• from Yassine & van der Steen (2012:2)

Tell el-Mazar forms part of a complex of sites in the East Jordan Valley that were all occupied in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. The two nearest main sites of this complex, both of which have been excavated are Tell Deir Alla and Tell es-Sa’idiyeh. A bit further removed to the north are Pella and Tell Abu Kharaz. In between these main sites is a large number of smaller sites, all occupied in the Late Bronze and/or Iron Ages. This density of occupation testifies to the importance of the region. It was not only economically important because of its climate, but it was also a crossroads, connecting north and south, as well as east and west (van der Steen 2004:213-251). Towards the end of the Late Bronze Age an Egyptian trade route ran from Beth Shean towards the Amman Plain, crossing the river first by Pella, and later by Tell es-Sa’idiyeh. This route must have passed Tell Mazar, which was inhabited during the late Bronze Age, as shown by the large number of Late Bronze Age sherds that were found by successive surveys.

The excavator believes that at all times was the Tell connected to the main towns of the district in this part of the Jordan Valley, and dependent on the internal administrative organization of the district and the degree of security it provided. As a result the historical stratigraphy of the Tell is entwined with that of Tell Deir Alla and Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, of which it was a sister town. At the end of the Late Bronze Age settlement declined in the Jordan Valley, as it did elsewhere, but on most of the large sites settlement continued, or was resumed after a short break, albeit on a smaller scale.

Iron Age II saw the rise of the tribal kingdoms of Ammon, Moab and Israel. The biblical tradition claims that Ammon became a kingdom before Israel, i.e. before the 10 th century. There are no external sources for this, either textual or archaeological, but settlement patterns suggest that the Amman plateau saw increased settlement during Iron Age I, prior to Cisjordan (Younker 1999:208). It has been suggested that large tribal confederations were in control of the region, and over time developed into tribal kingdoms (Labianca 1999; Younker 1999:208-09; van der Steen and Smelik 2007). Whether the Jordan Valley, the region dominated by Tell Mazar, Tell Deir Alla and Tell es-Sa’idiyeh was part of the Ammonite kingdom (and later the province of Ammon) is a matter of debate. Biblical tradition suggests that at the end of Iron Age II the western border of Ammon was the Jordan river. Various scholars on the other hand, considered the Wadi Zerqa to be the western border of the kingdom (MacDonald 1999:43 with references). Sauer suggests, on the basis of the material culture, that the Valley was eventually incorporated in the Ammonite polity (Sauer 1985:212). Herr (1992) defines the Ammonites as an ethnic or cultural group which was well defined in the Iron Age II, and extending into the Jordan valley as far north as Mazar, and possibly Tell es- Sa’idiyeh, but absent in Pella.

The material culture of Tell Deir Alla and Mazar is predominantly Ammonite (Groot 2011:96), although at Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, 6 km north of Mazar, this influence is much less, and at Pella it is missing altogether (Herr 1992:175) suggesting that Mazar was on the edge of a cultural region, and may have been part of the border territory.

Eventually the small tribal kingdoms of Ammon, Moab, Edom, Israel and Juda would be overrun by the rise of large empires from the North: the Neo-Assyrian, Neo- Babylonian and Persian empires, all of which used the Jordan Valley as a thoroughfare for their expeditions into the southern countries.

Tiglath-Pileser III (745-27) subjected Ammon and forced it to pay tribute. It became a vassal state, together with Moab and Edom. Neo-Assyrian influences can be found in the material culture of Tell Deir ‘Alla, Tell ‘Adliyyeh, Tell es-Sa’idiyeh and Tell Damiya. Tell Damiya was a Neo-Assyrian centre situated strategically on an east-west crossroad on the River Jordan (Petit 2009:187, 226). Hübner suggests that the Jordan Valley with the eastern foothills, although still culturally ‘Ammonite’, was turned into the separate province of Galaad (Gilead; Hübner 1992:189-90 with references). The vassal state of Ammon flourished in the 7th century². The province of Gilead was home, among others, to the iron smelting industry around Mugharet el-Warde (Veldhuyzen and Rehren 2007). Hübner is adamant that this industry was never part of Ammon (Hübner 1992:150), which means that it must have been part of Gilead³.

