Transliterated Name | Source | Name |
---|---|---|
Deir Alla | Arabic | دير علا |
Tell Deir Alla | Arabic | |
Ghor Abū ‘Ubaydah | Arabic - modern local name |
The Tell of Deir Alla was inhabited from the Bronze Age until late Persian times and is the place where the oracular Deir Alla Inscription (aka the Balaam Text) was discovered ( H.J. Franken in Meyers et. al., 1997). The area was also occupied in later periods. Some scholars have suggested an identification with Biblical Succoth, Penuel, or Gilgal and others have suggested an identification with Tar 'alah (aka Dar 'ellah) in the Jerusalem Talmud ( H.J. Franken in Meyers et. al., 1997, Halbertsma, 2019:26 citing Franken, 1969, and G. Van Der Kooij in Stern et al., 1993 v. 1).
The region in which Tell Deir 'Alia is located is referred to in ancient sources, including Shishak I's victory stela at Karnak, erected after his military expedition in the region. It is mentioned in the Bible in the context of such place names as Adam(ah), Penuel, Succoth, and Zarethan. According to 1 Kings 7:46, Phoenician craftsmen in the region cast bronzes for Solomon's temple in Jerusalem.
Early topographical descriptions were given by Merrill and C. Steuernagel. Extensive surface explorations of the site were carried out by Glueck until 1942, in which he identified surface pottery sherds as originating in the Middle Bronze Age II, the Late Bronze Age II, and the Iron Age I-II.
1.1.1 – The 1960s excavations
Franken’s excavation methods, while not perfect by today’s standards, were ahead of their
time and still largely hold up to scrutiny. ... a well-defined excavated area and
archaeological period were chosen as a pilot project:
Franken’s Phase B, belonging to his ‘first period’ of Iron Age occupation at the
site. This period dates roughly to the second half of the 12th century BCE.
One of the few stand-out features belonging to the Phase B deposits at Tell Deir
‘Alla is a series of large installations, which for various reasons (which will
be discussed in the following chapters) were interpreted as having to do with
bronze-production (Franken 1969, 36-38). These installations, published as
‘furnaces’ by Franken, were attributed to the activity of large-scale bronze
casting, practiced by semi-nomadic metalworkers (Franken 1969, 21).
Archaeological Period | Dates BCE |
---|---|
Late Bronze Age | 3000-1200 |
Iron Age I | 1200-1000 |
Iron Age II | 1000-550 |
... The Jabbok (now the Zerqa River) once ran to the north of the mound, shown by the river deposits in the lowest part of Trench D. These are the result of periodic flooding of the river, which kept depositing along the northern side of the mound until after the early Islamic period. The current bed of the Zerqa river is as such a recent development.
2.1.2 – Tell Deir ‘Alla
Tell Deir ‘Alla, meaning ‘tell of the high monastery’, is a prominent landmark in the Central
Jordan Valley, and is one of the larger tell sites in the immediate area. In his report of this
region, Nelson Glueck (1945-1949, 308) describes the tell as “one of the most prominent tells
in the entire Jordan Valley, and only Tell el-Husn (Beth-shan) and Tell es-Sultan (Jericho) can
compare favourably in importance and position with it”. It commands a central point in the
landscape, close to the mouth of the Zerqa Valley and the Zerqa River, and most of the nearby
tells are visible from its summit. Furthermore, the site is located along several trade routes.
These routes led from north to south, along the Jordan Valley, and from east to west, down the
Wadi al-Far’ah, crossing the ford at Tell Damiyah, and either following the Zerqa River
along and up into the Zerqa Valley, or via the ancient road going east from Ma’adi which is
now the main road in and out of the valley. One such route went from Beth Shean in the north,
through the eastern ghor to Tell Deir ‘Alla, where it would enter the Zerqa Valley and
continue up to the plains of Amman (van der Steen 2008b, 133).
