake were found at Samaria no such reference is to be found [by JW] in Yadin et al. (1960:36), Yadin et al. (1960), Yadin et al. (1958), or Yadin et al. (1961). Austin et. al. (2000) noted that no detailed excavation report [of Samaria-Sebaste] has been published concerning this period and added the following observation

Samaria was the capital of Israel at the time of the earthquake. The biblical records indicate that Samaria received severe damage to palace-fortresses, walls, and houses (Amos 3:11; 4:3; 6:11). Pride in Israel’s royal citadel and fear of an Assyrian invasion would have been incentives for Samaria to upgrade quickly from the fallen mud brick to stronger hewn stone (Isaiah 9:9,10 [Heb. 9:8,9]).

3rd-7th century CE Earthquake

Initial excavations of this site were performed by Harvard University without the aid of modern excavation or recording techniques and without a valid chronology of Late Roman Byzantine ceramics (Russell, 1980). Reisner, Fischer, and Lyon (1924: 218) report the following which may indicate earthquake damage:

Restoration - During the Severan period the Basilica and the Forum were entirely reconstructed. The building, like those on the summit, had apparently been in ruins. Many of the columns had been overthrown, and the pedestals carried away.
Gibson (2014) reports that Samaria-Sebaste was destroyed during the First Jewish War (66–73 CE), "but was rebuilt and gained the status of a Roman colony from the hands of Septimus Severus in 200 CE. By the time that Christianity became the dominant religion, Sebaste was already deteriorating and after the Arab conquest in the first half of the seventh century CE it was left in ruins". This suggests that the Severan period referred to by Reisner, Fischer, and Lyon (1924) could have lasted from 200 CE until sometime before the middle of the 7th century CE.

Russell (1980) reports that later excavations by Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik (1966:137-38) found evidence of destruction and subsequent rebuilding in a large house found in the eastern insula. Crowfoot et. al. (1966) described the evidence as follows :
No portion of the walls above ground level survived. The foundations show at least two periods. some badly built walls with very rubbly building being added to the better built earlier ones. Nearly all the earlier ones seem to have been partially rebuilt in the worse style, with two or three courses of rubble on the top of their solidly built foundations. This would indicate that the original building had been destroyed to ground level, possibly by an earthquake
According to Russell (1980), Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik (1966) also suggested that the Basilica of the site might have been converted into a cathedral during the 4th century CE (Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik, 1966: 37).

Seismic Effects
3rd-7th century CE Earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description
Collapsed Walls the original building had been destroyed to ground level, possibly by an earthquake - Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik (1966:137-38)

Intensity Estimates
3rd-7th century CE Earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description Intensity
Collapsed Walls the original building had been destroyed to ground level, possibly by an earthquake - Crowfoot, Kenyon, and Sukenik (1966:137-38) VIII+
The archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224).

Notes and Further Reading

Bibliography from Stern et al (1993 v. 4)

Main publications

G. A. Reisner, C. S. Fisher, and D. G. Lyon, Harvard Excavations at Samaria ( 1908- 1910), 1-2, Cambridge, Mass. 1924

J. W. Crowfoot and G. M. Crowfoot, Early Ivories from Samaria (Samaria-Sebaste 2), London 1938

J. W. Crowfoot, K. M. Kenyon, and E. L. Sukenik, The Buildings at Samaria (Samaria-Sebaste 1), London 1942

J. W Crowfoot, G. M. Crowfoot, and K. M. Kenyon, The Objects of Samaria (Samaria-Sebaste 3), London 1957.

Studies and chronology

W G. Masterman, PEQ 57 (1925), 25-30; Y. Aharoni and R. Amiran,IEJ8 (1958), 171-184

W F. Albright, BASOR !50 (1958), 21-25

0. Tufnell, PEQ 9! (1959), 90-105

G. E. Wright, BASOR !55 (1959), 13-29

K. M. Kenyon, BIAL 4 (1964), 143- 156

id,, Royal Cities of the Old Testament, New York 1971

P.R. Ackroyd, Archaeology and Old Testament Study(ed. D. W Thomas), Oxford 1967, 343-354

F. Zayadine, ADAJ 12-13 (1967-1968), 77-80

id., RB 75 (1968), 562-585

id., BTS 121 (1970), 1-15

S.Page, VT!9 (1969), 483-484

K. R. Veenhof, Phoenix 15 (1969), 221-224

BTS 120-121 (1970)

