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Beth She'an

Aerial Photo of Ancient Bet Shean, looking north Figure 2

Ancient Bet Shean, looking north, showing the southern plateau and the amphitheater (in the modern town) (bottom), and the tell, the valley of Nahal `Amal, and the civic center (center)

Tsafrir and Foester (1997)


Names
Transliterated Name Language Name
Beth She'an Hebrew בֵּית שְׁאָן
Beit She'an Hebrew בֵּית שְׁאָן
Beisan Arabic بيسان‎
Baysān Arabic بيسان‎
Tell el-Husn Arabic تيلل يلءهوسن
Scythopolis Greek Σκυθόπολις
Nysa Greek Νῦσα
Nysa-Scythopolis Greek Νῦσα-Σκυθόπολις
Beshan Semitic
Beshan Semitic
Beth-sâªl Egyptian Texts
Tell Iztabba
Introduction
Introduction

Beit She'an (aka Scythopolis aka Baysān) is situated at a strategic location between the Yizreel and Jordan Valleys at the juncture of ancient roadways (Stern et al, 1993). In Roman times, it was one of the cities of the Decapolis. Tsafrir and Foester (1997:88-89) note that hellenistic Scythopolis succeeded biblical Bet Shean on the tell, and in the third to second century B.C.E. expanded toward Tel Iztaba, north of Nahal Harod adding that the tell, which was located east of the new built-up area, became the acropolis of the larger town. The site of Bet She'an was occupied almost continuously from Neolithic to Early Arab times (Stern et al, 1993).

Identification and History

Tel Beth-Shean (Tell el-Husn in Arabic) is located at the junction of two important roads: the transversal road leading from the Jezreel and Harod valleys to Gilead, and the road running the length of the Jordan Valley. The mound is situated on a high hill that slopes toward the northwest, on the southern bank of Nahal Harod (map reference 1977.2124). Beth-Shean's location at this major junction, as well as in a fertile, water-rich valley, gave the city great strategic importance. The site was occupied almost continuously from the Late Neolithic to the Early Arab periods. Beginning in the Roman period, the city moved down into the valley to the south and west of the mound (see below), while only a temple (in the early Roman period) and a suburb (in the Byzantine and Early Arab periods) were erected on the mound itself. The mound covers approximately 10 a. Its summit is at the southeast corner; the city gate appears to have always been in the northwest, where access is easiest.

B. Mazar suggested identifying the city with 'As'annu, which appears in the Execration texts of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom. However, other scholars are inclined to reject this proposal, and it appears to contradict the archaeological evidence (see below). The city is mentioned in various Egyptian sources from the New Kingdom: the list of Canaanite cities of Thutmose III [c. 1490- 1436 BCE] in the Temple of Amon at Karnak; the topographical lists of Seti I and Ramses II; and the Papyrus Anastasi I, from the time of Ramses II. In the Egyptian sources, the name always ended with "l" instead of "n." Beth-Shean is also mentioned once in the fourteenth-century BCE el-Amarna letters. In the Bible, Beth-Shean is listed as one of the cities not conquered by the Israelites (Jos. 17:11; Jg. 1:27), as well as the place where the Philistines impaled the bodies of Saul and his sons on the walls (I Sam. 31:10). Beth Shean is also mentioned in the list of administrative districts established by King Solomon (1 Kg. 4:12); it figures as an Egyptian conquest in the Shishak list at Karnak, shortly after the division of the United Monarchy. During the Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine periods, the city was known as Nysa or Scythopolis and is mentioned in many historical sources. With the Arab conquest, the ancient Semitic name reemerged as Beisan; in fact, the Arab victory over the Byzantines in 636 CE was called the "day of Beisan."

Settlement History of Tel Itzabba

Beth She’an is the Graeco-Roman Decapolis city of Nysa-Scythopolis11. It is situated at the junction of the northern Jordan valley and the Jezreel valley. Settlement history in Beth She’an stretches from proto-historical periods through modern times. It is enclosed by a chain of hills north of the stream Nahr Jâlûd (Naḥal Ḥarod) – the watercourse which flows through the northern fringes of the biblical settlement. To the south is Tell el-Ḥuṣn, to the east Tell Ḥammam, where one of the main cemeteries of the city is located, and to the west lies Tell Iẓṭabba. The site consists of three hills, dropping steeply on the slopes descending southwards toward Naḥal Ḥarod and more moderately on the slopes facing the plain north of the city. The two western hills of Tell Iẓṭabba are dominated by Byzantine remains, namely the Kyria Maria monastery, the monastery of the Martyr, the monastery of Andreas, and the Byzantine city wall, which extend right across the two hills. Hellenistic remains are mostly located on the eastern hill and have only been moderately disturbed by later activities, as previous excavations have shown.

While the biblical tell of Beth She’an (Tell el-Ḥuṣn) has yielded extensive settlement remains from the Early Bronze Age until late antiquity, the Roman city is mostly situated in the plain south of the tell. With the typical inventory of an Eastern Mediterranean urban center the Roman city flourished. Apart from the Late Antique remains on Tell Iẓṭabba, excavations in the area since the 1950s have shown that the mound was extensively settled during the Early Bronze Age, and in the Hellenistic period it was the site of a Seleucid foundation. This settlement was probably founded in the 160s BCE under King Antiochus IV, but in the spring of 107 BCE it was destroyed by John Hyrcanus I during the expansion of the Hasmonaean state. After this destruction, the site was not reoccupied and the communis opinio is that not until the Byzantine period, with the construction of the Christian monasteries and the city walls, parts of Tell Iẓṭabba were reoccupied; namely in the early 5th century CE when Nysa-Scythopolis became the capital of Provincia Palaestina Secunda.
Footnotes

11 Fuks 1983; Lichtenberger 2003, 128–170; see also Barkay 2003, 19–34.

History of Excavations

Between 1921 and 1933, excavations were carried out at the mound under the auspices of the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, directed by C. S. Fisher (1921 to 1923), A. Rowe (1925 to 1928), and G. M. FitzGerald (1930, 1933). In the first two seasons, the Early Arab and Byzantine levels were excavated over the entire mound. The 1923 to 1928 seasons focused on the Iron Age and Late Bronze Age levels on the mound's summit. In the last two seasons, the excavators reached the Middle and Early Bronze Age strata, and a probe was dug down to bedrock. Some 230 tombs dating from the Middle Bronze Age I to the Roman period were also excavated in the northern cemetery cut in the cliff face along the northern bank of the Harod valley, just opposite the mound. This was the first large-scale stratigraphic excavation in Palestine after World War I and it contributed greatly to the archaeological research of the biblical period. However, the scientific publication of the excavation results is inadequate, as only a small portiOn of the finds was fully published. Many years after the excavatiOns ended, the Iron Age finds were published by F. James and the northern cemetery by E. D. Oren.

In 1983, a short season of excavations was carried out on the mound's summit by the Institute of Archaeology at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, directed by Y. Yadin and S. Geva. The Iron Age I strata were investigated and resulted in new conclusions about the city's development during that period. In 1989, the excavations were resumed by A. Mazar, also on behalf of the Hebrew University and of the Tourism Administration of Beth-Shean. In the renewed excavations, Middle and Late Bronze and Iron Age I strata were exposed on the mound's summit, continuing the work of the University of Pennsylvania expedition

Excavations from 1989-1996

Nine excavation seasons were conducted at Tel Beth-Shean by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem from 1989 to 1996, under the direction of A. Mazar. One major conclusion of the new excavations is that a topographic step crossing the c. 10-a. mound north of the summit, located at its southeastern corner (between the new excavation areas Q and L), was in fact the northern edge of the settlement during most of the Bronze and Iron Ages, except during the Early Bronze Age I, when settlement perhaps spread over the lower part of the mound, remains of which were found in area L. Thus, through most of the Bronze and Iron Ages the settlement at Beth Shean probably did not exceed c. 4 a. It has been suggested by B. Arubas that the mound was cut to some extent on the south and west during large scale earth moving operations during the Early Roman period, when the civil center of Nysa-Scythopolis was constructed; this might explain the lack of fortifications and the fact that buildings in all periods were found cut on the southern and western parts of the mound.

Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, Illustrations, and Photos
Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, Illustrations, and Photos

Maps

Normal Size

  • Fig. 10 Soil Map of the area surrounding Beth Shean from Lorenzon (2024)

Magnified

  • Fig. 10 Soil Map of the area surrounding Beth Shean from Lorenzon (2024)

Aerial Views

  • Wide Aerial View of Beth Shean from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Tighter Aerial View of Beth Shean from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Aerial View of Tel Beth Shean from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Photo 1.1 Aerial View of Tel Beth Shean from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)
  • Photo 1.2 Aerial View of Tel Beth Shean Summit with Areas Q, R, S, and N labeled from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)
  • Bet Shean in Google Earth
  • Bet Shean on govmap.gov.il

Plans

Entire Site

Normal Size

  • Plan of Tel Beth Shean with city walls from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Fig. C General map of   Scythopolis/Bet Shean/Baysān from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Lidar Scan of City Model from the Archaeological Park - taken by JW

Magnified

  • Plan of Tel Beth Shean with city walls from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Fig. C General map of   Scythopolis/Bet Shean/Baysān from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Lidar Scan of City Model from the Archaeological Park - taken by JW

The Mound

Site Plans

Normal Size

  • Map of the Mound showing of Hebrew University expedition from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Fig. 1.1 Tel Beth-Shean site plan with excavation areas from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)

Magnified

  • Map of the Mound showing of Hebrew University expedition from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Fig. 1.1 Tel Beth-Shean site plan with excavation areas from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)

Area Plans

Area S

Normal Size

Magnified

City Center

Normal Size

  • Plan of city center of Beth Shean from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Fig. D Map of the central area of Scythopolis/Bet Shean/Baysān from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Fig. 4.4 Map of central Scythopolis/Bet Shean/Baysān from Blanke and Walmsley (2022)
  • Lidar Scan of City Model from the Archaeological Park - taken by JW

Magnified

  • Plan of city center of Beth Shean from Amihai Mazar in Stern et. al. (2008)
  • Fig. D Map of the central area of Scythopolis/Bet Shean/Baysān from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Fig. 4.4 Map of central Scythopolis/Bet Shean/Baysān from Blanke and Walmsley (2022)
  • Lidar Scan of City Model from the Archaeological Park - taken by JW

Sylvanus Street (749 CE Archaeoseismic Evidence)

Normal Size

  • Fig. F Southeast end of Silvanus Street (Earthquake debris) from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Lidar Scan of Collapsed Storefronts on Silvanus Street by JW

Magnified

  • Fig. F Southeast end of Silvanus Street (Earthquake debris) from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)

Post 749 CE Bet Shean

  • Fig. 4.0 Post-749 earthquake administrative complex at Baysān from Blanke and Walmsley (2022)

Tel Itzabba

Site Plans

Normal Size

  • Fig. 1 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba with excavation areas from Edrey et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 17 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba with excavation areas from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project Webpage
  • Fig. 8 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project Webpage
  • Fig. 7 Interpretation of magnetic data from Tell Iẓṭabba from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project Webpage
  • Fig. 2 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba with excavation areas from Edrey et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 1a Plan of Tel Itzabba from Atrash et al. (2021)

Magnified

  • Fig. 1 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba with excavation areas from Edrey et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 17 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba with excavation areas from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project Webpage
  • Fig. 8 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project Webpage
  • Fig. 7 Interpretation of magnetic data from Tell Iẓṭabba from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project Webpage
  • Fig. 2 Site Plan of Tell Iẓṭabba with excavation areas from Edrey et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 1a Plan of Tel Itzabba from Atrash et al. (2021)

Area Plans

Area D

Normal Size

Magnified

Illustrations

  • Artists Reconstruction of Bet She'an form the south from Atrash et al. (2022)

Photos

Lower City

Description Photo Reference
Plan View Drawing of Silvanus Street destruction Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Junction of Valley Street and Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Valley Street and the central monument Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Main junction of Valley Street and Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
City Center Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
City Center (closer view) Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Slopes of the tell Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Monument of Antonius Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Nymphaeum - damaged in 363 but photo includes 749 collapse Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Nymphaneum - damaged in 363 but photo includes 749 collapse Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Front of Nymphaneum - Rubble from 749 Quake Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
fallen superstructure of nymphaeum due to 749 Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Roman portico after reconstruction Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Palladius Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Palladius Street and sigma Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Palladius Street and the sigma Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Byzantine agora Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Roman colonnade/Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Roman colonnade Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Collapsed Columns on Valley Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Umayyad pottery kiln - folded pavement and slumped wall Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Collapsed facade of Umayyad shops on Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Rear wall of Umayyad shops on Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Sunken pavement on Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Collapsed arcade of portico on Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Umayyad coin hoard from Silvanus Street Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Silvanus Street during the removal of the rubble
rom the earthquake of 749 C.E.
Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Fallen Columns near Nymphaneum (?) Walmsley (2007)
Pre and Post 749 levels at Valley Street Blanke and Walmsley (2022)
Earthquake destruction Wikipedia

The Mound

Normal Size

  • Photo 4.1 General view of Area S from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009:95)
  • Photo 4.51 Human remains in Stratum S-4 from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009:95)
  • Photo 4.52 Human remains in Stratum S-4 from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009:95)

Magnified

  • Photo 4.1 General view of Area S from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009:95)
  • Photo 4.51 Human remains in Stratum S-4 from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009:95)
  • Photo 4.52 Human remains in Stratum S-4 from Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009:95)

Chronology
Stratigraphy

Entire Site

Stern et. al. (1993)

Stratigraphy of Beit She'an Stratigraphy of Beit She'an

Stern et. al. (1993 v. 1)


The Mound/Tel

Entire Mound/Tel

Stratigraphy of Beit She'an Stratigraphy of Tel Beth-Shean - This chart presents the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania Expedition (UME) strata and local stratigraphy in the Hebrew University (HU) excavations at Tel Bet-Shean

Stern et. al. (2008)


Area S

Table 4.1

Correlation of the stratigraphy of Area S

Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)

The Iron Age in the Southern Levant

Pharaohs/Egypt

Phase R2 earthquake - Late Bronze I - 1550-1400 BCE

Discussion



References

Raphael and Agnon (2018)

Period Age Site Damage Description
LB I 1550-1400 BCE Beth Shean temple badly damaged, walls cracked and slanted (Phase R2). Temple found empty and went out of use due to an earthquake (Mazar 1997: 151-152).

Stratum S-4 earthquake - Iron I - c. 1140-1130 BCE

Discussion



References

Raphael and Agnon (2018)

Period Age Site Damage Description
Iron I 1200-1000 BCE Beth Shean debris in domestic architecture and two skeletons (Stratum S-4) support destruction by an earthquake c. 1140-1130 BCE (Mazar 2009: 17).

Excavation Report - Beth-Shean III - Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)

Chapter 1 Introduction and Overview

Introduction

Since there is no doubt that during the Ramesside period, Beth-Shean served as an Egyptian imperial administrative and military base, and due to its having been extensively excavated, it is one of the prime sites for studying various aspects of Egyptian imperialism in Canaan (for general surveys of the Egyptian empire in Canaan, see Kemp 1978; Weinstein 1980; Redford 1992: 192–213; for the Ramesside period, see Higginbotham 1996; 2000: 1–144; Killebrew 2005: 51–92). In addition to chronological and historical issues, questions concerning the lifestyle of the Egyptian garrison, its interaction with the local population, economy, religious practices, art, and burial customs, among other topics, can be investigated in light of the rich archaeological evidence. Many of these subjects are discussed in detail in this volume, which deals mainly with the time of the late 19th and the 20th Dynasties, when Egyptian activity at Beth-Shean was at its peak. Later remains published in this volume concern the fate of Beth-Shean in the Iron Age IB, following the end of the Egyptian presence in Canaan. The present chapter intends to provide an introduction to the excavation of these periods, along with an overview of the various studies published here and discussion of a few debated topics.

Beth-Shean during the Ramesside Period (LB IIB – Iron IA)

The Beginning of Egyptian Presence at Beth-Shean

One of the questions related to the Egyptian presence at Beth-Shean is when was it established as an Egyptian garrison town? James and McGovern claimed that the city “was transformed into an Egyptian military base during the time of Seti I, identified with the transition from Level IX to Level VIII in the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania excavations, when the Egyptians chose to redesign completely the architectural layout of the site and establish a permanent base” (James and McGovern 1993: 235).2 However, in our opinion, based on both textual and archaeological data, Beth-Shean became an Egyptian base already during the 18th Dynasty, although the evidence for Egyptian presence at that time is much less obvious than the rich data related to the 19th and 20th Dynasties (for the available texts and discussion of this issue, see TBS II: 1–3, 18). For example, no Egyptian monuments of the 18th Dynasty are known from Beth-Shean and only very small quantities of Egyptian-style pottery were produced at the site at that time.