The site measures around 250 by 200 meters, making it a medium sized tell for this part of
the Levant (see figure 3). The mound itself is 27 meters high, and its highest point is measured
at 201 meters below sea level. It was inhabited at least from the Middle Bronze Age through to
the Persian period, and evidence suggests it might have been inhabited during the
Chalcolithic as well. During the Islamic period it was used as a cemetery, similar to
many tell sites in the Jordan Valley.
2.2 – Franken and Tell Deir ‘Alla
Tell Deir ‘Alla was first excavated by Prof Dr Hendricus J. Franken (1917-2005), on behalf of
Leiden University, during five seasons between 1960-1964, and in 1967. Franken began his
career as a theologist, and after completing his PhD obtained a lectureship in Old Testament
archaeology in the Theological Faculty of Leiden University. Franken obtained funding from
the ZWO, the Dutch Organisation for the Advancement of Pure Research (now NWO), to study
the field techniques required to excavate in the Middle East. The Dutch governmental
research institute deemed it necessary that Dutch scholars obtain practical experience
with excavation techniques, and funded Franken so that he might run his own project in the
future, independently (Steiner and Wagemakers 2018, 38). At the recommendation of Gerald
Lankaster Harding, then director of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, he contacted
Dame Kathleen Kenyon to study with her at the 1950’s excavations at Jericho. He participated
for three seasons at Jericho, between 1955 and 1957.
Jericho had not produced an archaeological sequence covering the transition from the Late
Bronze Age to the Iron Age, the period he was interested in. Apparently, Kenyon had hoped
to also document this, but Tell es-Sultân did not yield any occupational phases from that
period. Kenyon was however able to establish a clear stratigraphically substantiated
chronology for the periods from the Neolithic to the end of the Middle Bronze Age. Franken
wanted to do the same for the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I. To do this he had to pick
out another site in the same region, which could provide stratified material that would
continue the chronology established at Jericho (Franken 1969, 2). Though explicitly not
his primary goal, Franken also hoped to excavate a site that could give archaeological
insights into the Israelite arrival into Palestine. If not evident at Jericho, then
perhaps another site close to the Wadi Far’ah might provide this information. Having worked
at Jericho, Franken was trained in the excavation of mud-brick sites. Due to this experience
he was of the opinion that such sites often provide a much greater depth of finely stratified
deposits than stone-built sites. He set out to find a site with mudbrick architecture close
to the Wadi Far’ah, and did so at Tell Deir ‘Alla. Franken had visited Tell Deir ‘Alla
during his travels through the Levant, and became convinced this site held the most
potential for the type of excavation he aspired. The site he had in mind needed to be
big enough to provide representative data from each occupational layer. On the other hand,
it needed to be small enough in order to reach the relevant layers without too much loss of time.
Franken was of the opinion that Tell Deir ‘Alla met both of these requirements, and began
organising the first season of excavation (Steiner and Wagemakers 2018, 43).
2.4 – Excavation strategy and methods
As mentioned above, Franken worked under Dame Kathleen Kenyon at the Jericho
excavations, from 1955 until 1957. During this period Franken familiarised himself with the
then state of the art Wheeler-Kenyon method, and saw its potential for excavations on mudbrick
tell sites. The main principles of the Wheeler-Kenyon method included a focus on the systematic
stratigraphic analysis of both architecture and relating deposits, which were excavated as smaller
units, named ‘Loci’ - or as is the case at Tell Deir ‘Alla - ‘Features’. This method often involved t
he excavation in square trenches placed on a grid, leaving baulks between the individual excavation
trenches. These baulks offered vertical sections of the already excavated deposits, used for
the ongoing interpretation of the excavated stratigraphy. Excavated finds were collected
and registered per feature, which were mapped onto detailed plans. This excavation and registration
method had as benefit the improved definition of the stratigraphy, and a more accurate registration
of the finds. Because of this attention to stratigraphy and find-contexts, this excavation
method aligned with his ambitions to construct a robust pottery chronology for the possible
changes from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age I.