Initially the Babylonian conquest did not significantly change the political map of the region. Gilead, which had been an Assyrian province, now became a Babylonian province. However, in 581 Ammon was stripped of its vassal status and also became a Babylonian province. The incorporation of Ammon as a province in the Babylonian empire coincided with a slow decline in the settled population and an increased nomadization of the population (Hübner 1992:210-11; Geraty et al 1987). Existing villages and towns became smaller, and some disappeared altogether. Nevertheless the large sites in the Jordan valley Deir ‘Alla, Mazar and Sa’idiyeh remained settled, as did some of the smaller sites, testifying to the continued importance of the region.

After the Persian conquest in the middle of the 5th century both Ammon and Gilead became Persian sub-provinces, part of the Satrapy ‘Beyond the River’. The Persian and Hellenistic periods in the region are still relatively unknown, but the settlement pattern, which continues from the previous period, shows the continued relative importance of the region.

• from Yassine & van der Steen (2012:3)

“Mazar” means burial shrine, and the tell is named after the nearby burial shrine of Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah, who was one of the ten original companions of the Prophet Muhammad, and a commander of his army.

The shrine is situated about 1.5 km east of the Tell, in the village that is named after it Mazar Abu Ubayda. It was first visited by John Lewis Burckhardt in 1812, who saw a small domed tomb surrounded by a few peasants’ huts, with a guardian (Burckhardt 1822:346).

Four years later James Silk Buckingham described the Mazar as follows: “a small village of huts, collected around a mosque, built over the tomb of some distinguished personage, who had given his name to the place. This Abu-el-Beady was said, according to the traditions preserved of him here, to have been a powerful sultan of Yemen, who died on this spot on his way from Arabia Felix to Damascus; but of whom no other particulars are known. The tomb and mosque appeared to be very ancient, and both were ornamented with a number of Arabic inscriptions in a square formed character. A large piece of green glass, weighing probably from three to four pounds, was placed in the wall near the door of entrance” (Buckingham 1825:12).

When Thomas Molyneux explored the river Jordan by boat in 1847, he ran into trouble at Abu Ubayda, which was at that time the boundary between the territories of the Beni Amr (to the north) and the Meshaleha to the south. Molyneux was exasperated by the extortionate protection fees the southern tribe demanded, and decided to ignore them, which proved to be a serious mistake. The expedition was robbed, and forced to flee back to Tiberias (Molyneux 1848:120-21).

Two years later Francis Lynch also explored the river by boat, and came past Abu Ubayda. He mentions the village, but without describing it (Lynch 1849:230).

Not one of these travellers seems to have noticed the large tell that dominated the landscape west of the village, and it was Nelson Glueck who first described it. Glueck both visited the tell, and observed it from the air. He describes it as a prominent hill, commanding a view of the Ghor in all directions. From the air Glueck noticed the outlines of a fortification wall encompassing the circumference of the top of the site. Glueck also remarked upon the vast quantities of pottery he found: “On the top and slope and around the base of Tell el- Mazar are very large quantities of LBII, Iron Age I-II sherds of all kinds, with a seeming predominance of lron Age II sherds. There were also some Roman and Byzantine sherds. With the exception of Tell Deir ‘Alla, no other site in the Jordan Valley that we examined produced more or larger pieces of Iron Age pottery than Tell el-Mazar” (Glueck 1949:302).

In later surveys the Tell figures more prominently, among them the survey by Henry de Contenson in 1953 and the Jordan Valley Survey (Ibrahim, Sauer and Yassine 1976,1988; site 103).

In recent years the small shrine of Abu Ubayda in the village has been replaced by a major monument and mosque, which dominates the small village (fig. 2).

• from Yassine & van der Steen (2012:81-83)

The excavations at Tell Mazar have uncovered remains from the 11th century to the early Hellenistic period, although the Tell itself was occupied from the Middle Bronze Age onwards, as shown by the surface pottery. There are some tantalizing remains of even earlier pottery, which were found in the excavations at the edge of the Tell, of an Early Bronze IB jar (Cat. P116), and some possible Early Bronze I sherds in the layer below it.