184 (1976)

M. Avi-Yonah, Archaeology (Israel Pocket Library), Jerusalem 1974, 182-185

Miriam Tadmor, IEJ24 (1974), 37-43

Y Shiloh, BASOR 222 (1976), 67-77; G. Wallis, VT26 (1976), 480-496

R. Giveon, The Impact of Egypt on Canaan, Freiburg 1978, 34-44

M. Mallowan, Archaeology in the Levant(K. M. Kenyon Fest.), Warminster 1978, 155-163

S.M. Paul, VT28 (1978), 358-359

Y. Yadin, Archaeology in the Levant, op. cit, 127-135

M. W. Prausnitz, Madrider Beitrdge 8 (1982), 31-44

H. Tadmor, Jerusalem Cathedra 3 (1983), I-ll

J. Balensi, MdB 33 (1984), 53- 54

Weippert !988 (Ortsregister)

W G. Dever, BASOR 277-278 (1990), 121-130

L Finkelstein, ibid., 109-119

N. Na'aman, Biblica 71 (1990), 206-225

L. E. Stager, BASOR 277-278 (1990), 93-107

J. H, Hayes and J. K. Kuan, Biblica 72 (1991), 153-181

B. Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study, Leiden (in prep.).

The Samaria Ostraca

W F. Albright, JPOS 5 (1925), 38-54

11 (1931), 241-251

D. Diringer, Le Inscrizioni, Florence 1934,21-68 (with biblio.)

B. Maisler(Mazar),JPOS12(1948), 117-133

S. Moscati, Epigrafia, Rome 1951, 27-37

Y. Yadin, IEJ9 (1959), 184-187

12 (1962), 64--66

18 (1968), 50-51

id., Scripta Hierosolymitana 8 (1960), 1-17

F. M. Cross, Jr., BASOR 163 (1961), 12-14

Y. Aharoni, IEJ !2 (1962), 67-69

id., BASOR 184 (1966), 13-19

A. F. Rainey, IEJ 12 (1962), 62-63

id., P EQ 99 (1967), 32- 41

102 (1970),45-51

id., TA 6 (1979), 91-95

id., BASOR272 (1988), 69-74

J. Decroix, BTS 120 (1970), 15-17

A. Lemaire, RB 79 (1972), 565-570

id., Semitica 22 (1972), 13-20

id.,Jnscriptions Hebrai'ques I: Les Ostraca, Paris 1977, 21-81

W H. Shea, IEJ 27 (1977), 16-27

id., ZDPV 101 (1985), 9-20

LT. Kaufman, BA 45 (1982), 229-239

B. Rosen, TA 13-14 (1986-1987), 39-45

A. J. Poulter and G. L Davies, VT 40 (1990), 237-240.

Late Samaria

L. H. Vincent, RB 45 (1936), 221--232

J. W. Crowfoot, Churches at Basra and SamariaSebaste, London 1937

R. W Hamilton, QDAPS (1938), 64-71

BTS 121 (1970)

J. B. Hennessy, Levant2 (1970), 1-21

F. Zayadine, MdB !7 (1981),41-45

W J. Fulco and F. Zayadine, ADAJ25 (1981), 197-225; G. Kuhne!, Wall Paintings in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Frankfurter Forschungen zur Kunst 4), Berlin 1988, 193-204

Y Meshorer and S. Qedar, The Coinage of Samaria in the 4th Century BCE, Los Angeles 199 L

Bibliography from Stern et al (2008)


B. Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East 2), Leiden 1992

ibid. (Reviews) Bibliotheca Orientalis 53 (1996), 507–508. — IEJ 48 (1998), 145–147

R. E. Tappy, The Archaeology of Israelite Samaria, 1: Early Iron Age Through the 9th Century BCE (Harvard Semitic Studies 44), Atlanta, GA 1992

ibid. (Reviews) Bibliotheca Orientalis 52 (1995), 798–799. — PEQ 128 (1996), 82–84. — JNES 56 (1997), 129–132. — Orientalia 67 (1998), 294–299; ibid., 2: The 8th Century BCE (Harvard Semitic Studies 50), Winona Lake, IN 2001

ibid. (Reviews) AJA 107 (2003), 503–504. — BASOR 329 (2003), 82–84. — JAOS 124 (2004), 144–146. — JNES 63 (2004), 136

M. J. Winn Leith, Greek and Persian Images in Pre-Alexandrine Samaria: The Wadi ed-Daliyeh Seal Impressions (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge, MA 1990), Ann Arbor, MI 1993

S. Forsberg, Near Eastern Destruction Datings as Sources for Greek and Near Eastern Iron Age Chronology, Archaeological and Historical Studies: The Cases of Samaria (722 B.C.) and Tarsus (696 B.C.) (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis 19

Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilization 19), Uppsala 1995

ibid. (Reviews) Archeologia 48 (1997), 92–94. — AfO 46–47 (1999–2000), 386–388. — JAOS 120 (2000), 101–102. — JNES 60 (2001), 218–219.