2.4.2 – Field documentation
Each stratigraphic unit, such as soil deposits, pits or walls, was documented as a separate
feature. Each received its own feature code, also referred to as a ‘deposit number’ (Franken 1992, 6).
While topsoil would simply receive the name of the sub-square (for example A100), each following
feature would receive an ascending number (for example A101, A102, A103). Both man-made structures
and individual earth deposits were excavated separately and
documented in this manner. Where possible individual floor layers were also excavated
separately. However, in the case of finely laminated floors and in some cases sequences of thin
soil deposits, this was not deemed practicable and instead a collective feature code was given.
This was indicated through the addition of the letter S to the sub-square code. Features present
in more than one sub-square received a separate number in each sub-square. These were then
linked in the field book. The appearance of said features were recorded per square in a
field notebook, detailing the feature and its relationship to the surrounding archaeology,
and providing simple illustrative sketches. Furthermore, each feature was recorded three
dimensionally, through scaled drawings (sections and plans) provided with elevations.
In addition to the field drawings and description in the field notebooks, black
and white photographs were taken of the most important features. Usually excavation was
paused until the photographs were developed. In certain cases this was not possible,
resulting in the lack of high quality photographs for a number of features. Colour
photos were only made on slides for educational purposes. In the later seasons
pull-offs were successfully made of several
sections.
Minor walls were excavated and drawn upon discovery. Significant earthquake damage was observed
at the site, often affecting the visibility of walls greatly. As such, the original plans often
proved rather misleading. The precise configuration of the walls was often only fully apparent
after complete excavation and examination of the nearest baulks. No heights were
taken of walls on the basis of Franken’s assessment that the stratigraphic positioning of walls
was not necessarily related to such measurements. As the broad exposure of architecture was not
an objective of these early excavations, substantial structures, as well as the directly surrounding
deposits would be left untouched for future systematic excavation. Conveniently, many of
these substantial structures were found along the trench edges and did not obstruct the digging
of the terraces. However, the Late Bronze Age sanctuary proved to fall well within the excavation
area, prompting a revised excavation strategy and extension
of the trenches in 1964.
2.4.4 – Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla after the 1960s
After Franken’s 1967 excavation season, hostilities in the region forced the excavations to
come to a temporary stop. The excavations were renewed as a joint expedition between Leiden
University and the Department of Antiquities of Jordan in 1976 and 1978, led by Franken and
Dr Mo’awiyah Ibrahim (Franken and Ibrahim 1978, 57). Due to the importance
of the abovementioned Aramaic plaster texts found during the 1967 season, these
excavations focussed on the Iron Age II period encountered on the tell’s summit.
This focus on the Iron Age II contexts at Tell Deir ‘Alla was continued by Franken’s
successor on Leiden University’s behalf, Dr Gerrit Van der Kooij, who took over the
excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla from 1979 onwards in co-directorship with
Dr Mo’awiyah Ibrahim from the Department of Antiquities of Jordan. From 1998 the
Tell Deir ‘Alla excavations became a co-directorship between Leiden University and
the Yarmouk University, with Prof Zeidan Kafafi
as co-director of the project. While these excavations focussed largely on the Iron
Age II contexts on the tell’s summit, several trenches were opened on the northern,
eastern, and southern slopes of the site. These trenches yielded Late Bronze Age and
Iron Age I remains, which will be discussed in chapter 4. The excavations at Tell
Deir ‘Alla came to a stop in 2008, marking almost 50 years of ongoing research at
Tell Deir ‘Alla.