The earliest excavated remains were on mound A, a smaller mound some 200m northeast of the main tell. Here a courtyard building was found, that has been interpreted as an open-court sanctuary. It is dated to the end of the 11th century, continuing into the first half of the next century. It consisted of a courtyard, with adjoining rooms, one of which was a small cella.

In the preceding period there had been a temple at nearby Deir Alla, which was destroyed in the 12th century. Franken considers it to be a local tribal sanctuary that played a role in the international Egyptian trade (Franken 1992, 2008; van der Steen 2004)¹. After its destruction by a succession of earthquakes, and after the collapse of the international trade, the sanctuary seems to have been abandoned, at least until the 9th century.

Franken states that the numinous character of Deir Alla must have continued after the destruction of the temple. However, if the tribes that used to worship at Deir Alla no longer had access to the site, for political or other reasons, they would have needed an alternative place of worship. If a holy place becomes inaccessible, a place from which it is visible can become sacred by association (van der Steen, in press). This may be the origin of the Mazar Mound A sanctuary, which was in sight of Deir Alla. It is possible that the tribes that originally worshipped in Deir Alla created a new place of worship somewhat further north, much smaller, from where they could see the original holy place. The ‘cella’ of Mazar is different from that of Deir Alla, but the layout of the sanctuary as a whole, with a courtyard and service rooms adjoining the cella, is very similar.

On the main tell architecture has been found from the Assyrian period onwards.

Throughout the late Iron Age Tell Mazar has had a more than local significance, as can be seen from the substantial buildings that occupied the tell. This is partly due to the prominence of the tell itself, towering over its surroundings. Partly it may also have been due to its position in the valley. Mazar formed a chain with its sister sites Deir Alla to the south and Sa’idiyeh to the north, and their fates are often connected.

The earliest excavated areas (Stratum VI) revealed fragmentary but promising remains of substantial architecture, probably representing some kind of public building(s), the nature of which is unclear. What little pottery was found in context with these remains does not differ significantly from the pottery of the succeeding Stratum V, which is dated to the Assyrian period (end of the 8th century).

The region became a vassal state of Assyria during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727). There are traces of a violent destruction of Stratum VI (burnt remains, and layers of mudbrick rubble). Since the transition of Ammon into an Assyrian vassal state seems to have been peaceful, there are no historical events that can directly be related to this destruction.

The Balaam text at Deir Alla dates from the same time as Stratum VI, and it is likely that Deir Alla had a religious function. At Sa’idiyeh there were rows of houses, with evidence of weaving, possibly on an industrial scale (Pritchard 1985). Deir Alla Phase IX was destroyed by a violent earthquake in the second half of the 8th century. The region is prone to earthquakes, and it is by no means certain that this was the same destruction, but the scale of the destruction at Deir Alla makes it a distinct possibility the destruction of (parts of) Stratum VI can be attributed to the same natural disaster. Tell es-Sa’idiyeh was also destroyed in the same period.

Stratum V was built on top of the remains of Stratum VI. The building excavated on top of the tell was a large courtyard building, with rooms surrounding the courtyard (at least on the excavated southeast side) and a casemate outer wall. The building type has elements that are reminiscent of the Syro-Hittite bit hilani, such as the large central hall, and the double (in this case triple) outer walls.

Most of the remains found in and around the building date from the latest phases of use. The substantial architecture suggests that it was erected as a public building. However, most of the pottery and other artifacts found inside and around it, are indicative of domestic use. There is substantial evidence for cooking, weaving and other domestic activities, as well as for animal husbandry. It seems that at some point in its existence, the public function of the building became obsolete, and it was taken over by squatters or local farmers. Some narrow walls were built in the central courtyard, the guard room at the entrance of the building became a weavers’ workshop, and to the north of the building a small house was built, with an oven room in it. The beautiful Astarte Beer jug, that was found outside the guardroom on the pavement, may have been a remnant of the original function of the building. There are no indications about the original function of the building, apart from the casemate walls, which suggests either a defensive function, or reflects the volatile political situation of the region. The campaign of Sennacherib of 701, which was aimed at the rebellious Hezekia of Judah and largely fought in the Mediterranean coastal regions, may have had a wider impact, and included Mazar, or caused the occupants of the Mazar fortress to desert their stronghold. Whether the building was partially destroyed before the squatters moved in, is impossible to determine. A fire caused the end of the squatter occupation.