Iron Age, Assyrian, Babylonian and Persian Periods

I. Eph‘al, Scripta Hierosolymitana 33 (1991), 36–45

J. Day, VT 42 (1992), 290–301

H. Goedicke, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 19 (1992), 133–150

J. -D. Macchi, Transeuphratène 5 (1992), 85–93

J. D. Purvis, ABD, 5, New York 1992, 914–921

D. Barag, Annales du 12e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour l’Histoire du Verre, Vienne 26–31.8.1991, Amsterdam 1993, 1–9

id., Shlomo: Studies in Epigraphy, Iconography, History and Archaeology (S. Moussaieff Fest.

ed. R. Deutsch), Tel Aviv-Jaffa 2003, 37–44; BH 30 (1993), 30–31

MdB 80 (1993), 2–40

N. Franklin, TA 21 (1994), 255–275

id., ASOR Annual Meeting Abstract Book, Boulder, CO 2001, 29

id., ZDPV 119 (2003), 1–11

id., Levant 36 (2004), 189–202

id., Radiocarbon Dating and the Iron Age of the Southern Levant: The Bible and Archaeology Today (eds. T. Levy & T. Higham), London (in press)

G. Galil, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 57 (1995), 52–65

id., The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East 9), Leiden 1996

N. Na’aman, Quaderni di Geografica Storica 5 (1995), 103–115

id., Biblica 81 (2000), 393– 402

id., N.A.B.U. 2000/1, 1

id. (& R. Zadok), TA 27 (2000), 159–188

L. Nigro, Ricerche sull’architettura palaziale della Palestina nelle eta del bronzo e del ferro (Contributi e materiali di archeologia orientale 5), Roma 1995

K. Radner, N.A.B.U. 1995/4, 90

M. J. Winn Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, I: The Wadi Daliyeh Seal Impressions (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 24), Oxford 1997

H. -D. Neef, Ephraim: Studien zur Geschichte des Stammes Ephraim von der Landname bis zur frühen Königszeit (ZAW Beihefte 238), Berlin 1995

J. J. Schmitt, The Pitcher is Broken (G. W. Ahlström Fest., JSOT Suppl. Series 190

eds. S. W. Holloway & L. K. Handy), Sheffield 1995, 355–368

I. Sharon, Models for Stratigraphic Analysis of Tell Sites (Ph.D. diss.), Jerusalem 1995

K. Van der Toorn, Immigration and Emigration within the Ancient Near East (E. Lipinski Fest.

Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 65

eds. K. Van Lerberghe & A. Schoors), Leuven 1995, 365–377

R. P. Carroll, On Reading Prophetic Texts: Gender-Specific and Related Studies (F. Van Dijk-Hemmes

Biblical Interpretation Series 18

eds. B. Becking & M. Dijkstra), Leiden 1996, 67–82

A. Joffe, JNES 56 (1997), 129–132 (Review)

M. L. Steiner, Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 11 (1997), 16–28

R. Tappy, OEANE, 4, New York 1997, 463–467

D. Ussishkin, Congress Volume, Cambridge 1995 (VT Suppl. 66), Leiden 1997, 351–364

A. Zertal, JSRS 7 (1997), viii

id., Studies in the Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan, Sheffield 2001, 38–64