3.1 – The Iron Age I
The Iron Age I is a period that is not well understood in the Southern Levant. It follows a
chaotic period, commonly known as the Late Bronze Age collapse (ca. 1200-1130 BCE). What, or
who, exactly caused the onset of this brief but turbulent period is still a matter of debate,
but the results are clear. Numerous cities across the Levant are destroyed within a short time
frame, as is attested by archaeologically traceable destruction layers: “Within a period of
forty to fifty years at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the twelfth century
almost every significant city in the eastern Mediterranean world was destroyed, many of them
never to be occupied again” (Drews 1993, 4). Major sites which are destroyed during this period
are for example Emar, Ras Bassit, Ras Ibn Hani, and Tell Tweini (Cline 2014, 112-113). The
events comprising the Late Bronze Age collapse resulted in the demise of the Mycenaean palace s
ystem, the decline of both the Late Bronze Age Egyptian and Hittite Empires, and the
loss off an intricate economic, political, and culturally connected system of networks
(Killebrew 2014, 595). This series of cataclysmic events was traditionally seen as the end of an
‘Age of Internationalism’, of the ‘heroism’ portrayed in the Iliad, and has been interpreted to
have resulted in the displacement of large groups of peoples (Ibid.).
The successive Iron Age I is traditionally regarded as a period of ‘dark ages’, lasting
for several centuries (Sandars 1978; Wood 1996, 210-259). In this period a shift appears to have taken
place from the complex and interconnected palatial systems of the Late Bronze Age to small
and isolated village structures. However, the Iron Age I has only recently become understood
to be more than only a period of demise, but also a period “characterized by multidirectional
cultural and socio-economic interconnections that preceded and coincided with a more
protracted demise of the Bronze Age” (Killebrew 2014, 595). Furthermore, this period saw
significant societal and political reconfiguration, which is expressed in smaller-scale
connectivity, rather than adhering to the preceding Late Bronze Age internationalism
(Bloch-Smith and Alpert Nakhai 1999, 115). These changes eventually resulted in the
formation of local polities in the Iron Age II Southern Levant, such as the kingdoms of
Ammon, Edom, Israel, Judah, and Moab. This reconfiguration allowed for new traditions
to be developed, old ones to be reinterpreted, new trade routes to be connected, and
new opportunities to be grasped. This period at the turn of the Late Bronze Age and
Iron Age I falls largely in the 12th
century BCE.
3.1.1 – The Iron Age I in the Southern Levant
Following the Late Bronze Age collapse, the Southern Levant appears to have gone through
a hectic period, which included the abandonment of sites, changes in material culture,
and interruptions in trade relations. This period in turn was followed by a
period of reconfiguration, rebuilding, and at certain sites also continuation of older
traditions, all falling roughly in the 12th-10th century BCE. While all of these general
patterns have been attested
in the archaeological record on both sides of the Jordan River, for the area east of the Jordan
River, henceforth referred to as Transjordan, much less is known about this tumultuous period.
The number of excavations on sites with Iron Age I levels in this area remains significantly
lower than in Cisjordan. Larry Herr states in his exploration of the Iron Age I in Transjordan,
that many sites in this region have most likely even been mistakenly identified as Iron Age I.
Several older excavations and surveys tended to misidentify pottery as Iron Age I, when it was
actually Iron Age II (Herr 2014, 650). Of the sites which have been excavated,
a staggering number remains (largely) unpublished, often only accessible through small
numbers of preliminary reports describing what was done during the different seasons of excavations.
This makes any comprehensive studies on Iron Age I settlement dynamics, socio-political changes,
and changes in material culture a difficult endeavour.
Endeavours have been made, however, such as in Bruce Routledge’s book on the archaeology of Moab,
Eveline Van der Steen’s book on the Iron Age I in the Jordan Valley, and Larry Herr’s
chapter on Iron Age I Transjordan (Routledge 2004; Van der Steen 2004; Herr 2014).
Combining the results from these studies on Iron Age I Transjordan, in addition to Ayelet
Gilboa’s synthesis of the Iron Age I period in Cisjordan (Gilboa 2014, 625-626), the following
model could be proposed for the Iron Age I Southern Levant.