Beth-Shean in Ramesside Sources

Beth-Shean is mentioned six times during the reign of Seti I, including five appearances in topographic lists of this Pharoah (twice at Karnak, twice at Qurneh and once at Abydos; Ahituv 1984: 78–79) and one in the monumental stele of Seti I found at Beth-Shean (see below). This stele mentions the city as having been besieged by the rulers of Hammath and Pehal, while Rehob remained loyal to the Pharaoh; as a counterattack, Seti sent three army units to Hammath, Beth-Shean and Yenoªam. At the time of Ramesses II, the city is mentioned twice: once in a list from Karnak (Ahituv 1984: 19, 79) and once in Papyrus Anastasi I, alongside Rehob, in relation to the crossing of the Jordan river (Pritchard 1950: 477). In the Egyptian texts, the name is always written as Beth-sâ1, with no n at the end.

Main Results of the HU (Hebrew University) Excavations Relating to the Ramesside Period

Introduction

During eight seasons of excavations (from our second season in 1989 until our last in 1996), we resumed the excavation on the summit of the mound, exposing building remains related to the sequence of UME Levels VII through V. The mudbrick walls revealed by the UME between 1922 and 1933 had been subjected since then to collapse and erosion, yet it was possible for us to locate most of those that had not been previously dismantled and to identify them on the schematic published plans. We thus were able to continue from the point where work was stopped in 1933. The total area excavated in the three areas (N, S and Q) is over 1700 sq. m. This wide exposure and the meticulous stratigraphic analysis yielded a wealth of new data and finds relating to the 13th–11th centuries, which complement and refine the achievements of the UME. The situation in the field enabled us to study the transition from the 13th to the 12th centuries, to add substantial new data concerning Level VI (the time of the 20th Dynasty), and to explore selected aspects of the Iron IB post Egyptian town.

The following is a brief description of the work in each of these areas, while a summary of the results is given below. For the detailed stratigraphic analysis of Area Q, see TBS I: 61–109, and for Areas N and S, see Chapters 2–4 in the present volume. Table 1.1 indicates the size of the excavated areas, their location on our grid, and the excavation seasons. Figs. 1.2 and 1.5 are combined schematic plans showing the remains excavated by the UME (outlined) and those excavated or reexcavated by us (in solid black) in Levels VII and VI. Table 1.2 summarizes the relative stratigraphy compared to that of the UME and Yadin and Geva, and the suggested absolute chronology in terms of the Egyptian dynasties.

The Late Bronze Age IIB: the 19th Dynasty (UME Levels VIII, VII and Late VII)

According to James and McGovern (1993: 237), the end of Level IX of the 14th century was not caused by violent destruction and the transition to Level VIII is described as “peaceful”. This is contradicted by our finds in the only part of Level IX (our Stratum R-1a) that we exposed in the north eastern corner of our Area R, where we found clear evidence for heavy destruction by fire (TBS II: 19, 189–196; see notes 4 and 8, this volume). It seems that the city of Level IX came to an end due to hostile activities, perhaps instigated by local Canaanites who took advantage of the instability of Egypt at the end of the 18th Dynasty. Thus, the renovation and re-planning of Beth-Shean in Level VIII at the beginning of the 19th Dynasty (James and McGovern 1993: 235–236) apparently followed a severe disruption.

Ourexcavations reached the 13th century occupation level in Areas Q, N North, a small part of N South,7 and perhaps in the lower phase excavated in Area S (Stratum S-5). However, except for Area Q, only the uppermost occupation was exposed and our knowledge of the earlier phases of the 13th century remained very limited.

No complete sequence that would connect the 14th century (Level IX, our Stratum R-1a in Area R) with the 13th century levels was exposed in our excavation. Such a sequence can be reconstructed based on interpretation of the northern section of Area R (TBS II: 217–218, sections: Figs. 3.50 3.51). The available data, as presented in Table 1.3, indicates a difference of 1.2–2.1 m between the top of the destruction layer of Level IX in Area R and Stratum N-4 (= Level VII) layers in Area N South, 10 mnorth of the latter. This may indicate the existence of additional 13th century phases which are still unknown to us.

In Area Q, excavations below the ‘governor’s building’(Building 1500) of Level VI revealed two earlier strata. Stratum Q-3 was only partially excavated in a series of probes; its architectural features (a long wall in the southern part of the area, a brick floor, a bath installation, and few additional walls and surfaces) went out of use in the following Stratum Q-2 and thus Q-3 should be defined as an independent stratum, perhaps corresponding with Level VIII (TBS I: 98–104). In Stratum Q-2, a public building measuring 20 x 20 m was partially exposed (TBS I: 83–98). It was divided into rooms and corridors by a network of brick walls. Its outer walls were directly below those of Building 1500, indicating a clear continuity between the two structures. Yet, in contrast to the later building’s walls, which had basalt stone foundations (perhaps inspired by local Canaanite building techniques), the earlier building was constructed of mudbrick walls without stone foundations, in line with Egyptian architectural tradition. Several of its rooms had mudbrick floors, a technique well known from Egypt. The plan resembles the 19th Dynasty Egyptian fortress excavated at Deir el-Bala¢, south of Gaza. It appears that the Stratum Q-2 building had a military/administrative function.

In Area N North, several structures and part of a street of Stratum N-4 can be contemporary with Level VII (Figs. 1.2 and 2.1, Chapter 2). The main discovery was part of a substantial mudbrick building (Building NB) that probably extended to the north and east of the excavation area. Its walls were 1–2.5 m wide and the excavated part contained a large hall, two small chambers used for storing grain, and the corner of an additional room. As no entrances were found, the excavated rooms were perhaps in a basement floor and were entered from a higher first floor. This massive building recalls the so-called ‘migdol’ of Level VII, excavated in the southwestern part of the town (James and McGovern1993:2,Map2,Rooms1380,1382, etc.; Fig. 1.2, this volume). The latter was compared by James and McGovern (1993: 237–238) to Egyptian forts, like those along the Way of Horus, but I doubt the relevancy of this comparison. Both the ‘migdol’ and our Building NA appear to be parts of large administrative buildings with storage facilities used by the Egyptians at Beth-Shean.

Building NB was destroyed in a heavy conflagration. A large assemblage of restorable pottery found on the floors included an imported Egyptian jar which can be dated to the end of the 19th or beginning of the 20th Dynasty (Chapter 6). The local pottery is typical of the late 13th century (Chapter 5). A complete collared-rim pithos from this building is one of the earliest examples of such a vessel found thus far in Israel; its shape is close to jars found at Tell el-ªUmayri in Transjordan in a context dated to ca. 1200. It should be noted that collared-rim jars, although a hallmark of the hill country and common in the Jezreel Valley during the Iron Age I (mainly in Iron IB Megiddo), are extremely rare at Beth-Shean. Alarge fragment of a late Cypriot White Slip milk bowl is an important chronological marker, since it appears no later than the Late Cypriot II period, ending ca. 1200.

The western part of Area N was a residential area containing parts of several architectural units comprising spacious courtyards and rooms. In one of the rooms (38703 in Squares S/15–16), a group of five Ramesside scarabs of Egyptian origin was found, one of them with a cartouche of Ramesses II and a rare dedicatory inscription to the god Amun (Chapter 12A). Among the other finds from this stratum were an Egyptian bronze razor, a unique shafted bronze tool (Chapter 10), and phytolith remains of a basket (Chapter 15)

The End of the 19th Dynasty at Beth-Shean

The nature of the end of the 19th Dynasty and the transition to the 20th Dynasty city differs from one area to another. The UME did not record any evidence for violent destruction of their Level VII (James and McGovern 1993: 23, 247–248).8 In Area Q, no evidence for violent destruction of Stratum Q-2 was found; the floors were found empty of finds, as if the building had been intentionally evacuated. The building was replaced by Level VI Building 1500 (=our Stratum Q-1), which marked a significant change in this area. Similarly, no evidence for violent destruction was found in the western part of Area NNorth,although the group of important artifacts left on the floor of one of the rooms perhaps indicates a sudden abandonment due to an emergency situation. In contrast, the massive Building NB in Area N North came to an end in a fire which left heaps of charred grain, smashed pottery vessels and other finds. In Area S, the stratigraphic correlation depends on the identification of the little-known Stratum S-5; it is not clear whether this phase parallels Late Level VII or an early phase of Level VI. In any case, this occupation was not violently destroyed, and several of its walls continued to be in use in Stratum S-4. Thus, there is no proof of a large-scale violent destruction that brought an end to the 19th Dynasty city, but there is sufficient evidence for local fires and emergency abandonment of buildings in parts of the town. This may have been caused by turmoil resulting from the unstable situation of Egypt at the end of the 19th Dynasty and the transition to the 20th Dynasty.

The Iron Age IA: the 20th Dynasty (UME Level VI)

In Area Q, Building 1500 was completely exposed in the previous excavations (James 1966: 8–11). Our renewed excavation enabled the preparation of a revised plan of the building and study of its architectural details (TBS I: 61–82). This was no doubt the largest and most impressive building excavated in the 20th Dynasty town, with its pillared central hall, inscribed stone doorjambs and T-shaped stone doorsills. The new building can be defined as a small palace, most probably the seat of the governors of Beth-Shean during the 20th Dynasty, Ramesses Weser-khepesh and perhaps also his father, Thutmose. The building was designed to impress visitors and display Egyptian rule and power (see further below).

In Area N North, two building phases (N-3a and N-3b) were defined, mostly excavated by the UME (Chapter 2, Figs. 2.4–2.8). The transition between Strata N-4 and N-3b, corresponding to the transition between the 19th and the 20th Dynasties, shows, on the one hand,continuity and, on the other hand, significant change. The layout of the town was retained, as evidenced by the continuity of the north–south street and the outline of the buildings flanking it. However, changes took place inside the buildings. In Stratum N-3b, Building NB east of the street retained the main division into a large space and smaller spaces to its north; in N-3a, it was further divided into smaller chambers, thus altering its original function. The residential area west of the street retained its main outline in Strata N-3b and N-3a as in Stratum N-4, but walls were rebuilt, new inner divisions occurred, floor levels were raised, and new installations were founded.

In Area N South, Stratum N-3b included a large courtyard floor and a few brick walls which belonged to the earliest phase of a large building (ND). The pottery can be attributed to the earliest part of the 20th Dynasty or even somewhat earlier. In N-3a, Building ND developed into a large structure with long brick walls, open spaces and cobble floors, yet, since it was disturbed by later pits and only partly excavated, the finds were scarce. The building went out of use with no sign of violent destruction.

Building 1700 (our Building NA) was considered by the UME to be another Level VI Egyptian residency (James 1966: 11–12, Fig. 77; Fig. 1.5, this volume, where the building is shown in hatched lines, and the discussion in Chapter 3). Our excavations have shown that the massive basalt foundation of the northern wall of this building postdates the brick walls of Strata N-3b and N-3a structures both north and south of the wall (see Figs. 1.3–1.5). Most of the brick superstructure of the massive walls and the occupation debris inside this building were excavated by the UME, and no floors or clean contexts were preserved for us to explore, but all the pottery recovered during the cleaning of the walls and the debris between them, although not in situ, was typical of Level VI, including many Egyptian forms; no later sherds whatsoever were recovered. Four T-shaped stone doorsills similar to those in Building 1500 and a cornice stone in Egyptian style were found in the area of this building; two of the doorsills appear to be in situ. The question of the date of this building is addressed in Chapter 3, concluding that it might have been constructed either in a very late phase of the 20th Dynasty (still during the presence of the Egyptian garrison) or later, either during the 11th century (Late Level VI) or even during the Iron Age IIA (Level V). If the original identification of Building NA as the last major Egyptian public building is correct, its position due east of Building 1500 and the building east of it (Locus 1585, see above), created a line of major edifices serving the Egyptian administration at Beth-Shean during the 12th century. Yet, this dating of the building should be taken with due caution.

Area S is located on the northeastern side of the summit, where the UME reached Level V and apparently excavated some Late Level VI structures. This situation enabled us to easily reach building remains of Late Level VI and Level VI. We extended Yadin and Geva’s excavation area to all sides. Seven stratigraphic phases were observed. 700 sq. m of dwellings were excavated, representing a continuation of the Level VI residential quarter uncovered by the UME further to the south. The earliest occupation phase, Stratum S-5, is known only from a few probes. It could correspond with either UME Level VII or Late Level VII (Martin, Chapter 6, based on the Egyptian-style pottery) or to an early phase of Level VI of the 20th Dynasty (Panitz-Cohen, Chapter 5, based on the local Canaanite pottery). Several walls of S-5 continued to be in use in S-4, showing continuity between these two strata. Following S-5 were two strata, S-4 and S-3, that can be attributed to the time of the 20th Dynasty (=Level VI); the latter was divided in certain buildings into two separate architectural phases, denoted S-3b (lower) and S-3a (upper). The accumulation of debris in Strata S-4 and S-3 reached 2.5 m. The general layout of the dwelling quarter in these two strata retained that of Levels VII and VI further to the south, as far as can be judged from the UME plans (Figs. 1.2–1.5). In both Strata S-4 and S-3, houses arranged in blocks, or insulae, flanked two intersecting streets: a north south street (the continuation of the street uncovered in the UME excavations to the south) and an east–west street. The houses contained courtyards and rooms with various grinding, cooking, baking, and storage installations. Considerable architectural changes occurred inside the houses during the transition between these two strata; for example, in Stratum S-4, some spaces had rows of stone pillar bases, a feature that disappeared in Stratum S-3.

At the western end of Area S, one large rectangular room of a substantial building (Building SL in Stratum S-3) probably belonged to a much larger structure which continued to the west, north of the Level VI temple. Unfortunately, much of this building was destroyed by a late disturbance, yet the elaborate finds from the single extant large room included gold foil depicting a ram’s head, additional gold foil pieces (Chapter 11C), carnelian pendants, and various beads (Chapter 11B), alluding to the importance of this building, which may have been one of the Egyptian governmental edifices at Beth-Shean.

One of the questions posed during the excavation of Area S was the attribution of the inscribed stones and architectural fragments in the deposit described as being “below Locus 1522” of Level V (see above), including the lintel of Ramesses Weser-khepesh. In a Stratum S-3 debris layer about 15msouthwestofUMELocus1522,we uncovered a fragment of a frieze depicting a man sitting on a folding chair; according to Sweeney, this may have been part of the same frieze to which fragment No. C-4 found by the UME belonged (Chapter 13C). Her study clearly indicates that this was a 20th Dynasty work. Nearby, another fragment of an Egyptian-style cornice was recovered in S-3 street debris (Chapter 13C). This group of fragmentary monumental stone inscriptions and reliefs must have belonged to a substantial building of Level VI. However, the excavations in the area surrounding UME Locus 1522 revealed only common residencies. It appears that the stones “below Locus 1522” originated in Level VI (our Stratum S-3), yet they were apparently removed from their original location following the destruction of that city, perhaps during the Iron Age IB (corresponding with Late Level VI or our Stratum S-2), as with the monuments in front of the Northern Temple (see below). But in this case we must ask why the two stones found by us were in a debris layer of a common dwelling or street of Stratum S-3? Were they in secondary use? This question remains unresolved and the original location of these stones remains unclear. Perhaps they belonged to a context like our Building SL, which extended further to the west.

The dense stratigraphy and architectural changes in Strata S-5–S-3 can be dated to a rather short period of ca. 60–70 years, from the end of the 19th Dynasty until the end of the Egyptian presence in the town, ca. 1140/30. This is a rather short time for such drastic changes, and one must inquire as to the reason behind them. One possibility is that Stratum S-4 suffered from an earthquake. Two human skeletons found in Stratum S-4 domestic contexts may point to this direction. Yet, most of the floors of Stratum S-4 were found empty of finds in situ, with no actual evidence for an abrupt or violent end. The transition between S-3b and S-3a, where observed, seems to reflect local architectural changes with no evidence for any devastation. In contrast, the houses of Stratum S-3a were destroyed by severe fire and their collapse created a thick layer of destruction debris up to 1.2 m deep, burying many finds. This evidence for a violent end of the Egyptian garrison town was also revealed by Yadin and Geva,but strangely, was not documented by the UME (see note 8). One can only guess what was the reason for this heavy destruction. A possible scenario is an attack by the local Canaanite population from neighboring cities such as Rehov or Pehal, or by a semi-nomadic group (cf., the Gideon story in Judg. 6–7) at a time of Egyptian weakness during the reign of Ramesses IV or V. While the violent destructions of Levels IX and VII in the mid-14th and late 13th centuries were followed by a revival of the Egyptian stronghold at Beth-Shean, the end of S-3a brought the Egyptian domination of the site to its final end, just at the time when the Egyptian presence in all of Canaan terminated.