W. Chrostowski, Collectanea Theologica 68 (1998), 5–22

I. Finkelstein, PEQ 130 (1998), 94–98

id., ZDPV 116 (2000), 114–138

C. Uehlinger, Und Mose schriebdieses Lied auf (O. Loretz Fest.

eds. M. Dietrich & I. Kottsieper), Münster 1998, 739–776

R. Zadok, UF 30 (1998), 781–828

F. M. Benedettucci, Orient Express 1999, 82–84

E. Yannai, TA 26 (1999), 208–224

K. L. Younger, Jr., Catholic Biblical Quarterly 61 (1999), 461–482

id., ASOR Annual Meeting Abstract Book, Boulder, CO 2001, 29–30

M. Anbar, VT 50 (2000), 121–123

B. Gosse, Transeuphratène 20 (2000), 145–165

A. Fantalkin, Levant 33 (2001), 117–125

M. Patella, The Bible Today 39 (2001), 354–359; B. Becking, Kein Land für sich allein, Freiburg 2002, 153–166

A. Frumkin, The Aqueducts of Israel, Portsmouth, RI 2002, 267–277

V. Noam, Cathedra 104 (2002), 189

D. M. Rohl, Biblische Archäologie am Scheideweg? Für und Wider einer Neudatierung archäologischer Epochen im alttestamentlichen Palästina (Studium Integrale: Archäologie

Studiengemeinschaft Wort und Wissen

eds. P. Van der Veen & U. Zerbst), Holzgerlingen 2002, 211–246

M. C. Tetley, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 64 (2002), 59–77

S. Timm, Kein Land für sich allein, Freiburg 2002, 126–133

N. Coldstream, TA 30 (2003), 247–258

D. M. Gropp, Semitic Papyrology in Context (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 14

ed. L. A. Schiffman), Leiden 2003, 23–49

B. E. Kelle, Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 17 (2003), 226–244

K. A. Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament, Grand Rapids, MI 2003 (subject index)

T. Kwasman, Ein Leben für die jüdische Kunst (H. Künzl Fest.

Schriften der Hochschule für jüdische Studien Heidelberg 4

ed. M. Grätz), Heildelberg 2003, 15–19

S. M. Mittmann, ZDPV 119 (2003), 106–118

P. R. S. Moorey, Idols of the People: Miniature Images of Clay in the Ancient Near East (The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy 2001), Oxford 2003, 52–58

G. N. Knoppers, In Search of Pre-Exilic Israel: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar (ed. J. Day), London 2004, 150–180

R. C. Young, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 47 (2004), 577–595

The Samaria Ivories

E. Ferris Beach, BA 55 (1992), 130–139, 226

56 (1993), 94–104

A. Caubet, MdB 80 (1993), 28–33

P. Albenda, BA 57 (1994), 60

S. E. Holtz, Mosaic 21 (1998), 62–68

The Samaria Ostraca

A. Bornstein, JSRS 1 (1991), xi–xiv

S. Dar, ABD, 5, New York 1992, 926–931

K. Koenen, VT 44 (1994), 396–400

J. Renz, Die Althebräischen Inschriften, 1 (Handbuch der Althebräischen Epigraphik), Darmstadt 1995, 79–109, 135–144

I. T. Kaufman, OEANE, 4, New York 1997, 468–469

F. M. Cross, From Epic to Canon: History and Literature in Ancient Israel, Baltimore, MD 1998, 173–202

id., Leaves from an Epigrapher’s Notebook: Collected Papers in Hebrew and West Semitic Palaeography and Epigraphy, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 114–115

M. Dijkstra, Past, Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (Oudtestamentische Studiën 44

eds. J. C. de Moor & H. F. van Rooy), Leiden 2000, 76–87

id., “Only One G-d?”: Monotheism in Ancient Israel and the Veneration of the Goddess Asherah (The Biblical Seminar 77

ed. B. Becking), London 2001, 11–30

J. D. Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the Ancient Near East (Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 2

Harvard Semitic Museum Publications), Winona Lake, IN 2001, 155–165

Later Periods

D. Barag, EI 23 (1992), 155*–156*

id., PEQ 125 (1993), 3–18

N. Kenaan-Kedar, The Horns of Hattin: Proceedings of the 2nd Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, Jerusalem and Haifa, 2–6.7.1987 (ed. B. Z. Kedar), Jerusalem 1992, 99–120

M. Gichon, Studies in the Archaeology and History of Ancient Israel, Haifa 1993, 181*–194*

J. Poulin, MdB 83 (1993), 44

O. Sion, ESI 12 (1993), 37–38

15 (1996), 55

M. L. Fischer, EI 25 (1996), 106*–107*

id., Marble Studies, Konstanz 1998

id. (& O. Tal), ZDPV 119 (2003), 19–37

E. Friedheim, JSRS 6 (1996), xvi–xvii

R. Gersht, Classical Studies in Honor of David Sohlberg (ed. R. Katzoff), Ramat-Gan 1996, 433–450

id., Michmanim 16 (2002), 43*–44*; P. Richardson, Herod: King of the Jews and Friend of the Romans (Studies on Personalities of the New Testamenet), Columbia, SC 1996