Abandonment, destruction, and resettlement: change
Several sites in the Jordan Valley appear to be abandoned, or have been abandoned,
and subsequently resettled in the period of the 12th century BCE. Clear evidence
for this pattern is attested at Tell Deir ‘Alla. During the Late Bronze
Age Tell Deir ‘Alla housed an extraordinarily substantial religious structure,
or sanctuary. This sanctuary had been built already during the Middle Bronze Age,
on an artificially levelled platform. It consisted of a
central cella, which functioned as the ‘holy of holies’ of the sanctuary, and was
flanked by several store-rooms which contained ceremonial and functional pottery, of both local
and imported Aegean origin, imported objects such as cylinder seals, and inscribed tablets.
The sanctuary’s architecture shows features of Egyptian building characteristics,
comparable to the Fosse Temple at Lachish (Franken 1961, 365). Based on these
characteristics, it was postulated that the sanctuary possibly functioned as a
hub for a regional market-economy (Franken 1992, 178), trading between the Jordan Valley,
Egypt, and possibly Syria and Lebanon. Somewhere after 1180 BCE the temple was destroyed
most likely by an earthquake. The specific date was attested by the terminus post quem
provided by a cartouche of Queen Taousert from the latest layers of the temple. This
destruction event is witnessed in a clearly recognisable destruction layer, with mud-bricks
burnt to a degree of vitrification (Franken 1961, 367). This event did not cause the
inhabitants to abandon the site immediately, however, as it is apparent from the
archaeological record that attempts were made to rebuild parts of the sanctuary, and
possibly salvage some of the temple’s inventory (Franken 1969, 20). Another fire resulted
in the end of this phase, and the site was briefly abandoned. However, this abandonment
phase did not last long, as on top of the debris from the Late Bronze Age sanctuary
a series of industrial installations were built. Franken suggests that this was done
by a group of newcomers, as mentioned above, largely on the basis of a new pottery
repertoire unlike that of the Late Bronze Age inhabitants (Franken 1969, 20-21).
These phases, Franken’s Phases A-D, fall somewhere in the second half of the 12th century BCE.
These phases have been published, but largely limited to the analysis of the pottery
chronology (Franken 1969).
At Pella there is a similar situation as seen at Tell Deir 'Alla, namely destruction and resettlement,
but not abandonment. Pella, or Tabaqat Fahl, is a 30-meter-high mound located at the edge of the eastern
foothills of the Jordan Valley. It hosted very substa ntial Middle to Late Bronze Age city, which is
mentioned in the Amarna letters. Excavations atthe site yielded multi-roomed Late Bronze Age, Pella Phase IA,
domestic structures, a multi-roomed courtyard building, as well as a 'Governor's Residence', an
administrational/palatial residence of significant size (Bourke 1997, 108). Finds from these buildings
include imported Aegean pottery, lapis lazuli, and cuneiform tablets, indicative of long-distance trade.
Furthermore, a stone-built Migdol Temple was excavated measuring around 35 x 20 meters, making it one of
the largest such temples in the Southern Levant (Bourke and da Costa in Egan and Bikai 1999, 495). Finds
from this temple include ivory and faience furniture inlays, faience, carnelian, and lapis lazuli beads,
a bronze spearhead, and a ritual ceramic bowl (Ibid.). It was likely constructed around 1450 BCE, and
continually used until its destruction in the 9th century BCE, although its shape changed significantly
overtime. To the west of this substantial temple was another large building, with heavy walls made from
mudbrick. This building, postulated to have been constructed around 1300 BCE, contained numerous storage
jars, cooking vessels, and drinking vessels, leading t he excavators to assume it was a public building,
possibly for the Iron Age rulers of the town. It was most likely destroyed around 850 BCE. While these
large buildings appear to have been used continuously throughout the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I,
this did not happen without incident. The entire excavated area is marked by an "extensive fierydestruction"
dating to the 12th century BCE, Pella Phase O (Bourke 1997, 110). While Pella does not seem to have been
abandoned after this heavy conflagration, the quality of attempted repairs at the site indicate it had
significantly declined in its critical faculties, and is left a fairly modest village. Interestingly,
one of the buildings from this phase contained a foundation deposit of six 'lamp and bowls', a pottery
vessel typical for the 12th century BCE (Ibid., 113). Pella is still awaiting a final comprehensive
publication, so unfortunately one must err on the side of caution with most of the published contexts.