The pottery found in Stratum V suggests it is contemporaneous with Deir Alla Phase VII. Deir Alla Phase VII dates from the beginning of the 7th century and only existed for a relatively short period. It also seems to coincide with the presence of some heavy walls on the top of Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, which are found underneath the Persian residency on that site, and which still await further excavation to determine their function. Destruction struck at Deir Alla and at Mazar at more or less the same time.

Stratum IV was built on top of the remains of Stratum V, after a period of abandonment. The orientation of the building of Stratum IV is the same as that of the previous stratum, but the building’s layout is very different. It consisted of rows of rooms surrounding a central hall, south of a cobbled and plastered courtyard. The architecture of the building suggests a public, possibly an administrative function. The remains, which were mostly found in the central part of the building, were mostly domestic and related to storage, cooking and weaving. It had a monumental entrance on its east side.

At some point in its existence the building was expanded, marking the beginning of Stratum III. The central part was covered with a fill layer, which preserved the remains of the previous stratum, whilst creating a podium which made the central part of the new building stand out among its surroundings. The walls surrounding the podium were very heavy and buttressed, as they had to support the fill inside. The space inside these walls was reorganized. The monumental entrance on the east side remained in use, but two wings were added, on each side of the entrance.

Towards the end of its existence, the building seems to have undergone a change in function. Several rooms were added, and the large hall in the central part was divided into smaller rooms. The remains in most of the rooms, particularly the inner rooms and the two wings, indicate a largely domestic function. The southern wing seems to have been used as an abattoir, judging from the large amounts of cattle bones. There were some finds of a possibly administrative nature, such as several ostraca, and a stone weight.

The building of Stratum IV and its successor of Stratum III represent a long period of relative peace. There was no destruction at the end of Stratum IV, the function of the rebuilding in Stratum III was expansion, probably reflecting the growing importance of Mazar. The building was dubbed ‘the Palace Fort’ by the excavator, and interpreted as the seat of a governor of the region. It may have doubled as a garrison. In one of the rooms an ostracon was found, carrying the name of an Ammonite king, possibly Hissalel (Yassine 1988:87). Since Ammon was a vassal state of the Assyrian empire, the local governor would have been an Ammonite. The introduction of several new (but local) types of pottery (see Chapter Pottery) indicates a cultural shift towards a more upper class presence.

It is possible that the change in function in the last stages of the Stratum III building reflects larger political events. The creation of the Assyrian province of Gal’ad in 733 which included the Zerqa triangle with Mazar and Deir Alla (Hubner 1992:189) would have made a governor’s palace superfluous, and it would probably have been replaced with a garrison. That may have been the cause for the creation of the smaller rooms in the centre. Alternatively, it is possible that the Babylonian conquest was followed by a change in function of the fortress. Several finds in the rooms, such as cylinder seals, horse figurines, storage rooms, a central slaughter area and an arrow head, suggest that the function of the building was not purely domestic, but possibly housed a garrison of soldiers. How the large numbers of looms found in this stratum fit into this function is not clear, although it is possible that the soldiers lived in the building with their families.

Stratum IV-III coincides with Deir Alla Phase VI, which is interpreted as a village, possibly fortified (Groot 2011:96). The corresponding layers in Sa’idiyeh are still hidden below the Persian residency. It seems that the Mazar Palace Fort was the centre of government for the region in this period.

This period saw an expansion of international trade, with a number of major roads traversing the region. The major North-South route through Jordan was the King’s Highway, from which several east-west roads must have crossed the Jordan Valley towards the west. Another road ran through the Jordan Valley past Mazar and Deir Alla. The finds from Tell Mazar, particularly from the cemetery (Yassine 1984) but also pottery and objects from the mound itself, suggest prosperity and international contacts.

The building of Stratum III was burnt down in a heavy conflagration, which seems to have been sudden, because the inhabitants left many of their belongings behind. This suggests the building was not under siege, and the destruction has been ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar’s expedition in 582, which destroyed several other sites in the region such as Deir Alla, Adliyeh and Ammata.