An Assessment of the Egyptian Presence in Canaan During the 20th Dynasty

The evidence from Beth-Shean points to a prominent Egyptian presence during the 20th Dynasty. Yet, it appears that Beth-Shean is one of the few Egyptian strongholds that survived the end of the 19th Dynasty; several of these appear to have been abandoned during the 12th century, such as Haruvit along the ‘Way of Horus’ in Northern Sinai (Oren 1987: 84–97), Deir el-Bala¢ (Dothan 1993), Jaffa, and Aphek (if indeed it was an Egyptian outpost; see Gadot and Yadin 2009). Tel Seraª Stratum IX (Oren 1993: 1330–1331) and Tel Mor Stratum VI (Barako 2007: 242–243) continued to serve as Egyptian strongholds during the 12th century, although at Tel Mor the large citadel of the 13th century was now replaced by a small, solid tower. The situation at Tell el- Farªah (South) is far from clear (for a general survey, see Ward 1966:174, 179; Weinstein, 1992). Lachish VI and Megiddo VIIA yielded several Egyptian artifacts of the 20th Dynasty, yet it seems that both continued to be Canaanite cities during the 12th century. Tubb has suggested the existence of an Egyptian 20th Dynasty stronghold at Tell es-Saªidiyeh (Tubb and Dorell 1993: 56–58), yet this has still to be substantiated by publication of the finds. The fate of the Egyptian strongholds in Lebanon — Yumur (Tell Kazel) and Kumidi (Kamid el-Loz) — is unknown, but at least Kumidi appears to have been abandoned in the 12th century. The copper mines at Timnaª continued to operate during the 20th Dynasty, but this endeavor was directly related to Egypt through Sinai. It thus appears that the Egyptian hold on Canaan was much weaker during the 20th Dynasty than in the 19th Dynasty. Against this background of Egyptian weakness, we may explain the settlement of the Philistines in Philistia, which in the opinion of many scholars, occurred during the time of the 20th Dynasty (for a recent summary, see Mazar 2007, 2008; for a different view, see Ussishkin 1985, 2008; Finkelstein 1995).

In light of this survey, we have to ask why the 20th Dynasty rulers (probably mainly during the time of Ramesses III) established imposing public buildings at Beth-Shean, including a small ceremonial palace (Building 1500), with a large number of monumental dedicatory inscriptions, royal statuary and architectural decoration. These changes should perhaps be understood as an attempt to ‘show off’ with an elaborate manifestation of Egyptian presence at this time of turmoil. Yet, as often happens in history, a display of buildings does not necessarily express real power, and it seems that the general picture in the 12th century is one of the decline of Egyptian power, which finally came to an end in a violent destruction, perhaps the result of an uprising of the local population.

Periodization and Chronology

Comments on Periodization and Terminology

The periodization and terminology used in the archaeology of Israel and Jordan are presently in a state of flux. Different nomenclature is often utilized by various scholars to define similar periods or phenomena. Thus, it is no wonder that various terms have been suggested for the admittedly complex transition from the Late Bronze to the Iron Ages. In this report, we use the terminology suggested in the NEAEHL: 1529, followed in various textbooks (i.e., Mazar 1990: 30; Ben-Tor 1992: 2). This terminology represented the consensus among most archaeologists working in Israel and Jordan until recently, when the current terminological suggestions reflect diverse approaches to the multifarious cultural developments of this transitional period.

Following the excavations at Lachish, Ussishkin (1985) suggested including the bulk of the 12th century (until the end of the Egyptian domination of Canaan, ca. 1140/30) as part of the Late Bronze Age, without any terminological differentiation between the 13th and much of the 12th centuries. In a recent study, he included the period from 1300–1130 under the term ‘Late Bronze III’ (Ussishkin 2008). This term blurs the distinction between the 13th and the 12th centuries, while in my view, there are sufficient parameters that differentiate the two. The 12th century (the time of the Egyptian 20th Dynasty) saw the demise of the international trade of the previous period, the settlement of the Philistines (according to the conventional view, but contradicted by Ussishkin and Finkelstein as mentioned above) and the inception of the settlement wave in the hill country. Hazor, the largest and most influential Canaanite city, did not survive into the 12th century, and its destruction must have created a great vacuum in the northern part of the country. It is indeed true that Canaanite material culture continued into the 12th century at certain sites, such as Megiddo, Tell Keisan, Tel Rehov, Lachish, and Tel Seraª. The continuity between Levels VII and VI at Beth-Shean, as shown in the present volume, is one of the best demonstrations of this cultural continuum. In fact, Canaanite culture continued in certain parts of the country even later, well into the 11th century, such as in the Jezreel and Beth-Shean Valleys, as well as in the coastal plain from Dor northwards. This phenomenon was dubbed “New Canaan” by Finkelstein (1996a), while in my view, it is, in fact, the last phase of the Canaanite Bronze Age culture. Thus, in accordance with Ussishkin’s line of thought, we could continue the Late Bronze Age until the end of the 11th century, as indeed is the case in Cyprus, where the Late Cypriot III period includes the 11th century. The term LB III was recently used by Finkelstein and Piasetzky (2009: 263) and by Gadot (2009: 586–587, although he adds the qualification ‘Ir IA’ to this term) as referring only to the 12th century, the last phase of the Egyptian domination of Canaan. Yet, this term may also be confusing, since it was used in the past to describe the 13th century by Tufnell (Tufnell et al. 1940; Tufnell 1958) and Amiran (Amiran 1963: 153–205, but changed in the English version [1969] to LB IIB). Gilboa and Sharon (2003; also Boaretto et al. 2005) suggested a combined term ‘LB|IrI’for the 12th century. Similarly, in the most recent Megiddo excavation report, the Iron Age starts with Stratum VIB (Megiddo IV: 103) and in the chronological chart (ibid.: 17), the term LBII/IAI is used for the time period of Stratum VIIA. Such nomenclature may be helpful in terms of reflecting cultural meaning, but is either confusing or impractical. Since the archaeology of the Levant already suffers from an overdose of alternative and overlapping terms for transitional sub-periods, fur ther terminological confusion should be avoided. Until a new subdivision will be agreed upon by all, I prefer to utilize the terminology used in the NEAEHL as a technical device, although indeed it does not do justice to the complex nature of the LB–Iron I transition. In the present volume, we tried to avoid the use of archaeological terminology and refer to the Egyptian 19th or 20th Dynasties, or the 13th and 12th centuries, respectively.

The Iron IB (ca. 1130–1000/980) is a well defined period. Some developments and changes in the pottery typology and production can be observed during this period, but the continuity in each region make, in my view, subdivisions of this period throughout the country impossible (Mazar 2008: 87). Attempts at such a division have been suggested; Gilboa and Sharon (2003) first divided this period into four or five subperiods and subsequently, into two or three subperiods (Sharon, Gilboa and Boaretto 2008: 183). Yet their division is based on scanty evidence and does not fit the entire country. Gadot (2009: 587), who used the term LBIII for the preceding period, uses the term ‘IrIA’for the early part of our Iron IB. His argumentation is based on a distinction between Tell Qasile Strata XII and XI, but as he admits, there is great continuity between these two strata. Such formal countrywide terminological divisions of the Iron Age IB are unjustified in my view.

Absolute Chronology

Archaeological Evidence

The Egyptian inscriptions from Beth-Shean listed above provide an important anchor for absolute chronology in the 13th–12th centuries in the southern Levant, although most of the monuments with royal names were not found in situ. As mentioned above, the date of Level VII was established byseveral scarabs, as well as by the faience plaques from the Level VII temple with the names of Ramesses and Merneptah. It is assumed that the stele of Ramesses II and the cylinder seal with his name found in Level V originated from Level VII. A scarab with his name came from our Stratum N-4, which can be correlated with Level VII. The material culture of Level VII resembles the finds in the temple of Tell Deir ªAlla Phase E (general Phase 12), where an Egyptian faience goblet with the name of queen Tewosret was found (van der Kooij 2006: 224, Table 10). The single-year reign of this queen (1182, according to Kitchen 2000: 42) thus provides the lowest possible date for the Deir ªAlla and the Beth-Shean Level VII assemblages, which include the latest appearance of imported Myc IIIB and Cypriot LCII pottery, as well as the earliest appearance of distinct local forms, like collared rim jars and cooking pots of our Type CP71 (see Chapter 5). Based on one imported Egyptian jar, Martin (Chapter 6) claims an early 12th century date for the end of Level VII (=our Stratum N-4), which would fit the Deir ªAlla temple date.

As mentioned above, Late Level VII should not be regarded as an independent stratum, but just as a construction phase in several Level VII buildings. James and McGovern (1993: 236) were probably correct in dating this phase to the very end of the 19th Dynasty.

As to Level VI (correlated with our Strata S-4 and S-3, and perhaps also S-5), the statue of Ramesses III and the lintel of Ramesses Weserkhepesh both bear cartouches of Ramesses III. The lintel and the seven additional fragments found with it are made of the same white limestone and in the same technique as the Egyptian inscriptions from Building 1500 and appear to have been made in the same workshop. Thus, there are sufficient grounds to attribute the lintel, as well as the statue, to Level VI. A scarab of Ramesses III was found when cleaning Level VI debris left by the UME in Area N North (Chapter 12A). This scarab may be attributed to either Stratum N-3b or N-3a. A scarab of Ramesses IV is the latest dated New Kingdom object found at Beth-Shean (Weinstein in James and McGovern 1993: 221, Pl. 165:8).10

Finkelstein (1996b) suggested that Strata S-4 and S-3 at Beth-Shean postdate Megiddo VIIA, due to the lack of Myc IIIC pottery in this stratum. However, both Megiddo VIIA and Beth-Shean S-4 and S-3, must be contemporary with the Egyptian 20th Dynasty, a time range of about 60–70 years in the 12th century. Creating a chronological distinction between Megiddo VIIA and Beth-Shean S-4 and S-3 during such a short time is untenable, considering the two or sometimes even three occupation phases at Beth-Shean. The lack of Myc IIIC imports in Megiddo VIIA should be understood as the normal state of affairs in the period following the demise of the international trade of the 14th and 13th centuries, while the phenomenon of very small-scale imported Cypriot Myc IIIC at Beth Shean, Tell Keisan, ªAkko and a few other sites along the Levantine coast, is the exception. In fact, Megiddoitself produced at least one large Myc IIIC krater, found in a burial which is most probably contemporary with Stratum VIIA(Mountjoy 2008). As discussed above, the ca. 30 Myc IIIC sherds from Beth-Shean may have arrived there under specific circumstances that should be related to the role of Beth-Shean as a garrison town. Thus, the limited distribution of this pottery at certain sites and its lack at others should not be taken as a decisive chronological indicator; Megiddo VIIA and Beth-Shean VI(our Strata S-4 and S-3) must have been contemporary (see also Yasur-Landau 2006; Mazar 2007).
Footnotes

10 This scarab was attributed to Room 1253 in a dwelling of Level VII east of the street, close to the edge of the mound, in a place where no structural remains of Level VI were preserved. However, as Weinstein noted, its attribution to Level VII does not make sense and it should be attributed to Level VI.

Radiometric Evidence

Seven radiocarbon dates from two contexts in Areas N North and S were measured in 1998 by Israel Carmi at the radiocarbon laboratory of the Weizmann Institute of Science, Rehovot, using liquid scintillation counters (Mazar and Carmi 2001). Table 1.4 cites these dates, Fig. 1.6 shows a group plot of all these dates, and Figs 1.7–1.8 show the results of the Combine function of OxCal soft ware, where averages of the calibrated dates of each group are shown.11 The alternative R-Combine (calibrated calculated averages of all BP dates from a single context) provided similar dates to those of the Combine function and thus is not included here.

The three dates from Area N were measured on samples of charred grain from the two storage chambers in Stratum N-4 Building NB (Chapter 2), each of which contained large amounts of grain in a well-defined stratigraphic and architectural context that was destroyed by fire. The four dates from Area S were measured on a cache of over half a million flaxseeds from Stratum S-3a Installation 28817 (Chapter 4), which is also a secure, sealed context. One of the samples from Area S also included some charred wood.

Table 1.4

Radiocarbon dates from Areas N and S calibrated with OxCal 3.10 software

Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)


Two of the three dates from Stratum N-4 do not predate 1200 in the 68% probability range, while the 95% probability range includes much of the 13th century as well. The lower dates are in the late 12th and 11th centuries and the combined average of the calibrated dates is 1210–1125 in the 68.2% probability range. Based on archaeological considerations, the end of Stratum N-4 was dated to the late 13th or very early 12th centuries, and this date can be supported by the radiocarbon dates in the 68% probability range. The end of Stratum S-3a is related to the end of the Egyptian presence in Canaan during the time of Ramesses IV or V, 1140/30. Three of the four dates from Stratum S-3a can support such a date in the 68% probability range and all four cover this period in the 95% probability range. The combined calibrated date in the 68.2% probability range is 1195–1120, and thus fits the archaeological/historical date.

The problem with this data is that there is an almost total overlap between the calibrated dates of the combined dates of the two groups, in spite of the fact that they are three stratigraphic phases apart (on the difficulties in using radiocarbon dates for ca. 1200, see Manning 2007). Thus, on the one hand, the radiocarbon dates support the archaeological/historical dates, while on the other hand, they fail to enable a refined sequence of absolute dating which would be supported by the stratigraphic sequence.

Figure 1.6

Group plot of all dates from Strata N-4 and S-3a (see Table 1.4)

Plot prepared with OxCal 3.10 software

Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)


Figure 1.7

Combined dates of the three samples from Stratum N-4

prepared with OxCal 3.10 software

Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)


Figure 1.8

Combined dates of the four samples from Stratum S-3a

prepared with OxCal 3.10 software

Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)

Beth-Shean during the Post Ramesside Period (Iron Age IB)

Introduction

The occupation layers following the end of Level VI were extensively excavated by the UME and we were able to locate only a few undisturbed areas where this period could be explored. Thus, our knowledge of the Iron IB at Beth-Shean (the late 12th and 11th centuries) is based on interpretation of the UME excavations, limited data from the Yadin and Geva excavations, our finds in Area S, and, to a lesser extent, in Area N (see Fig. 1.9).

UME Late Level VI and Level V

The occupation phase following the end of Level VI was denoted by James ‘Late Level VI’ (James 1966: 19–21), to which she could attribute a few ephemeral structural remains above Building 1500, in the area of Building 1700 and to its north, as well as in the temple area (Fig. 1.4). The remains shown in the area of Building 1500 indicate some continuity in the use of major walls, yet the central pillared hall went out of use and was divided into smaller rooms, indicating that the building’s function changed. East of the Level VI temple, new structures were built which cancelled the previous ones, although no remains from this period are shown in the area of the temple itself. The remains north of Building 1700 (our Area N North) show a new inner division, while retaining the major out line of previous buildings. A large building (1096, 1093) was assigned to this phase north of the temple, but as mentioned above, this attribution can be questioned, since the only remains found below the building were attributed to Level VIII and it was covered by the Level V Northern Temple (James 1966: Fig. 76:2). This fragmentary evidence raises questions regarding the fate of Beth-Shean in the Iron Age IB, one of which is related to the history of the double temple complex of Level V and the erection of the Egyptian monuments in the court yard in front of the Northern Temple. James, following Rowe, attributed the double temple complex to Level V, but clearly indicated her indecision concerning its date, deliberating between the 10th century, as some of the pottery found in the temples indicated, and the Iron Age I following the departure of the Egyptians, as indicated by much of the pottery, as well as by the elaborately painted cult stands found in the Southern Temple. Ultimately, she preferred the earlier date (James 1966: 133–136). I concurred with this conclusion and dated the double temple complex to the Iron Age IB, but suggested to separate the temples from the well-planned architectural complex of Level V to its north, which in my view, can be dated to the Iron Age IIA (Mazar 1993: 219–223; TBS I: 34–35). Such a date may fit the lack of structures in the temple area in Late Level VI. If correct, the Iron Age IB city would include the double temple complex and the ‘monuments courtyard’ in front of it, as well as other Late Level VI structures and our S®2 remains (see reconstructed plan, Fig. 1.9). This assumption would also attribute the rich collection of ritual objects found in the Southern Temple, mainly elaborately painted pottery stands (Rowe 1940: Pls. XIV:1, 3–5; XV:1–9; XVI:1–4, 6, 8; XVII; XVIII:2, 10, 12–17; XX:2, 5–12; 20–21, 26; XXI:16–17; XXII:1) to the Iron Age IB, which would better suit this painted decoration than an Iron IIA date (see also James 1966: 135). Yannai’s (1996) suggestion to date the double temple complex to a late phase of Level VI, during the latter part of the Egyptian regime, was refuted above.