A. Segal, Classical Studies in Honor of David Sohlberg (ed. R. Katzoff), Ramat-Gan 1996, 451–487

H. Von Hesberg, Judaea and the Greco-Roman World in the Time of Herod in the Light of Archaeological Evidence, Göttingen 1996, 9–25

Le opere fortificate de Erode il Grand, Firenze 1997

H. Taha, LA 47 (1997), 359–374

E. Maroti, Acta Antiqua 38 (1998), 211–213

D. W. Roller, The Building Program of Herod the Great, Berkeley, CA 1998

R. Rosenthal-Heginbottom, Dionysos and His Retinue in the Art of Eretz-Israel (Reuben & Edith Hecht Museum Catalogue 14), Haifa 1998

Z. Safrai, The Missing Century: Palestine in the 5th Century—Growth and Decline (Palestine Antiqua N.S. 9), Leuven 1998 (index)

H. Eshel, EI 26 (1999), 226*

D. M. Jacobson, BAIAS 17 (1999), 67–76

A. Lichtenberger, Die Baupolitik Herodes des Grossen (Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 26), Wiesbaden 1999

A. Kushnir-Stein, SCI 19 (2000), 149–154

J. Magness, Harvard Theological Review 94 (2001), 157–177

E. M. Smallwood, The Jews Under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian: A Study in Political Relations, Boston 2001 (index)

B. Bar-Kochva, Cathedra 106 (2002), 205–206

K. Fittschen, What Athens Has to Do with Jerusalem, Leuven 2002, 9–7

A. Erlich, The Art of the Hellenistic Age in the Land of Israel (Ph.D. diss.), Ramat-Gan 2003 (Eng. abstract)

J. A. Overman et al., BAR 29/2 (2003), 48

L. B. Kavlie, NEAS Bulletin 49 (2004), 5–14

G. Mazor, Free Standing City Gates in the Eastern Provinces during the Roman Imperial Period (Ph.D. diss.), Ramat-Gan 2004 (Eng. abstract)

A. Lewin, The Archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine, Los Angeles, CA 2005, 100–105

J. Murphy-O’Connor, RB 112 (2005), 253–266.

The Coins

Main publication

Y. Meshorer & S. Qedar, Samarian Coinage (Numismatic Studies and Researches 9), Jerusalem 1999

I. Shachar, PEQ 136 (2004), 5–33.


Y. Meshorer, Michmanim 6 (1992), 7*–13*

id., JSRS 4 (1994), xiv

id., Transeuphratène 13 (1997), 188

A. Kindler, JSRS 4 (1994), xv

A. Lemaire, N.A.B.U. 1994/4, 83–86

id., Transeuphratène 8 (1994), 171–173 (Review)

P. Machinist, Continuity and Change: Proceedings of the Last [10th] Achaemenid History Workshop, Ann Arbor, MI, 6–8.4.1990 (eds. H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg et al.), Leiden 1994, 365–380

M. J. Price, The Numismatic Chronicle 154 (1994), 312–315 (Review)

L. Mildenberg, Geschichte, Tradition, Reflexion, 1: Judentum (M. Hengel Fest.

ed. H. Cancik), Tübingen 1996, 119–146

id., Transeuphratène 20 (2000), 89–100

J. M. Galst, The Celator 11/7 (1997), 36–37

J. Naveh, IEJ 48 (1998), 91–100

J. Bodzek, The Polish Journal of Biblical Research 1 (2000), 109–112

D. Hendin, The Shekel 33/2 (2000), 32–35

A. Houghton, American Journal of Numismatics 12 (2000), 107–112

M. J. Winn Leith, The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years After Their Discovery: Major Issues and New Approaches. Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, The Israel Museum, 20–25.7.1997 (eds. L. H. Schiffman et al.), Jerusalem 2000, 691–707

H. Seidel, Stringed Instruments in Archaeological Context (Studien zur Musikarchäologie 1

DAI Orient Archäologie 6

eds. E. Hickmann & R. Eichmann), Rahden 2000, 123–126

S. N. Gerson, NEA 64 (2001), 106–121.

Wikipedia Pages

Samaria (ancient city)

Sebastia, Nablus

Samaria (region)

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