After the fire and destruction the tell was deserted for a while. The occupation of Stratum II started with a levelling operation of the ruins of the previous stratum. The difference in height between the leveled ruins and the surrounding area was retained by a heavy stone wall. The buildings of Stratum II consisted of groups of rooms (‘units’) around a central courtyard. It could have been a common farmstead belonging to an extended family, but for several features. The leveling operation involving massive stone walls seems out of proportion with a purely domestic occupation. Also, there were a relatively large number of arrow heads found among the rubble. The Persian Period, in which Stratum II can be dated, saw a general decline in occupation in the region. Mazar belonged to the province of Ammon, which was part of the satrapy of ‘beyond the river’. Left to itself, the Jordan Valley tends to become the playground for local tribes, and tribal conflicts are common (van der Steen in press). Any settlers in the region would have to be prepared to defend themselves against attacks from local bands and tribes. It is possible that the platform created by the stone retaining walls was part of a defensive structure which has disappeared (it was found directly under topsoil, and in places on the surface of the tell, any superstructures having eroded away). This is supported by the number of arrow heads. There are no indications for a violent end to this stratum. It was probably deserted and left to fall into ruin.

During the Persian period the occupation of Deir Alla seems to have been rural, more or less like that of Mazar, while at Sa’idiyeh a more substantial government presence has been suggested by the excavator. Here a small fortress has been excavated, a substantial courtyard building with heavy walls.

It was built in the course of the Persian period, and seems to have remained in use (possibly by squatters only in the later phases, judging from the lack of finds) until well into the Hellenistic period.

The latest stratum, Stratum I, consists mainly of pits. Many of these were storage pits for grain and possibly animal feed (chaff), possibly for a nearby town or garrison. It was dated to the Hellenistic period on the basis of the pottery found. The absence of any defensive structures suggests that in this period the area was relatively safe. The excavator has suggested it may have been a central storage facility for nearby Tell Ammata. The pottery dates the stratum to the Early Hellenistic period, ending before the conquest of Alexander. At Deir Alla the Late Persian – Early Hellenistic period may have seen some substantial building, although nothing has been found of those with the exception of some heavy foundations. Apart from that, there were large numbers of pits, probably used for storage, like on Tell Mazar. Most conspicuous was a very large (diam >10m) pit on the top of the tell.

After the Tell was deserted, it was used as a burial site, until very recently. Tells and hills have always been popular burial sites.

In the four seasons of excavation, only a relatively small part of Tell Mazar has been excavated. Small trenches into the deeper layers, as well as the excavation on the edge of the tell (Areas P and Q), have shown that there are substantial periods of occupation, from as early as the Early Bronze Age. Future excavations may therefore bring to light a substantial part of the history of Mazar that is presently covered in soil, and substantiate, or even alter, the history of the region.

One major construction period dated from the 11th-10th centuries BCE was identified on Mound A which is located ~220 m northwest of Tell el-Mazar (Yassine & van der Steen, 2012:17). These structures were destroyed and the rooms were filled with debris as the mudbricks walls and roof collapsed. Although a 5th century BCE graveyard and a subterranean house built on the mound in modern times disturbed some of the site's earlier stratigraphy, it was possible to date and characterize the destruction. The contents on the floor of Room 101 - largely broken pottery that appear to have fallen - were sealed by roof collapse. Yassine & van der Steen (2012:17) dated this destruction to the second half of the 10th century BC based on pottery and comparisons to other Iron Age sites. The excavators did not suggest a reason for the destruction.

Yassine & van der Steen (2012:81-83) saw evidence of possible earthquake destruction in Stratum VI on the main mound.

On the main tell architecture has been found from the Assyrian period onwards.

... The earliest excavated areas (Stratum VI) revealed fragmentary but promising remains of substantial architecture, probably representing some kind of public building(s), the nature of which is unclear. What little pottery was found in context with these remains does not differ significantly from the pottery of the succeeding Stratum V, which is dated to the Assyrian period (end of the 8th century).

The region became a vassal state of Assyria during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727). There are traces of a violent destruction of Stratum VI (burnt remains, and layers of mudbrick rubble). Since the transition of Ammon into an Assyrian vassal state seems to have been peaceful, there are no historical events that can directly be related to this destruction.