It remains to repeat James’ question as to why so many important Egyptian monuments were retained and re-used at a time when the Egyptians were no longer present at Beth-Shean. The statue of Ramesses III was next to the Northern Temple’s entrance, and four large worked basalt stones that served as pedestals for stelae were located in situ along the western wall of the courtyard in front of the temple. The two stelae of Seti I and Ramesses II were found near one of these bases and it is obvious that these monuments were placed there intention ally and with great care. This is in contrast to many cases where monuments were mutilated following the end of foreign occupation (Garfinkel 2009). Why would Canaanites at Beth-Shean meticulously retain and perhaps even worship such prominent Egyptian royal monuments in the forefront of their temple? The answer should perhaps be sought in the realm of psychology and cognition; the inhabit ants of Beth-Shean in the 11th century must have been well acquainted with the special role of their city in the preceding New Kingdom period. The large monuments were probably visible among the ruins of the Egyptian garrison town and were perhaps salvaged and erected in front of the new temples as memorials to past glory. These monuments, which were unique in Canaan and probably could not be read by any of the locals, perhaps became sacred and were venerated by the local population. Such an attitude towards the monuments may indicate that the indigenous people did not harbor hostile feelings for the Egyptian overlords of Beth Shean and that they respected the outstanding heritage of their town.

Yadin and Geva Strata 1-3

As mentioned above, most of the poor remains attributed to Strata 1–3 in these excavations (Yadin and Geva 1986: 8–39) should be dated to the Iron Age IB, contemporary with Late Level VI. The remains are fragmentary and isolated from one another and perhaps Strata 2 and 3 should be merged into one stratum, which would correspond with Late Level VI and our Stratum S-2 (Garfinkel 1987). Of particular importance are two pits (Loci 2525, 2529 of Stratum 3, Yadin and Geva 1986:28-34) and a floor surface (2505B of Stratum 2; ibid.: 24–25, Fig. 9). These are located in our Squares B C/9–10 and may be related to our Walls 88836 and 88873 in Stratum S-2. Yadin and Geva’s interpretation (ibid.: 38–39) of these poor remains as reflecting the settlement of semi-nomadic tribes is untenable in light of our interpretation of the evidence relating to Late Level VI.

HU Stratum S-2

In Area S, the remains of Stratum S-2 entail the rebuild of the ruined city of Stratum S-3 (see Chapter 4). The street system continued unchanged, and was resurfaced. Several houses were reconstructed, their outer walls either reused Stratum S-3 walls or new walls were built above the ruined previous buildings, sometime with a slight change in the orientation. In the southern part of Area S, we located several rooms of Stratum S-3 which continued to be in use in S-2, with a new floor laid above a thick deposit. A concentration of pottery on this floor found in a destruction layer is the most complete assemblage recovered from Stratum S-2. In the western part of Area S, the large room in monumental Building SL of Stratum S-3 was divided by narrow partition walls and a small bin was constructed in its corner, indicating that this important Egyptian building was now turned into a rather poor dwelling. To its south, Stratum S®3 Building SPwas rebuilt on the same lines, with a new floor and a square installation paved with basalt stones. In the northern part of Area S, almost no remains from this period were preserved except in Squares A–B/9–10, where new walls were constructed on line with previous structures of Stratum S-3.

In the northwestern part of Area S, we uncovered a massive stone pavement with an oven built on it and bounded by thin stone walls constructed directly on top of S-3 structures, with no evidence for S-2 remains. The evidence for dating the pavement included a number of red-slipped and hand burnished sherds found on top of it, which prompted its attribution to Stratum S-1b of the Iron IIA (TBS I: 174–180). However, it could well be that the pavement was constructed during Stratum S-2 and was perhaps reused in the early Iron IIA, just as we assume happened with the double temple of Level V, due west of this area.

The pottery recovered from Stratum S-2 (Plates 69–74), and the corresponding loci in Yadin and Geva’s excavations, is typical of the Iron IB in the Jezreel and Beth-Shean Valleys, with close parallels at Megiddo VI, Yoqneªam XVII and related sites (Mazar 1993: 219–223; Chapter 5, this volume). The lack of Egyptian forms clearly distinguishes it from the previous assemblages of S-4 and S-3, dated to the time of the 20th Dynasty. Four painted sherds of Aegean-inspired traditions probably are products of northern workshops (Chapter 7B). Of the nine clay figurines and cult objects attributed to this stratum, none are in the Egyptian tradition, in sharp contrast to the situation in the previous strata. Four clay figurines (Chapter 9A, Nos. 4–6, 9) are unusual types in the Iron Age I and perhaps are related to Aegean traditions, like those reflected in Philistine figurines.

Both the continuity in the architecture and the local pottery tradition indicate that Stratum S-2 was built shortly after the destruction of Stratum S-3.12 Since the material culture is typical of the Canaanite population in the northern valleys, we may assume that Beth-Shean S-2 represents a Canaanite town constructed on top of the ruined Egyptian garrison town. As noted above, this town might have included the elaborate double temple complex and its rich collection of cult objects. The end of this city might have come at the same time when cities like Megiddo VIA, Yoqneªam XVII and Tel Kinnerot were destroyed, ca. 1000 (Mazar 2008: 102–103, 114; Mazar and Bronk-Ramsey 2008: 164–166; Finkelstein and Piasetzky 2009: 266–267, who cite similar dates).

Who were the inhabitants of Beth-Shean during the Iron Age IB? Were they descendents of Canaanites who cooperated with the Egyptians and resided at Beth-Shean previously or were they new people who came from the nearby region to settle the site? Canaanite continuity in the Jezreel and Beth-Shean Valleys and the northern coastal plain is attested at a good number of sites (i.e., Megiddo. Yoqneªam, Dor, Tell Keisan, Tel Re¢ov) and coin cides with the biblical tradition in Judges I: 27–32 (Mazar 2008: 88–90).

If there is any historical reality in the biblical story of the battle of Gilboa and the hanging of the bodies of Saul and his sons on the walls of Beth Shean by the Philistines (1 Sam 31), it cannot be corroborated by archaeology. An event of a Philistine raid to the region is not improbable, but left no archaeological evidence. James suggested that the bible referred to other Sea Peoples who may have settled Beth-Shean during the Iron Age I (James 1966: 136, 138), but there is almost no evidence for such a population, except for very few pottery sherds and a few clay figurines

Chapter 4 Area S: Stratigraphy and Architecture

Introduction

Area S is located in the southeastern corner of the summit of Tel Beth-Shean, overlooking the entire Beth-Shean Valley (Photos 1.1, 4.1). The area is limited on the south and west by cliffs created by the previous excavations and on the east by a steep slope separating the summit of the tel from its lower eastern terrace. In the northeast of the area (Squares Y/9–10) a very large pit, apparently dating to the Byzantine Period, cut the early structures. The area had been previously excavated by the UME (1921 1933), which completely removed most of the upper five strata from the summit (James 1966). In 1983, Yigael Yadin and Shulamit Geva conducted a limited excavation in the center of this area, located in our Squares Z–B/8–9 (Yadin and Geva 1986).

Our excavations in Area S continued for eight seasons, each lasting six weeks: February 1990, September–November 1990, October–November 1991, July–August 1992, July–August 1993, June July 1994, June–July 1995 and June–July 1996. During the first two seasons, the excavation was limited to Squares Y–A/7 (total of 75 sq. m), south of Yadin and Geva’s excavation area. In the following seasons, the area was extended to include Squares Y–C/6–11. During the 1995 season, the excavation was limited to Squares Y/10–11 and Z/Y–8. In 1996, the area was extended to the north (parts of Squares T–B/12–13), thus creating a connection with Area N North (Chapter 2).1 Since the Fall 1990 season, the area was divided into two parts, each supervised independently: Area SA was the southern part and Area SB was the northern part (from the east–west street in Squares Z–C/9–10 northwards, with few exceptions in some of the seasons). In the present text, the designations ‘SB’and ‘SA’are not used and the entire area is referred to as Area S. All in all, 28 squares were excavated, covering a total area of 700 sq. m.

The following staff members supervised the work in this area:

Area SA. Winter 1990: Ray Bellamy and Efrat Assaf, assisted by Garth Gilmour. Fall 1990, 1991, 1992: Yoni Rand and Dalit Weinblatt, assisted by Jill Avrais. 1993, 1994: Anat Cohen-Weinberger, assisted by Eduarda Morris.

Area SB. 1990, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994 and part of 1995: Nava Panitz-Cohen, assisted by Anat Cohen Weinberger (1991, 1992); Nir Papai (1993); Linda Bregstein-Scherr (1994); Eduarda Morris (1995); part of 1995: Anat Cohen-Weinberger, assisted by Eduarda Morris. 1996: Robert Mullins.

In this area, the UME removed all remains of their Level IV and much of Level V. The extant finds of the latter that we were able to recover were denoted by usStratum S-1a andS-1b,dating to Iron Age IIA. The main remains from these levels belong to four structures that we termed Buildings A–D in Stratum S-1a (published in TBS I: 173 201). Our excavations commenced partially from the UME Level Lower V (our Stratum S-1a), partially from UME Late Level VI (our Stratum S-2), and in other places from Yadin and Geva’s Stratum 4 (paralleled to UME Level VI and our Stratum S 3). In most of Area S, the excavation ended on floor levels of our Stratum S-4, which most probably corresponds to an early phase of UME Level VI. In very limited areas, our excavation reached Stratum S-5, which might correspond to Level VI (early) of UME, or possibly with Late Level VII (see further discussion of the stratigraphic correlation in Chapter 1).

Thanks to a strategy of opening large excavation areas, we managed to uncover sufficient structural remains and floor levels to enable an accurate reconstruction of the settlement history of this area in the 12th–11th centuries BCE. As will be seen below, our results differ from those of Yadin and Geva on several important points.

In the preliminary report, a tentative correlation between our local strata and those of the UME and Yadin was suggested (Mazar 1993). This correlation, however, is not always straightforward due to the ambiguity involved in the attribution of various structures found by the UME to Late Level VI and Lower Level V. Difficulties in correlation to Yadin and Geva’s stratigraphy are due to our different understanding of their Strata 1–3; see also Chapter 1. Table 4.1 shows our updated correlation.

Stratum S-3 was further subdivided into two sub-phases, S-3a and S-3b (‘a’ being the later phase) due to different building phases that were defined in certain locales. The sub-phases refer to local re-builds and architectural changes, while the main strata numbers refer to more substantial changes which occurred in the entire excavated area.

Table 4.1

Correlation of the stratigraphy of Area S

Panitz-Cohen and Mazar (2009)


The goals of excavation in Area S were:
  1. To identify any remains of the uppermost strata (UME Level V and Yadin and Geva’s Stratum 1) possibly left by the previous expeditions, as well as uncovering additional remains from this occupation.

  2. To clarify plans of complete architectural units, as well as defining a town plan of building layout and streets during the various strata. 3. To incorporate the previously excavated remains into a coherent plan with the results of the present excavation.

  3. To isolate the material culture of each identified stratum and sub-phase, with the ultimate purpose of reconstructing the sequence of occupation in correlation with absolute dates based on the finds.

  4. To study the nature of the material culture at the time of the transition from the Late Bronze to the Iron Ages.
The following stratigraphic discussion is organized from the earliest stratum (S-5) to the latest (S-2). In each stratum, the description is from north (Area SB) to south (Area SA). The plans are divided into two parts; in each stratum, the northern part and the southern part are shown on separate plans, positioned opposite each other, with some overlapping between them. These are numbered as Fig. number + the letter ‘a’ for the northern part and ‘b’ for the southern part

Stratum S-4

  • plans: Figs. 4.2–4.3a–b
  • sections: Figs. 4.13–4.17, 4.20–4.22, 4.25–4.27, 4.29–4.31
  • pottery: Pls. 25–37
Introduction

Structures of Stratum S-4 were revealed almost directly on top of the S-5 remains, with only a thin layer of debris separating them (Photos 4.2–4.5). As mentioned above, several walls continued to be in use as well, which implies a short time span between the two.

The excavated area is divided by two perpendicular intersecting streets and includes part of three building blocks (‘insulae’). The northern one consisted of three units (SA, SB, SC) which appear to belong to at least two different buildings (Photos 4.8–4.10). The southern insula was composed of two buildings in its northern part (SD and SE) and one large building in its southern part (Building SF) (Photos 4.11–4.12). All these buildings appear to be domestic. There was extensive use of pillar bases made of large flat stones, which probably supported wooden posts (Photos 4.2–4.5, 4.36–4.37, 4.45 4.46). This feature is indicative of Stratum S-4 and is virtually lacking in Stratum S-3. The brick walls usually had a stone socle made of small stones. Three types of walls can be observed:
  1. major walls like Wall 18743 in Squares A–B/7 8 and Wall 88837 in Square B/10; they are 1.3 m wide, composed of two rows of bricks laid in headers or stretchers.

  2. medium-sized walls like Wall 18733 in Z–A/6 or Wall 88848 in Squares B/8–9; these are 0.8 0.9 m wide, composed of narrow and smaller bricks. These walls were also composed of two rows of bricks, laid in headers and stretchers.

  3. narrow walls like Wall 10706 in Square A/8 and Wall 18715 in Square B/7, usually 0.6–0.8 m wide, composed of one row of bricks.
The accumulation in this stratum averaged half a meter in depth, and there were only minor rebuilds and floor raisings associated with the intense domestic activity in this area. Two human skeletons found in this stratum (Loci 18714, Square B/7 and 10743, Square Y/7; Photos 4.51–4.52) allude to the possibility that an event such as an earthquake brought an end to this city.

Despite the damage caused at the end of Stratum S-4, the city was soon rebuilt, as there was a great deal of architectural continuity between S-4 and S-3

363 CE earthquake

Figures

Figures

  • Fig. 22 - Inscription from the nymphaeum from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)

Discussion

Raphael and Bijovsky (2014) report that
The collapse of the roof of the Bet She'an odeum and the partial destruction of the theater were attributed to the 363 CE earthquake. A major wave of construction in the city center is thought to be related to earthquake damage (Foerster and Tsafrir 1988:18, 15-32; Foerster and Tsafrir 1992a:11-12; Foerster and Tsafrir 1992b; Foerster 1993; Atrash 2003:VI; Mazor and Najjar 2007:14,17,55-56,70,187).
Tsafrir and Foester (1997:108-109) discussed the 363 CE earthquake at Bet She'an
The excavations have shown that Scythopolis was damaged by the famous earthquake of the year 363 C.E. Beshan is mentioned as partly destroyed in a Syriac manuscript [Letter attributed to Cyril] that gives a list of the ruined settlements in Palestine by name. The excavations support the information given in the source that the city was only partially destroyed. The damage has been discerned mainly through the rebuilding of several Roman monuments in various locations at the site. The stratigraphy, the similar character of the rebuilding, and the distribution of ruined or renovated monuments all over the city center have led us to the conclusion that the monuments were damaged at the same time, most likely by an earthquake. The reconstruction of the monuments after the earthquake was somewhat inferior to the original second-century construction, but the classical character of the restoration proves that the classical tradition was still alive in the late fourth century.

The fate of each individual monument, whether restored or left in ruins, is significant, as the act of reconstruction and the extent of investment in each of the public buildings reflect the order of priorities of the citizens, the city council, the provincial administration, and the metropolitan bishop.104

... The nymphaeum, next to the temple, was severely damaged during the earthquake and then rebuilt "from the foundations" by the governor (archon) Artemidorus, the περίβλεπτος (spectabilis) comes. This information is supplied by a monumental inscription incised on the decorated architrave above the podium in the central niche of the nymphaeum (Fig. 22).110 The date of the rebuilding is unknown, but the fact that the inscription is adorned by crosses shows that it could not have been incised before the mid-fourth century.
Footnotes

104 An inscription on a large limestone slab was found near the theater (the original provenance is unclear) with an inscription saying that the city was renovated (άνενεώθη) in the days of the Metro(politan) Ablabius; Mazor, ESI 6 (1987-88), 22. The text refers to the restoration of the city (ή πόλις) in general; thus it is reasonable to connect it with the restoration of buildings in Scythopolis after the earthquake of 363 C.E. If the title of Ablabius means that he was the metropolitan bishop of the province of Palaestina Secunda (not to be confused with the governor, Taurus Syncletius Ablabius, mentioned in another inscription), we have an indication, dated no earlier than the foundation of the province in the late 4th or early 5th century, of the involvement of church leaders in municipal matters.

110 For the inscription of the nymphaeum, see Foerster and Tsafrir, ESI 6 (1987-88), 27-28. Artemidorus' high rank of peribleptos or spectabilis suggests that he was the governor of Palestine before its division into three parts and the foundation of Palaestina Secunda. As he was active around 400 (and no later than 404; see below), we may conclude that the division of Palestine took place some time between 400 and 409, the date of the edict mentioning the three Palestines (CTh 7.4.30). The date given by Malalas, Chronographia 13 (ed. Dindorf, 347), that relates this reorganization of Palestine to the days of Theodosius I (379-395 c.E.) seems, therefore, too early. Still, it is possible that Artemidorus gained his high rank for his personal virtues, with no relation to his appointment in a province of lower status, but such an interpretation seems to us less likely.