The Balaam text at Deir Alla dates from the same time as Stratum VI, and it is likely that Deir Alla had a religious function. At Sa’idiyeh there were rows of houses, with evidence of weaving, possibly on an industrial scale (Pritchard 1985). Deir Alla Phase IX was destroyed by a violent earthquake in the second half of the 8th century. The region is prone to earthquakes, and it is by no means certain that this was the same destruction, but the scale of the destruction at Deir Alla makes it a distinct possibility the destruction of (parts of) Stratum VI can be attributed to the same natural disaster. Tell es-Sa’idiyeh was also destroyed in the same period.

Yassine & van der Steen (2012:81-83) saw evidence of possible earthquake destruction in Stratum VI on the main mound.

The pottery found in Stratum V suggests it is contemporaneous with Deir Alla Phase VII. Deir Alla Phase VII dates from the beginning of the 7th century and only existed for a relatively short period. It also seems to coincide with the presence of some heavy walls on the top of Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, which are found underneath the Persian residency on that site, and which still await further excavation to determine their function. Destruction struck at Deir Alla and at Mazar at more or less the same time.

Stratum IV was built on top of the remains of Stratum V, after a period of abandonment.

Yassine & van der Steen (2012:5-15) added

The destruction layer that covers this Stratum is burnt in many places. There was obviously a violent destruction at the end of the phase, but it seems that its administrative function had ended before the destruction.

Stratum V has been dated by the excavator to the 8th-7th century, a date that is borne out by the finds. The style of the building has been categorized by the excavator as of ‘Syro-Hittite inspiration’. Comparison of the pottery with that of Deir Alla (see the chapter on Pottery) suggests a date contemporaneous with Deir Alla Stratum VII.

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997:100-101) uncovered a sudden collapse of buildings, with fire at places in Deir Alla Stratum VII. They attributed this destruction to an earthquake and dated the destruction to the 7th or late 8th century BCE.

Yassine & van der Steen (2012:81-83) saw evidence of possible earthquake destruction in Stratum VI on the main mound.

The building of Stratum III was burnt down in a heavy conflagration, which seems to have been sudden, because the inhabitants left many of their belongings behind. This suggests the building was not under siege, and the destruction has been ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar’s expedition in 582 [BCE], which destroyed several other sites in the region such as Deir Alla, Adliyeh and Ammata.

After the fire and destruction the tell was deserted for a while. The occupation of Stratum II started with a levelling operation of the ruins of the previous stratum.

Yassine & van der Steen (2012:5-15) noted that the fire that destroyed Stratum III left its mark in the form of layers of burnt rubble and ash found in all squares. They added the following:

Stratum III ended with a fire that destroyed the building and left heavy layers of ash and burnt material over the whole excavated area. The building was burnt to the ground, and the walls that were still standing were baked hard by the heat of the fire. Remains of wooden furniture were found in several of the rooms, charred grain and burnt mudbrick were found in most spaces, inside as well as outside the building, covering it. Large numbers of vessels were found in the store rooms, as well as figurines of horses and other animals. This indicates that, while the inhabitants of the building managed to flee (no human remains were found in the building) they did not have time to remove any of the contents.

This fire has been associated with Nebuchadnezzar’s expedition into Ammon in 582 BC (see introduction). Thick layers of burned debris were also encountered at Tell Deir ‘Alla VI, Tell Adliyeh 15 and tell ‘Ammata 9 (Petit 2009:227), which have been ascribed to the same expedition and destruction.