End 6th to 2nd half of the 7th century CE earthquake

Figures

Figures

Normal Size

  • Fig. 60 - Drums of the columns of Palladius Street from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Fig. 61 - Drums of the columns of Palladius Street (closeup) from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
  • Fig. 4.4 - Map of central Baysān from Blanke and Walmsley (2022)

Magnified

  • Fig. 4.4 - Map of central Baysān from Blanke and Walmsley (2022)

Discussion

Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144) discussed this earthquake
We cannot point to any specific event that may have harmed Scythopolis in the late period of Justinian and that might explain the absence of building inscriptions postdating that period (except for the rebuilding of the lepers' bathhouse by Bishop Theodorus in 558/9 and perhaps the foundation of the Monastery of the Lady Mary before 553 or before 567).258 One significant additional natural disaster was an earthquake, the exact date of which is still unknown; it happened some time after the foundation of Silvanus Hall (and probably the Byzantine agora) and before the building of the Umayyad street of shops. We tend to date the earthquake, on the basis of general archaeological circumstances, somewhere between the end of the sixth century and the second half of the seventh. This earthquake caused the destruction of Silvanus Hall; all the columns in the southwest part of the hall were found collapsed in the same direction, in a way that leaves no doubt about the cause of the destruction (other columns and piers were taken away by the Umayyad builders, and thus we are unaware of how they collapsed). The earthquake rubble was covered by a layer of debris, beneath the floor level of the later, Umayyad, building. It seems likely that the same earthquake caused the collapse of the porticoes of the Byzantine agora, the portico of the sigma, and most probably the columns of Palladius Street. As mentioned above (pp. 125, 137-38), the drums of the columns were arranged in rows across the street and its sidewalks (Figs. 60, 61), perhaps creating agricultural terraces and provisional buildings, some time before the earthquake, concealing the pavement of Palladius Street and totally preventing any use of the street, even as a dirt road (although the large drainage channel underneath it continued to function). We tend to date this stage of terracing, together with the use of the sigma as a Muslim cemetery, to the very beginning of the eighth century. On the other hand, a follis of Justin II (565-578 c.E.) was found in a section made beneath the pavement of Palladius Street, indicating that the street was used and the pavement of the street was repaired, in that section, no earlier than 565 C.E. This earthquake, which is apparently not mentioned in the lists of earthquakes, affected the city but did not cause total destruction. The most important difference between this earthquake and that of 363 is that the earlier earthquake created a challenge that was vigorously met by the city authorities and by governors such as Artemidorus, who rebuilt many of the ruined monuments and added new ones. The later earthquake struck a town that could recruit neither the resources nor the motivation to respond to the damage with the necessary enterprise.
Footnotes

258 see above, note 79, 140

79 The earliest dated inscription probably refers to the year 553/4 C.E. (Fitzgerald, Sixth Century Monastery, 16), but it is clear that the foundation took place some time before that date. Fitzgerald also considers the date of 568/9, which is also supported by M. Avi-Yonah, "Mosaic Pavements in Palestine," QDAP 2 (1932), 143. If this is correct, the earliest dated inscription is the burial epitaph of the year 567: Fitzgerald, Sixth Century Monastery

140 M. Avi-Yonah, "The Bath of the Lepers at Scythopolis," IEJ 13 (1963), 325-26.

Blanke and Walmsley (2022) described (primarily rebuilding) archaeoseismic evidence at Bet She'an (Baysan)
The severe impact of the 659 earthquake is more obvious at Baysān, given the extent of excavations there. As at Fiḥl, post-earthquake rebuilding programs focussed on freeing space and enabling civic recovery programs in response to post-earthquake expectations on the rebuilding of urban infrastructure, economic opportunities and the revitalisation of community belonging. One informative case was the complete collapse of the sixth-century civic basilica on Silvanus Street (Fig. 4.4 [16]), and its replacement on the south side of the street by a string of twenty new shops set behind arched colonnades (Fig. 4.8).55 The discovery of two mosaic inscriptions from a fallen portal in the south colonnade identified construction as commissioned by the Caliph Hishām b. 'Abd al-Malik (r. 724–743) and implemented by the governor ('amīr) of the Jund al-Urdunn.56 Other public buildings, outdated and weakened by tectonics, lost any remnant of their original function; rather, their value was measured in reusable building stone and as suitable locations for large pottery and linen workshops in need of easy access and water supplies. In this way the theatre (Fig. 4.4 [1]), east and west baths (Fig. 4.4 [17 and 6]), the agora (Fig. 4.4 [14]) and former Caesarion (Fig. 4.4 [7]) were given new purpose unrelated to their original role. At the same time, market activity along the streets was maintained with new rows of shops reclaiming derelict areas and infilling open zones, for which the uneven stone paving of narrowed streets was resurfaced to favour the hooves and feet of work animals – mules, donkeys, horses, oxen and camels – and to protect the precious cargos they carried.57 Hence gravel and earth layers over streets were often intentional interventions, not a mark of decline.
Footnotes

55 Tsafrir and Foerster, ‘Urbanism at Scythopolis’, 138–139. Arched street colonnades also feature at early eighth century Anjar, a new foundation in the Biqā valley of Lebanon; Finster, ‘Researches in Anjar’, 210–212.

56 Khamis, ‘Two wall mosaic inscriptions’, 159–176; the south colonnade flaned the back wall of the marketplace and was part of a second building phase; unclear is the structure to which the colonnade and portal faced.

57 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 32, 106, carts and wagons were rare; major role of camels: Kraemer, Excavations at Nessana. Volume 3, 209–211; restorative surfacing of streets with gravel, earth and plaster is documented at Jarash, Fiḥl and Ṣaffūriah/Sepphoris; Fihl: Hennessy et al., ‘Preliminary report’, 299–300. Ṣaffūriah: Weiss, ‘Sepphoris’, 202.

Langgut et al (2015) report possible archeoseismic evidence for the Jordan Valley Quake at Bet Sh 'ean citing Bar-Nathan and Atrash (2011:8, 153.154, table 4.4).

Russell (1985) reported the following
Fitzgerald (1931:7) uncovered three Byzantine houses that had collapsed and burned in the early 7th century, sealing coins of Anastasius I, Justin II, Maurice Tiberius. and Phocas beneath their destruction debris. a temporal span ca. 491-610.

In the Byzantine monastery at Beth-shan, gold coins of Heraclius (610- 641) were sealed beneath similar collapse debris Fitzgerald (1939:2) .
Such damage could have also been the result of the Byzantine-Sassanian War of 602-628 CE.

mid 8th century CE earthquake

Collapse from mid 8th century CE in Bet She'an Gold Coin dated AH 131 in Bet She'an Plate I (left)

Partially restored facade of shops in Bet Shean, showing in the lower half the collapsed upper courses of the walls and arcades of the portico.

Plate II (right)

Gold dinar excavated at Bet She'an, with the marginal legend: 'in the name of Allah, this dinar was minted in the year one hundred thirty one'.

Tsafrir and Foerster (1992b)


Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 10 - Seismic devastation at Baysan from Walmsley (2001)

Discussion

Tsafrir and Foerster (1992b) reported on artifacts found beneath a destruction layer of earthquake induced rubble from what was once an arcaded commercial street in the Byzantine/Early Arab period in Bet She 'an. Among the many artifacts found were pottery, glass and metal vessels, balances, jewelry, and coins. The artifacts dated to the mid 8th century CE. None of the coins dated to later than the first half of the 8th century CE. Of particular significance was a coin hoard discovered in one of the shops. The hoard included 31 gold dinars. The earliest coin from this hoard dated to A.H. 78 (30 March 697 — 19 March 698 CE) and the latest (see Plate II above) was minted in A.H. 131 (31 August 748 - 19 August 749 CE). This coin provides a terminus post quem for the earthquake and, due to its near mint condition, likely a terminus ante quem as well.

Tsafrir and Foester (1997:136) discussed the 749 CE earthquake at Bet She'an
On January 18, 749 C.E., Bet Shean was completely destroyed by an enormous earthquake, well documented in literary sources and archaeological finds. Remains of the collapse were found everywhere in the excavation. In many places the survivors, or perhaps squatters, returned to the ruined houses and settled on top of the debris. No serious effort was made to restore the old buildings, let alone the streets and monuments. From the archaeological point of view, it is fairly easy to distinguish between the layers beneath the earthquake debris and the new buildings above it. Incidentally, the destructive earthquake occurred in the last year of the rule of the Umayyad dynasty, providing a convenient distinction between the medieval, Abbasid, and Fatimid strata above the earthquake debris and the Byzantine and early Islamic strata beneath it. Moreover, the Abbasid buildings after 749 C.E. were built in the style that had been widely used in the earlier Umayyad period; it is likely that many of these settlers were the people who had lived on the site before the earthquake. It is therefore legitimate to consider the rustic post-earthquake structures as representative of the character of Bet Shean before the earthquake.
Walmsley (2001:57) dates construction of the market (on Silvanus Street where the coin hoard was found ?) to the time of Hisham (AD 724-743). Walmsley (2007) characterized Bet She'an as being utterly flattened by the earthquake with the still-standing monumental architecture of the Roman and late antique city obliterated by the ferocity of the tremor (fig. 10)

Seismic Effects
363 CE earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description
collapse of the roof of the odeum odeum (8)
partial destruction of the theater theater (1)
nymphaeum severely damaged and rebuilt from the foundations nymphaeum (15)
  • The nymphaeum, next to the temple, was severely damaged during the earthquake and then rebuilt "from the foundations" by the governor (archon) Artemidorus, the περίβλεπτος (spectabilis) comes. This information is supplied by a monumental inscription incised on the decorated architrave above the podium in the central niche of the nymphaeum (Fig. 22).110 The date of the rebuilding is unknown, but the fact that the inscription is adorned by crosses shows that it could not have been incised before the mid-fourth century.
    Footnotes

    110 For the inscription of the nymphaeum, see Foerster and Tsafrir, ESI 6 (1987-88), 27-28. Artemidorus' high rank of peribleptos or spectabilis suggests that he was the governor of Palestine before its division into three parts and the foundation of Palaestina Secunda. As he was active around 400 (and no later than 404; see below), we may conclude that the division of Palestine took place some time between 400 and 409, the date of the edict mentioning the three Palestines (CTh 7.4.30). The date given by Malalas, Chronographia 13 (ed. Dindorf, 347), that relates this reorganization of Palestine to the days of Theodosius I (379-395 c.E.) seems, therefore, too early. Still, it is possible that Artemidorus gained his high rank for his personal virtues, with no relation to his appointment in a province of lower status, but such an interpretation seems to us less likely.

    - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:108-109)
Damaged Statues ? found in the hypocaust of the eastern bathhouse (25) but this would not have been where they originally stood

End 6th to 2nd half of the 7th century CE earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description
destruction of Silvanus Hall Silvanus Hall (26)
  • This earthquake caused the destruction of Silvanus Hall; all the columns in the southwest part of the hall were found collapsed in the same direction, in a way that leaves no doubt about the cause of the destruction (other columns and piers were taken away by the Umayyad builders, and thus we are unaware of how they collapsed). The earthquake rubble was covered by a layer of debris, beneath the floor level of the later, Umayyad, building. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144)
  • complete collapse of the sixth-century civic basilica on Silvanus Street (aka Silvanus Hall), and its replacement on the south side of the street by a string of twenty new shops set behind arched colonnades. - Blanke and Walmsley (2022)
collapse of the porticoes of the Byzantine agora ? Byzantine agora (20)
collapse of the portico of the sigma ? sigma (7)
collapse of the columns of Palladius Street ? Palladius Street (6)

  • It seems likely that the same earthquake caused the collapse of the porticoes of the Byzantine agora, the portico of the sigma, and most probably the columns of Palladius Street. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144)
  • JW: Photos of column drums from NW sidewalk of Palladius Street included because Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144) may specify that they were associated with some type of collapse. A quote from Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144) follows
  • As mentioned above (pp. 125, 137-38), the drums of the columns were arranged in rows across the street and its sidewalks (Figs. 60, 61), perhaps creating agricultural terraces and provisional buildings, some time before the earthquake [JW: which earthquake ? 749 ? the one before 749 ?] concealing the pavement of Palladius Street and totally preventing any use of the street, even as a dirt road (although the large drainage channel underneath it continued to function). We tend to date this stage of terracing, together with the use of the sigma as a Muslim cemetery, to the very beginning of the eighth century. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144)

mid 8th century CE earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description
Storefront Collapse
on Sylvanus Street
Southeast end of Sylvanus Street

Fallen Column Sylvanus street near nymphaeum (15)

Fallen superstructure of nymphaeum nymphaeum (15)

  • Architectural members of the superstructure of the nymphaeum as they fell in the earthquake of 749 C.E. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
Collapses at the nymphaeum nymphaeum (15)


Sunken pavement ? near the southeast end of Sylvanus Street (28)
Fallen and columns - inward collapse Valley Street (17)

Deformation Maps
363 CE earthquake

Deformation Map

Modified by JW from Fig. D from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)

End 6th to 2nd half of the 7th century CE earthquake

Deformation Map

Modified by JW from Fig. D from Tsafrir and Foester (1997)

mid 8th century CE earthquake

  • Drawn by JW on top of an orthophoto from GovMapIL
Deformation Map

Drawn by JW on top of an orthophoto from GovMapIL

Intensity Estimates
363 CE earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description Intensity
collapse of the roof of the odeum - Displaced Walls odeum (8)
VII+
partial destruction of the theater - Displaced Walls ? theater (1)
VII+
nymphaeum severely damaged and rebuilt from the foundations - Collapsed Walls nymphaeum (15)
  • The nymphaeum, next to the temple, was severely damaged during the earthquake and then rebuilt "from the foundations" by the governor (archon) Artemidorus, the περίβλεπτος (spectabilis) comes. This information is supplied by a monumental inscription incised on the decorated architrave above the podium in the central niche of the nymphaeum (Fig. 22).110 The date of the rebuilding is unknown, but the fact that the inscription is adorned by crosses shows that it could not have been incised before the mid-fourth century.
    Footnotes

    110 For the inscription of the nymphaeum, see Foerster and Tsafrir, ESI 6 (1987-88), 27-28. Artemidorus' high rank of peribleptos or spectabilis suggests that he was the governor of Palestine before its division into three parts and the foundation of Palaestina Secunda. As he was active around 400 (and no later than 404; see below), we may conclude that the division of Palestine took place some time between 400 and 409, the date of the edict mentioning the three Palestines (CTh 7.4.30). The date given by Malalas, Chronographia 13 (ed. Dindorf, 347), that relates this reorganization of Palestine to the days of Theodosius I (379-395 c.E.) seems, therefore, too early. Still, it is possible that Artemidorus gained his high rank for his personal virtues, with no relation to his appointment in a province of lower status, but such an interpretation seems to us less likely.

    - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:108-109)
VIII+
The archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224).

End 6th to 2nd half of the 7th century CE earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description Intensity
destruction of Silvanus Hall - collapsed walls and fallen columns Silvanus Hall (aka (26)
  • This earthquake caused the destruction of Silvanus Hall; all the columns in the southwest part of the hall were found collapsed in the same direction, in a way that leaves no doubt about the cause of the destruction (other columns and piers were taken away by the Umayyad builders, and thus we are unaware of how they collapsed). The earthquake rubble was covered by a layer of debris, beneath the floor level of the later, Umayyad, building. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144)
  • complete collapse of the sixth-century civic basilica on Silvanus Street (aka Silvanus Hall), and its replacement on the south side of the street by a string of twenty new shops set behind arched colonnades. - Blanke and Walmsley (2022)
VIII+
collapse of the porticoes of the Byzantine agora ? - Arch Collapse Byzantine agora (20)
VI+
collapse of the portico of the sigma ? - Arch collapse sigma (7)
VI+
collapse of the columns of Palladius Street ? - Fallen columns Palladius Street (6)

  • It seems likely that the same earthquake caused the collapse of the porticoes of the Byzantine agora, the portico of the sigma, and most probably the columns of Palladius Street. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144)
  • JW: Photos of column drums from NW sidewalk of Palladius Street included because Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144) may specify that they were associated with some type of collapse. A quote from Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144) follows
  • As mentioned above (pp. 125, 137-38), the drums of the columns were arranged in rows across the street and its sidewalks (Figs. 60, 61), perhaps creating agricultural terraces and provisional buildings, some time before the earthquake [JW: which earthquake ? 749 ? the one before 749 ?] concealing the pavement of Palladius Street and totally preventing any use of the street, even as a dirt road (although the large drainage channel underneath it continued to function). We tend to date this stage of terracing, together with the use of the sigma as a Muslim cemetery, to the very beginning of the eighth century. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997:143-144)
V+
The archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224) but Intensity was probably higher - VI (6) or VII (7).

mid 8th century CE earthquake

Effect Location Image(s) Description Intensity
Storefront Collapse
on Sylvanus Street - Collapsed Walls
Southeast end of Sylvanus Street

VIII+
Fallen Column Sylvanus street near nymphaeum (15)

V+
Fallen superstructure of nymphaeum indicating collapsed walls nymphaeum (15)

  • Architectural members of the superstructure of the nymphaeum as they fell in the earthquake of 749 C.E. - Tsafrir and Foester (1997)
VIII+
Collapses at the nymphaeum - upper parts of walls collapsed nymphaeum (15)


VIII+
Sunken pavement ? - Anthropogenic compacted stratum near the southeast end of Sylvanus Street (28)
VI-VII+
Fallen and columns - inward collapse Valley Street (17)

V+
The archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224).

Notes and Further Reading
References

Articles and Books

Atrash W. (2003) The Scaenae Frons of the Roman Theatre in Scythopolis (Beth Shean) Architectural Analysis and Suggested Reconstruction. M.A. thesis, University of Haifa. (Hebrew).

Atrash, Walid, Lichtenberger, Achim, Mazor, Gabriel, and Tal, Oren (2021) Roman Ionic Capitals and Columns from the Podium Building at Tell Iẓṭabba – Preliminary Notes on the Use of Spolia at Late Antiquity Beth She’an, Boreas, v. 43-44, pp. 91-104

Boomer, Megan Islamic and Crusader Beth Shean: From City to Settlement

Blanke, L. and A. Walmsley (2022). Resilient cities: Renewal after disaster in three late antique towns of the East Mediterranean. Remembering and Forgetting the Ancient City, Oxbow Books: 69-109.

Burke, A. A. (2022) New Kingdom Egypt and Early Israel Entangled Identities in The Ancient Israelite World

Fitzgerald, G. M. (1931). Beth-shan Excavations, 1921-1923: The Arab and Byzantine Levels, University Press.

Foerster G. and Tsafrir Y. (1988) The Center of Ancient Beth-Shean (North). Hadashot Arkheologiyot 91:15-32 (Hebrew).

Foerster, G. and Y. Tsafrir (1988). "Bet Shean Archaeological Project: B. Center of Ancient Bet Shean—North." Excavations and Surveys in Israel 6: 1987-1988. 32-5; 7-8,22. - For the new discoveries and the hoard, see ibid., 9, 1990, 126-8.

Foerster G. and Tsafrir Y. (1992a) The Town Center (North). Hadashot Arkheologiyot 98:2-30 (Hebrew).

Foerster G. and Tsafrir Y. (1992b) The Dating of the Earthquake of the `Sabbatical Year' of 749 CE in Palestine. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55:231-248.

Lorenzon, M., Cutillas-Victoria, Benjamín,Lichtenberger, Achim, and Tal, Oren (2024). "Of mudbrick and stone: A geoarchaeological view on innovations in building practices at Hellenistic Tell Iẓṭabba." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 54: 104389.

Mazar, A. (1997) The Excavations at Beth-Shean during the Years 1989-1994. In N. Asher-Silberman and D.B. Small (eds.), The Archaeology of Israel: Constructing the Past Interpreting the Present, 145-164. Sheffield: Academic Press.

Mazar, A. (2009) Chapter 1: Introduction and Overview. In N. Panitz-Cohen and A. Mazar (eds.), Excavations at Tell Beth-Shean 1989-1996, Vol. III The 13th-11th century BCE Strata in Areas N and S,1-32. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology.

Raphael, Kate and Agnon, Amotz (2018). EARTHQUAKES EAST AND WEST OF THE DEAD SEA TRANSFORM IN THE BRONZE AND IRON AGES. Tell it in Gath Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday.

Tsafrir, Y. & Foerster, G. (1994) "From Scythopolis to Baysin—Changing Concepts of Urbanism", in G. R. D. King & A. Cameron (eds.), The Bytantine and Early Islamic Near East II. Land Use and Settlement Patterns, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, Princeton, pp. 95-115.

Tsafrir, Y. & Foerster, G. (1997). "Urbanism at Scythopolis-Bet Shean in the Fourth to Seventh Centuries." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51: 85-146.

Tsafrir, Y., et al. (1997). Urbanism at Scythopolis: Bet Shean in the Fourth to Seventh Centuries, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection.

Vaknin, Y., et al. (2023). Tel Beth-Shean in the Tenth–Ninth Centuries BCE: A Chronological Query and Its Possible Archaeomagnetic Resolution. in “And in Length of Days Understanding” (Job 12:12): Essays on Archaeology in the Eastern Mediterranean and Beyond in Honor of Thomas E. Levy. E. Ben-Yosef and I. W. N. Jones. Cham, Springer International Publishing: 787-810.

Yannai, Eli (2014) Bet She’an, Tel Iztabba Preliminary Report Hadashot Arkheologiyot Volume 126 Year 2014

Excavation Reports

Bet She'an

A. Rowe, The History and Topography of Beth Shan 1, Philadelphia 1930

A. Rowe, The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth Shan 2/1, Philadelphia 1940

A. Rowe, The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth Shan Volume II Part 1, Philadelphia 1940 - open access at archive.org

G. M. FitzGerald, The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth Shan: The Pottery 2/2, Philadelphia 1930

G. M. FitzGerald, Beth Shan Excavations 1921-1923: The Arab and Byzantine Levels 3, Philadelphia 1931

G. M. FitzGerald, A Sixth-Century Monastery at Beth Shan 4, Philadelphia 1939; id., Museum Journal 24 (1935), 5-32 - can be borrowed with a free archive.org account

F. W. James, The Iron Age at Beth Shan, Philadelphia 1966

E. D. Oren, The Northern Cemetery of Beth Shan, Leiden 1973

Y. Yadin and S. Geva, Investigations at Beth Shean: The Early Iron Age Strata (Qedem 23), Jerusalem 1986.

Mazar, A. 2006. Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean 1989 -1996, Volume I. From the Late Bronze Age IIB to the Medieval Period. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Mazor G. and Najjar A. 2007. Bet She'an I: Nysa-Scythopolis: The Caesareum and the Odeum. (IAA Reports 33). Jerusalem.

Mazor G. and Najjar A. 2007. Bet She’an I: Nysa-Scythopolis: The Caesareum and the Odeum.(IAA Reports 33). Jerusalem.

Bar-Nathan R, Atrash W. 2011. Bet She’an II, Baysan: the theater pottery workshop. Jerusalem: IAA Reports.

Panitz-Cohen, N. and Mazar, A. (eds.) (2009), Excavations at Tell Beth-Shean 1989-1996, Vol. III The 13th-11th century BCE Strata in Areas N and S. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology.

Bibliography of Beth-Shean from Amihai Mazar's webpage

Tel Beth-Shean - Publications and Bibliography

The University of Pennsylvania Museum Excavations (main publications only)

FitzGerald, G.M. 1930. The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan, The Pottery, Beth Shan II:2. Philadelphia.

Rowe, A. 1930. The Topography and History of Beth-shan, Beth-shan I. Philadelphia.

FitzGerald, G.M. 1931. Beth-shan Excavations 1921-23, The Arab and Byzantine Levels, Beth-shan III.

Rowe, A. 1940. The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan, Beth-Shan II:1. Philadelphia.

James, F.W. 1966. The Iron Age at Beth Shean. Philadelphia.

Thompson, T.O. 1970. Mekal, the God of Bet Shean. Leiden.

Oren, E.D. 1973. The Northern Cemetery of Beth-Shean. Leiden.

McGovern, P.E. 1985. Late Bronze Palestinian Pendants. Sheffield.

James, F.W and McGovern, P.E. 1993 The Late Bronze Egyptian Garrison at Beth Shan: A Study of Levels VII and VIII. Vol. I-II. Philadelphia.

The Hebrew University Excavations Directed by Y. and S.Geva

Y.Yadin,Y. and Geva,S. 1986 Investigations At Beth Shean, The Early Iron Age Strata (Qedem 23). Jerusalem.

Garfinkel, Y. 1987.The Early Iron Age Stratigraphy of Beth-Shean Reconsidered. IEJ 37:224-228

The Hebrew University Excavations Directed by A.Mazar

Final reports:

Mazar, A. 2006. Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean, 1989-1996. Volume I: From the New Kingdom to the Medieval Period. Jerusalem.

Mazar, A. and Mullins, R. (editors), 2007. Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean 1989 -1996, Volume II: The Middle and Late Bronze Age Strata in Area R. Jerusalem.

Panitz-Cohen, N. and Mazar, A. 2009. (editors), Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean 1989 -1996,Volume III: The 13th–11th Centuries BCE (Areas S and N). Jerusalem.

Mazar , Amihai (editor) , Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean, Volume IV: The Fourth and Third Millennia BCE. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University and the Israel Exploration Society , Jerusalem 2012

Papers (arranged by authors in alphabetical order)

Cohen-Weinberger, A. 1988. Petrographic Analysis of the Egyptian Forms from Stratum VI at Tel Beth Shean. pp. 406-412 in S.Gitin, A.Mazar, E.Stern (editors), Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Jerusalem.

Finkelstein, I., 1996 The Stratigraphy and Chronology of Megiddo and Beth-shan in the 12th-11th Centuries B.C.E. Tel Aviv 23: 170-184.

Goldwasser, O. 2004. A 'Kirgipa' Commemorative Scarab of Amenhotep III from Beit-Shean. Egypt and the Levant XII: 191-193.

Horowitz, W. 1994. Trouble in Canaan: A Letter of the el-Amarna Period on a Clay Cylinder from Beth Shean. Qadmoniot 27: 84-86 (in Hebrew).

Horowitz, W. 1996. An Inscribed Clay Cylinder from Amarna Age Beth Shean. Israel Exploration Journal 46: 208-218.

Maeir, A., 1997. The Material Culture of the Central Jordan Valley During the Middle Bronze II Period: Pottery and Settlement Pattern. Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, Jerusalem: The Hebrew University.

Mazar, A. 1993. Excavations at Tel Beth Shean in 1989-1990. pp. 606-619 in A. Biran and J. Aviram (editors), Biblical Archaeology Today 1990, Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem.

Mazar, A. 1993. Beth Shean in the Iron Age: Preliminary Report and Conclusions of the 1990-1991 Excavations. Israel Exploration Journal 43: 201-229.

Mazar, A. 1993. Beth Shean, Tel. pp. 214-223 in: Stern, E., The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land (revised edition), New York

Mazar, A., 1997. The Excavations at Beth Shean during the Years 1989-94. pp. 144-164 in: N.A. Silberman & D. Small (editors), The Archaeology of Israel (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 237), Sheffield.

Mazar, A. 1997. Beth-Shean. Pp. 305-309 in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East , Vol. 1(editor: E. M. Meyers). New York.

Mazar, A. 1997. Four Thousand Years of History at Tel Beth Shean: An Account of the Renewed Excavations. Biblical Archaeologist 60: 62-76.

Mazar, A. 2001. Beth Shean during the Iron Age II: Stratigraphy, Chronology and Hebrew Ostraca. Pp. 289-309 in A. Mazar (editor), Studies in the Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series No. 331). Sheffield.

Mazar, A. 2003. Beth Shean in the Second Millennium B.C.E.: From Canaanite Town to Egyptian Stronghold. Pp. 323-340 in: M. Bietak (editor), The Synchronisation of Civilization in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B.C. II: Proceedings of the SCIEM 2000 – EuroConference, Haindorff, 2nd of May–7th of May 2001. Vienna.

Mazar, A. 2003. Beth Shean, Tel- (update) in: Stern, E., The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land Volume V, Jerusalem, pp. 1616-1622.

Mazar, A. 2006. Tel Beth-Shean and the Fate of Mounds in the Intermediate Bronze Age. Pp. 105-118 in: S. Gitin, J.E. Wright, and J.P. Dessel (editors), Confronting the Past: Archaeological and Historical Essays on Ancient Israel in Honor of William G. Dever. Winona Lake.

Mazar, A. 2007. Myc IIIC in the Land of Israel: Its Distribution, Date and Significance. Pp. 571-583 in: M. Bietak and E. Czerny, (editors), The Synchronisation of Civilisations in theEastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B.C.I II: Proceedings of the SCIEM 2000 – 2nd EuroConference. Vienna.

Mazar, A. 2008. Beth Shean, Tel. Pp. 1616-1622 in: Stern, E., The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Volume V, Jerusalem.

Mazar, A. 2010. Tel Beth-Shean: History and Archaeology. Pp. 239-271 in: One God - One Cult - One Nation. Archaeological and Biblical Perspectives, ed. by R.G. Kratz and H.Spieckermann in collab. with B. Corzilius and T. Pilger, BZAW 405, Berlin/NewYork.

Mazar, A. and Carmi, I. 2001. Radiocarbon Dates from Iron Age Strata at Tel Beth Shean and Tel Rehov. Radiocarbon 43/3: 1333-1342.

Mazar A. and Rotem Y. 2009. Tel Beth Shean During the EB IB Period: Evidence for Social Complexity in the Late 4th Millennium BC, Levant 41/2: 131-153.

Mazar, A. Ziv-Esudri, A. and Cohen-Weinberger, 2000. A. The Early Bronze II-III at Tel Beth Shean: Preliminary Observations. Pp. 255-278 in: G. Philip and D. Baird (editors), Ceramics and Change in the Early Bronze Age of the Southern Levant, (Levantine Archaeology 2). Sheffield.

Mullins, R. 2002. Beth Shean During the Eighteenth Dynasty: From Canaanite Settlement to Egyptian Garrison. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation submitted to the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Jerusalem.

Sweeney, D. 1998. The Man on the Folding Chair. An Egyptian Relief from Beit Shean, Israel Exploration Journal 48: 38–53.

Wimmer, S. 1993. Ein Ächtungstext aus Israel/Palästina, Pp. 571–578 in VI congresso internazionale di Egittologia. Atti II. Torino.

Wimmer, S. 1994. “Der Bogen der Anat” in Bet-Schean? Biblische Notizen 73: 36–41.

Mazar, A. The Egyptian Garrison Town at Beth Shean. Pp. 155-189 in: S.Bar, D.Kahn and JJ Shirley (editors) Egypt, Canaan and Israel: History, Imperialism, Ideology and Literature: Proceedings of a Conference at the University of Haifa, 3-7 May 2009. Leiden, Brill 2011.

In Press:

Sherratt, S. and Mazar, A. 2005. Mycenaean IIIC and Related Pottery from Beth Shean. In: A. E. Killebrew, G. Lehman and M. Artzy (editors), The Philistines and Other “Sea Peoples” in Text and Archaeology. Leiden.

A. Mazar. Contributions to the Study of Early Bronze Age Public Architecture: Tel Beth Shean and Tel Rehov. In: J. Margueron, P. de Miroschedji and J. P. Thalaman (eds.), 3 ICAANE Proceedings. Winona Lake.

Bibliography of Beth-Shean from Stern et. al. (1993)

Topography and History

Robinson, Biblical Researches 3, 174-176

Conder-Kitchener SWP 2, 83, 101- 114

Abel, GP 1, 980-981.

Main Publications

A. Rowe, The History and Topography of Beth Shan 1, Philadelphia 1930; id., The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth Shan 2/1, Philadelphia 1940

G. M. FitzGerald, The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth Shan: The Pottery 2/2, Philadelphia 1930; id., Beth Shan Excavations 1921-1923: The Arab and Byzantine Levels 3, Philadelphia 1931; id., A Sixth-Century Monastery at Beth Shan 4, Philadelphia 1939; id., Museum Journal 24 (1935), 5-32

F. W. James, The Iron Age at Beth Shan, Philadelphia 1966

E. D. Oren, The Northern Cemetery of Beth Shan, Leiden 1973

Y. Yadin and S. Geva, Investigations at Beth Shean: The Early Iron Age Strata (Qedem 23), Jerusalem 1986.

Other Studies

G. J. H. Ovenden, PEQ 55 (1923), 147-149

S. A. Cook, ibid. 58 (1926), 29-30

G. M. FitzGerald, ibid. 59 (1927), 150-154; 63 (1931), 59-70; 64 (1932), 138-148; 66 (1934), 132-134; 72 (1940), 81; id., Museum Journal 24 (1935), 5-22

A. Rowe, PEQ 59 (1927), 67-84, 148-149; 60 (1928), 73-90; 61 (1929), 78-94; (with L. H. Vincent), 63 (1931), 12-21

W. F. Albright, AASOR 17 (1938), 76-79

G. E. Wright, AJA 44 (1941), 483-485

H. 0. Thompson, Mekal: The God of Beth-Shan, Leiden 1970

E. D. Oren, ZDPV87 (1971), 109-139; id., Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities 14 (1984), 49

F. W. James, Expedition 16/3 (1974), 31-39; id., Archaeology in the Levant (K. M. Kenyon Fest.), Warminster 1978, 102-115; id., ADAJ27 (1983), 644-645

S. Geva, IEJ29(1979), 6-lO;id.,Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 12 (1980), 45-49

M. Ottosson, Temples and Cult Places in Palestine (Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 12), Uppsala 1980

T. Dothan, The Philistines and Their Material Culture, Jerusalem 1983, 268-279

Y. Yadin, ES/3 (1984), 8-10; id., IEJ34(1984), 187-189

Y. Garfinkel, ibid. 37 (1987), 224-228

E. Braun, PEQ 121 (1989), 1-43

S. Wimmer, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Evangelischen Institutsfu'r Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes 1 (1989) 40-44; id., Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, Jerusalem 1990, 1065-1106

M. Burdajewicz, The Aegean Sea Peoples and Religious Architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean at the Close of the Late Bronze Age (BARjlS 558), Oxford 1990, 54-57

P. E. McGovern, Expedition 32 (1990), 16-23

A. Mazar, 2nd International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, 24 June-4 July 1990: Abstracts, Jerusalem 1990, 150-151; MdB 66 (1990), 3-17

R. Salinger, The Digging Stick 7/3 (1990), 3-4

0. Negbi, TA 18 (1991), 205-243.

Egyptian sources and inscriptions

J. Simons, Handbook for the Study of Egyptian Topographical Lists, Leiden 1937, index s.v.

J. B. Pritchard, ANET, index s.v.

J. Cerny, El, 72*-82*.

Bibliography of Beth-Shean at the Foot of the Mound from Stern et. al. (1993)

Topography and History

M. Avi-Yonah, IEJ 12 (1962), 123-134

B. A. Isaac and I. Roll, Roman Roads in Judaea 1: The Legio-Scythopolis Road(BAR/IS 141), Oxford 1982

J. T. Raynor, "Social and Cultural Relationships in Scythopolis-Beth Shean in the Roman and Byzantine Periods" (Ph.D. diss., Duke Univ. 1982; Ann Arbor 1984).