Effect	Location	Image (s)	Comments
Collapsed Walls Collapsed Roof	Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		The whole structure was destroyed, and the rooms were filled up very rapidly after the collapse of the roof and mudbrick walls. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:17)
Collapsed Walls	Courtyard on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		Phase VII - This is the upper deposit, about 0.40-0.50m thick, composed solely of mudbrick material. Only a few pottery sherds from the later grave period (the 5th century BC). Phase VII is the deposit of the destroyed sanctuary walls. The great mass of bricks illustrates that the walls were of considerable height. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:20)
Collapsed Roof	Room 101 on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		The fallen roof sealed the contents on the floor of Room 101. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:17)
Broken and Fallen Pottery	Room 101 on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)	Fig. 35 Figure 35 Room 101 Yassine & van der Steen (2012) Fig. 36 Figure 36 Room 101 Yassine & van der Steen (2012)	The use of the room for storing pottery is readily intelligible from the excessive quantity of vessels found filling the whole room. The pottery deposit gave the impression of having fallen from shelves (Fig 35). No benches or other architectural features were found. Considering only the more or less easily recognizable and complete vessels, the group is comprised of two pedestal bowl chalices (Fig 40 K,L; 41 A,B), two globular flasks (Fig 40 A,B; 41 C), an undetermined number of storage jars, two kraters, (Fig. 40 G,H; 41:D,E), one cylindrical incense stand with windows (Fig. 40 M) (only one half found), and a few small storage jars (Fig. 40 D,E,F,L; 41:F,G,H). The pottery found on the floor of the room belongs to the last phase of the sanctuary, that is, towards the end of the 10th century BC. The several cult vessels testify to the ritual function of the building (e.g., the cylindrical incense burner and the chalices). From the above it is clear that each of the three rooms had served a different function, at least one of them (Room 101) as a storage room. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:18-19)
Broken Pottery?        Fire ?	Courtyard on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		Phase VI - Burnt clay, dark gray to almost black in colour and rather coarse in texture. The pottery was broken, with some reconstructable vessels (Fig. 37). Phase VI marks the destruction level corresponding to that covering the floor level of Room 101. Pottery vessels were blackened by fire. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:19-20) JW: Fire may have been due to prior cooking activity rather than a fire associated with destruction JW: broken pottery may have been due to ritual activity (see quote below) From the condition and the context of the pottery sherds within the different phases (levels), in addition to the pottery pile in locus A1D5, it is suggested that the courtyard was used for the disposal of refuse resulting from ritual activities (cooking, sacrificing) - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:19-21)

• Modified by JW from Fig. 30 of Yassine & van der Steen (2012)

• Earthquake Archeological Effects chart
  Earthquake Archeological Effects (EAE)
  
  Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224)
  of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224)

Effect	Location	Image (s)	Comments	Intensity
Collapsed Walls Collapsed Roof suggests displaced walls	Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		The whole structure was destroyed, and the rooms were filled up very rapidly after the collapse of the roof and mudbrick walls. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:17)	VIII+ VII+
Collapsed Walls	Courtyard on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		Phase VII - This is the upper deposit, about 0.40-0.50m thick, composed solely of mudbrick material. Only a few pottery sherds from the later grave period (the 5th century BC). Phase VII is the deposit of the destroyed sanctuary walls. The great mass of bricks illustrates that the walls were of considerable height. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:20)	VIII +
Collapsed Roof suggests displaced walls	Room 101 on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)		The fallen roof sealed the contents on the floor of Room 101. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:17)	VII +
Broken and Fallen Pottery	Room 101 on Mound A Figure 30 Excavated area of Mound A Yassine & van der Steen (2012)	Fig. 35 Figure 35 Room 101 Yassine & van der Steen (2012) Fig. 36 Figure 36 Room 101 Yassine & van der Steen (2012)	The use of the room for storing pottery is readily intelligible from the excessive quantity of vessels found filling the whole room. The pottery deposit gave the impression of having fallen from shelves (Fig 35). No benches or other architectural features were found. Considering only the more or less easily recognizable and complete vessels, the group is comprised of two pedestal bowl chalices (Fig 40 K,L; 41 A,B), two globular flasks (Fig 40 A,B; 41 C), an undetermined number of storage jars, two kraters, (Fig. 40 G,H; 41:D,E), one cylindrical incense stand with windows (Fig. 40 M) (only one half found), and a few small storage jars (Fig. 40 D,E,F,L; 41:F,G,H). The pottery found on the floor of the room belongs to the last phase of the sanctuary, that is, towards the end of the 10th century BC. The several cult vessels testify to the ritual function of the building (e.g., the cylindrical incense burner and the chalices). From the above it is clear that each of the three rooms had served a different function, at least one of them (Room 101) as a storage room. - Yassine & van der Steen (2012:18-19)	VII +

The archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224). This site may be subject to a construction related site effect in this stratum due to mudbrick construction.