Civic center in the Roman-Byzantine period

S. Yeivin, AJA 59 (1955), 165-166

N. Zori, PEQ 90 (1958), 50-51; 99 (1967), 101-103; id., RB 67 (1960), 400-401

M. Peleg, ES/2 (1983), 13-14; 3 (1984), II

J. F Desclaux, MdB 5! (1987), 50-53; ESI 6 (1987-1988)

G. Foerster andY. Tsafrir, ibid., 7-8 (1988-1989), 15-22

G. Mazor, ESI 7-8 (1988-1989), 22-32

R. Arav, LA 39 (1989), 189-197

A. Tsafrir and G. Foerster, ESI 9 (1989-1990), 120-128

Y. Tsafrir et al., BAR 16/4 (1990), 16-31; MdB 66 (1990), 18-39.

Roman theater

S. Applebaum, ILN 6450 (March 16, 1963), 380-383; id., Scripta Classica Israelica 4 (1978), 77-97, 139-140

A. Ovadiah and C. Gomez de Silva, ibid. 6 (1981-1982), 85-97

H. Plommer, Levant 15 (1983), 132-140

G. Mazor, ESI6(1987-1988), 19-22; 7-8 (1988-1989), 28-29;id. (and R. BarNathan), MdB 66 (1990), 22-28

A. Segal, Scripta Classica Israelica 8-9 (1985-1988), 145-165.

Amphitheater

G. Foerster and Y. Tsafrir, Recherches Archiologiques en Israel, 224-226; id., ESI 6 (1987- 1988), 35-38; id., MdB 66 (1990), 29-39.

Inscriptions

G. M. FitzGerald, PEQ 59(1927), 150-154

F. C. Burkitt, ibid., 154

M. Avi-Yonah, QDAP8 (1938), 57-61; 10 (1942), 165-169

H. C. Youtie-Bonner, Transactions of the American Philological Society 58(1968),47-78

B. Lifshitz, ZDPV77 (1961), 186-190; id., Euphrosynen.s. 6(1973-1974),27-29; id., Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rbinischen Welt 2/8, Berlin 1977, 273-277

H. Seyrig, Syria 39 (1962), 207-211

J. Naveh, IEJ31 (1981), 220-222

G. Foerster and Y. Tsafrir,Israel Numismatic Journal 9(1986- 1987), 53-58

Y. Tsafrir, IEJ 39 (1989), 76-78.

Coins

G. F. Hill, BMCXXXIVf., 75-77

S. Ben Dor, PEQ 76 (1944), 152-156

N. Zori, ibid. 77 (1945), 47-48; 92 (1960), 70

Y. Meshorer, IEJ25 (1975), 142-143; 27 (1977), 40-41

R. Bland, Israel Numismatic Journal 5 (1981), 52-56

G. Foerster andY. Tsafrir, Israel Numismatic Journal9 (1986-1987), 53-58

H. Giller, Swiss Numismatic Revue 70 (1991), 23-29.

Hellenistic and Roman sculpture

H. Thiersch, Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Philologisch-historische Klasse 1/9 (1932), 52-76

F. Vitto, Temples and High Places in Biblical Times, Jerusalem 1977, 39; 1981, 164-167; id., IEJ 30 (1980), 214; id., RB 88 (1981), 587; id., BAlAS 1 (1982), 11-14

I. Skupinska-Lovset, RB 85 (1978), 62-66; id., MASCA Journal 1 (1979), 76-77

S. Applebaum, Israel Museum Journal, 5 (1986), 105

R. A. Gergel, AJA 92 (1988), 271.

The synagogue

N. Tzori, IEJ 16 (1966), 123-124; 27 (1977), 125-126

D. Bahat and A. Druks, RB 78 (1971), 585-586

D. Bahat, ASR, 82-85

B. Lifshitz, Euphrosyne n.s. 6 (1973-1974), 27-29

M. I. Chiat, Journal of Jewish Art 7 (1980), 6-24

L. Roussin, Journal of Jewish Art 8 (1981), 6-19

F. Vitto, Temples and High Places in Biblical Times, Jerusalem 1981, 164-167

G. Foerster, Praktika [Acts of the Academy of Athens] 1983/A (1985), 130-133.

Tel Naharon and Tell Istaba

Tel Naharon (q.v.)

G. M. FitzGerald, A Sixth-Century Monastery at Beth Shan, Philadelphia 1939

Y. Landau and V. Tsaferis, IEJ 29 (1979), 152-159

D. T. Ariel, ibid. 38 (1988), 30-35.

Roman tombs

B. A. Isaac and I. Roll, Roman Roads in Judaea 1: The Legio-Scythopolis Road (BAR/IS 141 ), Oxford 1982.

Bibliography of Beth-Shean and the Foot of the Mound from Stern et. al. (2008)

Main Publications

F. W. James & P. E. McGovern, The Late Bronze Egyptian Garrison at Beth Shan: A Study of Levels VII and VIII (University of Pennsylvania Museum Monographs 85), 1–2, Philadelphia 1993. (Reviews) LA 44 (1994), 715–716. — BASOR 297 (1995), 88–89. — AJA 100 (1996), 787–788. — JEA 82 (1996), 226–227. — Orientalia 65 (1996), 33–35. — JAOS 117 (1997), 715–719. — PEQ 130 (1998), 79–80. — JNES 58 (1999), 127–128

R. A. Mullins, Beth Shean during the Eighteenth Dynasty: From Canaanite Settlement to Egyptian Garrison, 1–2 (Ph.D. diss.), Jerusalem 2002

N.Yahalom, Metal Objects from the 15th–11th Centuries bce at Tel Beth Shean: Further Evidence for Continuity from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age I (M.A. thesis), Jerusalem 2002 (Eng. abstract)

E. Braun, Early Beth Shan (Strata XIX–XIII): G. M. FitzGerald’s Deep Cut on the Tell (University Museum Monograph 121), Philadelphia 2004; ibid. (Review) Levant 37 (2005), 236

A. Mazar et al., Excavations at Tel Beth Shean 1989–1996, I: From the Late Bronze Age IIB to the Medieval Period (The Beth-Shean Valley Archaeological Project Publications 1), Jerusalem.

Studies

A. Mazar, EI 21 (1991), 108*; 24 (1993), 236*; 26 (1999), 231*; id., ESI 10 (1991), 5–9; 11 (1993), 53–55; 14 (1994), 56–60; 17 (1998), 7–35; 18 (1998), 43–46; id., BA 56 (1993), 137–139; 60 (1997), 62–76; id., BAT II, Jerusalem 1993, 606–619; id., IEJ 43 (1993), 201–229; id., AJA 98 (1994), 485, 488–489, 493, 498; 100 (1996), 731–732; id., The Archaeology of Israel, Sheffield 1997, 144–164; id., Levant 29 (1997), 157–167; id., OEANE, 1, New York 1997, 305–309; id. (et al.), Ceramics and Change, Sheffield 2000, 255– 278; id., International Radiocarbon Conference, 17, Judean Hills, Israel, 18–23.7.2000, Abstracts, Tel Aviv 2000, 81; id., Radiocarbon 43 (2001), 1333–1342; id., Studies in the Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan, Sheffield 2001, 289–309; id., Synchronisation, Wien 2003, 323–339; id., ICAANE, 3, Paris 2002 (in prep.); R. A. Mullins, Archaeology in the Biblical World 1/2 (1991), 5–7; id., 23rd Archaeological Conference in Israel, Jerusalem, 16–17.4.1997 (Abstracts of the Lectures), Jerusalem 1997, 1; id., ASOR Newsletter, 48/1 (1998), 22; 50/1 (2000), 10–11; 52/3 (2002), 12–13; id., ICAANE, 2 (in prep.)

P. E. McGovern, ABD, 1, New York 1992, 693–696; id. (et al.), BASOR 290–291 (1993), 1–27; id., Fradybet (J. Strange Fest.; Forum for Bibelsk Eksegese 5; eds. N. P. Lemche & M. Müller), Copenhagen 1994, 144–156

O. Shamir, Archaeological Textiles Newsletter 14 (1992), 4

S. Wimmer, Atti del VI Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia, Torino 1992, 571–578; id., BN 73 (1994), 36–41; id., Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology, Wiesbaden 1998, 87–123; id., Journal of Palestinian Archaeology 1/2 (2000), 32–35

P. Daviau, Houses, Sheffield 1993, 299–312, 422–429, 466–467

J. Poulin, MdB 85 (1993), 42

C. R. Higginbotham, ASOR Newsletter, 44/2, n.p.; id., TA 26 (1999), 225–232

I. Finkelstein, ibid. 23 (1996), 170–184; id. (& E. Piasetzky), Antiquity 77/298 (2003), 771–779

W. Horowitz, IEJ 46 (1996), 208–217; id., BA 60 (1997), 97–100; id. (et al.), JAOS 122 (2002), 756

L. Nigro, Contributi e materiali di archeologia orientale 6 (1996), 1–69

E. J. Van der Steen, BASOR 302 (1996), 51–74

S. R. Wolff, AJA 100 (1996), 738, 744

E. Yannai, TA 23 (1996), 185–194

A. M. Maeir, The Material Culture of the Central Jordan Valley during the Middle Bronze II Period: Pottery and Settlement Pattern, 1–2 (Ph.D. diss.), Jerusalem 1997; id., ‘Atiqot 39 (2000), 31–42; id., PEQ 132 (2000), 37–58; id., ASOR Annual Meeting Abstract Book, Boulder, CO 2001, 3–4

M. Manor & R. Rabinovich, ArchaeoZoologia 8 (1997), 89–104

A. Cohen-Weinberger, Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Jerusalem 1998, 406–412; Expedition 40/3 (1998), 34–35

A. E. Killebrew, Ceramic Craft and Technology during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (Ph.D. diss.), Jerusalem 1998; id., Archaeology, History and Culture in Palestine, Atlanta, GA 1999, 83–126; id., Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 3/1–2 (1999), 17–32; id., ASOR Annual Meeting Abstract Book, Boulder, CO 2001, 4; id., Egypt, Israel, and the Ancient Mediterranean World (D. B. Redford Fest.; Probleme de Ägyptologie 20; eds. G. N. Knoppers & A. Hirsch), Leiden 2004, 309–344

O. Negbi, TA 25 (1998), 184–207; R. M. Porter, Proceedings of the 7th International Congress of Egyptologists, Cambridge, 3–9.9.1995, Leuven 1998, 903–910

A. F. Rainey, IEJ 48 (1998), 239–251; D. Sweeney, ibid., 38–53

R. V. Bankirer, Mitekufat Ha’even 29 (1999), 129–134

Y. Garfinkel, Neolithic and Chalcolithic Pottery of the Southern Levant (Qedem 39), Jerusalem 1999, 153–188

M. Bietak & K. Kopetzky, Synchronisation, Wien 2000, 101–102

P. Brand, The Monuments of Seti I: Epigraphic, Historical and Art Historical Analysis (Probleme der Ägyptologie 16), Leiden 2000, 124–125

D. Bar-Yosef, ASOR Annual Meeting Abstract Book, Boulder, CO 2001, 1

A. Ziv-Esudri, ibid., 3; S. Givon, JSRS 11 (2002), ix

E. A. Knauf, BN 112 (2002), 21–27

H. Richter, Die Phönizischen Anthropoiden Sarkophage, 2: Tradition, Rezeption, Wander (Forschungen zur Phönizisch-Punischen und Zyprischen Plastik I/2; ed. S. Frede), Mainz 2002, 243–271

R. Greenberg, JMA 16 (2003), 17–32

O. Goldwasser & A. Mazar, Ägypten und Levante 12 (2002), 191–193

H. M. Niemann, UF 35 (2003), 421–485 (435–439)

K. Szpakowska, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 40 (2003), 113–122

G. Davies, Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions, 2: Corpus and Concordance, Cambridge 2004, 19–20

Y. Goren et al., Inscribed in Clay, Tel Aviv 2004, 256–259

M. A. S. Martin, Ägypten und Levante 14 (2004), 265–284; id., Aspects of the Egyptian Involvement in Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Canaan: The Egyptian and Egyptian-Style Pottery—A Case Study, 1–2 (Ph.D. diss.), Wien 2005

S. Sherratt & A. Mazar, The Philistines and Other Sea Peoples (eds. A. Killebrew & G. Lehmann), Winona Lake, IN (in prep.).

Main Publications at the Foot of the Mound

J. T. Raynor, Social Relationships in Scythopolis/Beth-Shean in the Roman and Byzantine Periods (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1982), Ann Arbor, MI 1991

The Bet Shean Excavation Project (1989–1991) (ESI 11), Jerusalem 1993

A. Ovadiah & Y. Turnheim, “Peopled” Scrolls in Roman Architectural Decoration in Israel: The Roman Theatre at Beth Shean/Scythopolis (Rivista di Archeologia Suppl. 12), Roma 1994; ibid. (Reviews) AJA 100 (1996), 436–437. — L’Antiquite classique 65 (1996), 585–586. — Mesopotamia 31 (1996), 288–289. — JRA 10 (1997), 557–560

R. Barkay, The Greek Imperial Coinage of Beth-Shean (Nysa-Scythopolis), 1–2 (Ph.D. diss.), Jerusalem 1995 (Eng. abstract); id., The Coinage of Nysa-Scythopolis (Beth-Shean) (Corpus Nummorum Palaestinensium 5; Publications of The Israel Numismatic Society), Jerusalem 2003; ibid. (Review) SCI 23 (2004), 324–325

S. Hadad, Glass Vessels from the Umayyad through Mamluk Periods at Bet Shean (7th–14th Centuries C.E.), 1–2 (Ph.D. diss.), Jerusalem 1998 (Eng. abstract); id., The Oil Lamps from the Hebrew University Excavations at Bet Shean (Excavations at Bet Shean 1; Qedem Reports 4), Jerusalem 2002; id., Islamic Glass Vessels from the Hebrew University Excavations at Bet Shean (Excavations at Bet Shean 2; Qedem Reports 8), Jerusalem 2005

W. Atrash, The Scaenae Frons of the Roman Theatre in Scythopolis (Bet Shean): Architectural Analysis and Suggested Reconstruction (M.A. thesis), Haifa 2003 (Eng. Abstract)

H. Abu ‘Uqsa, Bet-She’an in the Early Islamic Period I–II (661–969 ce) as Reflected in the Ceramic Assemblages from the “Tourist Center” Excavations (M.A. thesis), Haifa 2005 (Heb.).

Studies at the Foot of the Mound

BAR 16/4 (1990), 16–31

G. Foerster & Y. Tsafrir, Aram 4 (1992), 117–138; id., Gadara-Gerasa und die Dekapolis (Antike Welt Sonderbände: Zaberns Bildbände zur Archäologie; eds. A. Hoffmann & S. Kerner), Mainz am Rhein 2002, 72–87

G. Foerster, BA 56 (1993), 143–144; id., BAT II, Jerusalem 1993, 147–152; id., JRA 10 (1997), 557–560; id., Mythes et Cultes (Lilly Kahil Fest.; Bulletin de correspondance hellenique suppl. 38), Athens 2000, 135–141; MdB 75 (1992), 28–29

Y. Tsafrir & G. Foerster, The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, 1 (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1; eds. A. Cameron & L. I. Lawrence), Princeton, NJ 1992, 95–117; ibid. 2 (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 2; eds. G. R. D. King & A. Cameron), Princeton, NJ 1993, 371–375; id., Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 55 (1992), 231–235; id., Cathedra 64 (1992), 183; id., DOP 51 (1997), 85–146; Y. Tsafrir, BA 56 (1993), 142–143; id., Retrieving the Past, Winona Lake, IN 1996, 269–283; id., Religious and Ethnic Communities in Later Roman Palestine (ed. H. Lapin), Bethesda, MD 1998, 197–218

R. Barkay, Proceedings of the 11th International Numismatic Congress, 1993, 371–375; id., INJ 13 (1994–1999), 54– 62; id., Dionysos: origines et resurgenes (Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Sorbonne; ed. I. Zinguer), Paris 2001, 29–32

R. Last & P. Porat, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 95 (1993), 52–64

M. Lubash, Archeo 8 (1993), 122–124

J. Poulin, MdB 81 (1993), 42–43

L. Y. Rahmani, ‘Atiqot 22 (1993), 109–119; id., Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology 2 (2003), 33–64

J. -P. Sodini, DOP 47 (1993), 139–184

N. Amitai-Preiss (et al.), INJ 13 (1994–1999), 133–151; 14 (2000–2002), 224–238

J. Binns, The Monasteries of Palestine, 314–631 (Oxford Early Christian Studies), Oxford 1994

P. Bugod, Xantener Berichte 5: Grabung-Forschung-Präsentation, Köln 1994, 41–48

A. Oddy, Aram 6 (1994), 405–418

A. Ovadiah & Y. Turnheim, Rivista di Archeologia 18 (1994), 105–115; 27 (2003–2004), 111–118; id., Art and Archaeology in Israel and Neighbouring Countries, London 2002, 203–226

M. Peleg, ‘Atiqot 25 (1994), 139–155; 46 (2004), 55*–81*

Y. Turnheim & A. Ovadiah, Cathedra 71 (1994), 198

R. Wenning, ZDPV 110 (1994), 1–35; G. Mazor (& R. Bar-Nathan), Michmanim 8 (1995), 13*–15*; 13 (1999), 77*–78*; id. (& R. BarNathan), ESI 17 (1998), 1–36; id., Roman Bath and Bathing (JRA Suppl. 37; eds. J. De Laine & D. E. Johnston), Portsmouth RI 1999, 292–302; id., Free Standing City Gates in the Eastern Provinces during the Roman Imperial Period (Ph.D. diss.), Ramat-Gan 2004 (Eng. abstract); id., www.antiquities.org.il, Articles

A. Segal, Theatres in Roman Palestine and Provincia Arabia (Mneomosyne Suppl. 140), Leiden 1995

B. Andre-Salvini, MdB 99 (1996), 36–37

M. L. Bates & F. L. Kovacs, The Numismatic Chronicle 156 (1996), 165–173

A. Berman, ESI 15 (1996), 47; 17 (1998), 35–36

L. Di Segni, EI 25 (1996), 101*; id., Dated Greek Inscriptions from Palestine from the Roman and Byzantine Periods (Ph.D. diss.), 1–2, Jerusalem 1997; id., SCI 16 (1997), 139–161; id., Atti del XI Congresso Internazionale di Epigrafia Greca e Latina, Roma, 18–24.9.1997, Roma 1999, 625–642; id. (et al.), The Roman and Byzantine Near East 2, Portsmouth, RI 1999, 59–75

S. J. Fleming, Expedition 38 (1996), 13–38

R. Gersht, Classical Studies (D. Sohlberg Fest.; ed. R. Katzoff), Ramat-Gan 1996, 433–450

J. Seligman, ESI 15 (1996), 43–47

A. G. Walmsley, Towns in Transition: Urban Evolution in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (eds. N. Christie & S. T. Loseby), Aldershot 1996, 126–158

D. Avshalom-Gorni, ESI 16 (1997), 70–72; 19 (1997), 29*–30*; id., ‘Atiqot 39 (2000), 198–200; 46 (2004), 134*–135* (& A. Berman)

D. Barshad, ESI 19 (1997), 31*

J. M. C. Bowsher, Levant 29 (1997), 227–246

S. Hadad, DOP 51 (1997), 147–188; id., Journal of Glass Studies 39 (1997), 198–200; 40 (1998), 63–76; 44 (2002), 35–48; id. (& E. Khamis), IEJ 48 (1998), 66–76; id., Levant 31 (1999), 203–224; 34 (2002), 151–158; id., BASOR 317 (2000), 63–73; id., Levant 34 (2002), 151–158

E. Khamis, Cathedra 85 (1997), 188; id., Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 64 (2001), 159– 176; id., Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd Series/12 (2002), 143–154

R. Sivan, The Conservation of Archaeological Sites in the Mediterranean Region (ed. M. de la Torre), Los Angeles 1997

M. L. Fischer, Marble Studies, Konstanz 1998; H. Goldfus, Tombs and Burials in Churches and Monasteries of Byzantine Palestine (324–628 A.D.), 1–2 (Ph.D. diss.), Ann Arbor, MI 1998, 216–229

R. Hachlili, PEQ 130 (1998), 106–120

R. Rosenthal-Heginbottom, Dionysos and His Retinue in the Art of Eretz-Israel (Reuben & Edith Hecht Museum Catalogue 14), Haifa 1998

Z. Safrai, The Missing Century: Palestine in the 5th Century— Growth and Decline (Palestine Antiqua N.S. 9), Leuven 1998, (index)

N. Yaari, Journal of Mediterranean Studies 8 (1998), 73–83; Archaeology 52/2 (1999), 28

W. Eck & G. Foerster, JRA 12 (1999), 294–313

J. M. Nieto Ibanez, IEJ 49 (1999), 260–268

M. J. Ponting, JAS 26 (1999), 1311–1321; id., Archaeological Sciences 1999: Proceedings of the Archaeological Sciences Conference, University of Bristol 1999 (BAR/IS 1111; ed. K. A. Robson Brown), Oxford 2003, 111–116

V. Shalev, Historical Context, Structure and Function in the Churches of Palestine in Late Antiquity (Ph.D. diss.), Tel Aviv 1999 (Eng. abstract)

O. Sion, BAR 25/1 (1999), 18–19; id., ESI 112 (2000), 40*–42*; id., MdB 125 (2000), 65; id., LA 52 (2002), 353–366; C. Balint, Varia Archaeologica Hungarica 9 (2000), 99–162

W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, London 2000, passim

R. M. Foote, Mediterranean Archaeology 13 (2000), 24–38

Y. GorinRosen, ‘Atiqot 39 (2000), 200; id., La route du verre (Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient Mediterraneen 33; ed. M. -D. Nenna), Lyon 2000, 49–64; id., Michmanim 16 (2002), 7*–18*

M. -O. Jentel, Mythes et Cultes (Lilly Kahil Fest.; Bulletin de correspondance hellenique suppl. 38), Athens 2000, 241–249

H. Kennedy, Bulletin d’etudes orientales 52 (2000), 199–204

A. M. Vaccaro & A. Misiani, Archeo 16/11 (189) (2000), 90–97

A. N. Shugar, Archaeometry 42 (2000), 375–384

N. Belayche, Iudaea-Palaestina: The Pagan Cults in Roman Palestine (2nd to 4th Century) (Religion der Römischen Provinzen-Religions in Roman Provinces 1), Tübingen 2001, 258–268

M. Smallwood, The Jews Under Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian: A Study in Political Relations, Boston 2001 (index)

J. Sudilovsky, BAR 27/3 (2001), 16

S. Agady et al., What Athens Has to Do with Jerusalem, Leuven 2002, 423–506

P. Baumann, ibid., 69–85; id., Antike Welt 34 (2003), 165–170

G. Bijovsky, American Numismatic Society Magazine 1/3 (2002), 16–20; id., Revue Numismatique 158 (2002), 161–227; id., What Athens Has to To Do with Jerusalem, Leuven 2002, 507–512

M. Cohen, ESI 114 (2002), 111*–112*

H. Fahlbusch, Cura Aquarum in Israel, Siegburg 2002, 55–63

A. Kushner-Stein, IEJ 52 (2002), 225–230

S. Laurant, MdB 140 (2002), 62–63

M. J. Versluys, Ägyptiaca Romana: Nilotic Scenes and the Roman Views of Egypt (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 144), Leiden 2002

Z. Weiss, What Athens Has to Do with Jerusalem, Leuven 2002, 211–233

K. Covello-Paran, ESI 115 (2003), 31*–33*; A. Lichtenberger, Kulte und Kultur der Dekapolis: Untersuchungen zu numismatischen, archäologischen und epigraphischen Zeugnissen (Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 29), Wiesbaden 2003; id., BAIAS 22 (2004), 23–34

D. T. Ariel, Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean: Acts of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, 26–29.9.2002 (Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 5; eds. J. Eiring & J. Lund), Aarhus 2004, 23–30

M. Sharabani et al., ‘Atiqot 46 (2004), 83*–8

D. Syon, ESI 116 (2004), 12*–16*

A. Lewin, The Archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine, Los Angeles, CA 2005, 92–99.

The Fortress at the Foot of the Mound

A. J. Boas (Boaz), ESI 9 (1989–1990), 129; id., Crusader Archaeology: The Material Culture of the Latin East, London 1999

J. Seligman, ESI 15 (1996), 43–47.

Bibliography from German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project

Site-related Bibliography (Current Studies)


  • Ashkenazi, D., Shnabel, R., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2021. ‘Chemical Composition and Microstructure Analysis of Plaster and Pigments Retrieved from a Decorated House Wall at Seleucid Tell Iẓṭabba (Nysa-Scythopolis, Beth She’an, Israel)’, Mediterranean Archaeology & Archaeometry 21/3: 89–122. [http://maajournal.com/Issues/2021/Vol21-3/6_Ashkenazi_et_al_21(3).pdf]

  • Atrash, W., Lichtenberger, A., Mazor, G., and Tal, O. 2020/2021. ‘Roman Ionic Capitals and Columns from the ‘Podium Building’ on Tell Iẓṭabba: Preliminary Notes on the Use of Spolia at Late Antique Beth She’an’, BOREAS: Münstersche Beiträge zur Archäologie 43/44: 91- 104.

  • Ebeling, P., Edrey, M., Harpak, T., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2020. ‘Field Report on the 2019 German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabbā Excavation Project (Beth She’an), Israel’, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 136/2: 176–190.

  • Ebeling, P., Edrey, M., Harpak, T., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2021. ‘Field Report on the 2020 German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabbā Excavation Project (Beth She’an), Israel’, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 137/1: 60–74.

  • Edrey, M., Ebeling, P., Harpak, T., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2022. ‘Back to Bet She’an: Results of the 2019–2020 Fieldwork of the German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project’, Pp. 2–15 in Atrash W., Overman, A. and Gendelman, P. (eds.), Cities, Monuments and Objects in the Roman and Byzantine Levant. [https://www.archaeopress.com/Archaeopress/Products/9781803273341].

  • Jackson-Tal, R. E., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2021. ‘Hellenistic Vitreous Finds from Seleucid Tell Iẓṭabba (Israel)’, Levant 52/3: 382–392. [https://doi.org/10.1080/00758914.2021.1923907].

  • Klein, S., Jansen, M., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2022. ‘Archaeometallurgical Analysis of Lead Weights and Sling Bullets from Seleucid Tell Iẓṭabba: More on Lead Origin in Seleucid Palestine’, Tel Aviv 49/2: 267–292. (open access: https://doi.org/10.1080/03344355.2022.2102113)


  • Lichtenberger, A., Meyer, C. and Tal, O. 2020. ‘Magnetic Prospecting at Nysa-Scythopolis (Tell Iẓṭabba, Beth She’an, Israel): Deciphering Urban Planning at a Newly Founded Hellenistic Town of the Decapolis’, Strata: The Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 38: 45–70.

  • Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2020. ‘A Hoard of Alexander II Zabinas Coins from Tell Iẓṭabba (Beth She’an), Israel’, Israel Numismatic Research 15: 45–59.

  • Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2021. ‘Photographic Documentation of Roman Ionic Capitals and Columns from the 'Podium Building' at Tell Iẓṭabba (Beth Shean), Israel [Data set]’, Zenodo 2021. [http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4737363]

  • Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2021. ‘The Coins from the 2019 and 2020 ­Excavation Seasons of the German-Israeli Tell Iẓṭabba Excavation Project’, OZeAN 3: 37–53. (open access: https://doi.org/10.17879/ozean-2021-3447)

  • Lichtenberger, A., Mienis, H., Orendi, A., Pines, M., Rittner, O. and Tal, O. 2022. ‘For everything there is a season: more than a year of destruction at Seleucid Tell Iẓṭabba (Israel)’, Antiquity 2022, 1-8. (open access: https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2022.92)

  • Orendi, A., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2021. ‘Food in a Colonial Setting: The Flora Assemblage of a Short-Lived Seleucid-Founded Site in the Near East’, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 30: 641–655. [https://doi.org/10.1007/s00334-020-00820-z]

  • Pines, M., Mienis, H., Rittner, O., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2022. ‘Food in a Colonial Setting: The Faunal Assemblage of a Short-Lived Seleucid-Founded Site in the Near East’, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 45, 103558. [https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2022.103558]

  • Shamir, O., Lichtenberger, A. and Tal, O. 2022. ‘The Relationship between Textile Remains in a Hoard of Alexander II Zabinas Coins and Loom Weights Discovered at Hellenistic Tell Iẓṭabba (Beth She’an, Nysa-Scythopolis), Israel ’, Pp. 221-240 in A. Ulanowska et al. (eds.), Ancient Textile Production from an Interdisciplinary Perspective. Humanities and Natural Sciences Interwoven for our Understanding of Textiles, Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology (Cham). [https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92170-5_13]

Site-related Bibliography (Past Studies)


  • Arubas, B. Y. 2019. The Town Planning and Urban Development of Bet Shean (Scythopolis) from the Hellenistic through the Late Roman Period – with an Emphasis on the Excavation at the City Center, Ph.D. Dissertation, Hebrew University of Jerusalem (in Hebrew).

  • FitzGerald, G. M. 1939. A Sixth Century Monastery at Beth-Shan (Scythopolis) (Philadelphia).

  • Landau, Y. and Tzaferis, V. 1979. ‘Tel Iṣṭabah, Beth Shean: The Excavations and Hellenistic Jar Handles’, Israel Exploration Journal 29: 152–159.

  • Mazor, G. 2008. ‘Beth-Shean: The Hellenistic to Early Islamic Periods: The Israel Antiquities Authority Excavations’, Pp. 1623–1636 in E. Stern (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land 5. Supplementary Volume (Jerusalem).

  • Mazor, G. and Atrash, W. 2017. ‘Nysa-Scythopolis: The Hellenistic Polis’, Journal of Hellenistic Pottery & Material Culture 2: 82–101.

  • Mazor, G., Atrash, W. and Finkielsztejn, G. 2018. Hellenistic Nysa-Scythopolis: The Amphora Stamps and Sealings from Tel Iẓṭabba, IAA Reports 62 (Jerusalem).

  • Oren, E. D. 1973. The Northern Cemetery of Beth Shan (Leiden).

  • Zori, N. 1962. ‘An Archaeological Survey of the Beth-Shean Valley’, Pp. 135–198 in The Beth-Shean Valley: The 17th Archaeological Convention (Jerusalem) (in Hebrew).

Wikipedia pages

Beth Shean
Scythopolis (see)
Decapolis
Nymphaeum
Sylvanus (mythology)
Canaan

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18th Dynasty of Egypt

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20th Dynasty of Egypt

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Surveys
Lidar Scans

Description Scan Date Scanner Processing Link to 3D Scan Downloadable Link
  • Collapsed Store Facades on Sylvanus Street
  • due to Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Sequence
2 May 2023 Jefferson Williams Area ? Tilt down to see facade Right Click to download
  • Collapses in front of the Nymphaneum on Sylvanus Street
  • due to Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Sequence
2 May 2023 Jefferson Williams Area ? Tilt down to get a good view of the damage Right Click to download
  • Site Model from inside the Park
2 May 2023 Jefferson Williams Area ? Tilt down to get aerial view

Photos

Description Location Image Causitive Earthquake Notes
Fallen Column Sylvanus Street Near Nymphaneum Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Sequence - January 749 CE
Fallen Architectural Elements Sylvanus Street Near Nymphaneum Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Sequence - January 749 CE
Collapses in Front of Nymphaneum Sylvanus Street Near Nymphaneum Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Sequence - January 749 CE See 3D Scan
Collapsed Storefronts Sylvanus Street Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year Sequence - January 749 CE See 3D Scan
Broken Corners Theater Undated
Deformed Arch Structure just south of the Park Entrance Undated
Deformed Arch Axis Direction - 203° Structure just south of the Park Entrance Undated

kmz's for Site Visits
kmz's

kmz Description Reference
Right Click to download Master Bet She'an kmz file various