Another site which does have evidence for abandonment, is Tell Abu al-Kharaz. This site, located just
north of the perennial Wadi al-Yabis, appears to have been continuously occupied from the Early Bronze
Age throughout the Late Bronze Age, during which there was a large fortified city. Then, from the Late
Bronze Age to the late Iron Age I, there was a sudden break in the site's occupation. This lacuna is
postulated to have been caused by a destruction event, but the precise dating of this event is not
without complications. While the final Bronze Age phase, Tell Abu al-Kharaz phase VIII, is known to
start around 1350 BCE, the exact end of this phase is unknown due to disturbances in the stratigraphy
by later Iron Age occupation. As such, dating the destruction layer causing the lacuna is difficult.
However, it is clear that the site wasn't occupied again until the late Iron Age I, around 1100 BCE
(Fischer and Burge 2013b, 309). Although the precise dating remains an issue, there is a clear occupational
gap during the 12th century BCE, the period in which both Tell Deir 'Alla and Pella are destroyed and
subsequently resettled. Tell Abu al-Kharaz is well published, with comprehensive final publications on
the Early- and Late Bronze Age and Iron Age layers (Fischer 2006; Fischer 2008; Fischer, 2014).
While not entirely fitting with the sites described above, the Tell es-Sa'idiyeh cemetery shows evidence
for change in a different way. Tell es-Sa'idiyeh is a substantial tell site to the northwest of Tell
Deir 'Alla, and at only 1.8 km from the Jordan River, close to the katar. It rises some 40 meters
above the surface, and consists of an upper and a lower mound. On the lower mound an impressive
cemetery was encountered, yielding around 500 individually numbered burial installations (Green 2013, 420).
These date from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Iron Age I. These burials show evidence of
local burial customs (consisting of rectangular or oval pits sometimes lined with mud-bricks),
as well as burials in ceramic jars (single jars with interred children and double-pithos burials
containing adults). Interestingly, the latter of these burials, and only the latter, were robbed in
antiquity. Among the burials were signs of attempted mummification using bitumen, dressing and
ornamenting the body, as well as secondary treatment of burials (Green 2006, 243-261). Burials
yielded numerous artefacts pointing to wealth, social expression, and long-distance trading,
such as metal scarab-rings, lotus-vessel pendants, scaraboids, electrum toggle-pins, necklaces,
(ankle) bracelets, bronze weapons, bronze 'wine sets', and finger-rings (Ibid., 422-427; Tubb
1988b, 58-65). The cemetery is published extensively by Jack Green (e.g. Green 2006; Green 2007;
Green 2009; Green 2010; Green 2013; Green 2014), who established that the burial record could be
used to identify social changes during the end of the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I. For example,
based on a study of which individuals wore certain personal adornments, he was able to reconstruct a
possible shift in kinship structure towards the Iron Age I, with a "shift to a more patriarchal
society in the Early Iron Age" (Green 2007, 303-304). Other than kinship, a preference in burial
goods seems to have shifted as well, where Egyptian-style beads in the Iron Age I were usually
interred with children, whereas in the Late Bronze Age burials they usually accompany adults (Green 2013, 427).
Flower structures are typical features of wrench fault zones.Identification is
based on differences in their internal structural architecture.Negative and Positive Flower Structures are widely known in Paleoseismology. Huang and Liu (2017) proposed a model of a 3rd type of flower structure - the Hybrid Flower Structure. All 3 types of flower structures are summarized below:
Phase | Equivalent Phase | Age | Discussion |
---|---|---|---|
I | The medieval arabic graveyard on top of the tell was touched in the baulks only. Some of the graves, excavated before, were still partly left in them. One complete, though damaged, grave with a main part of the skeleton was found in the 1.5 m wide N - baulk of B/B5, on top of the remnants of the phase V E - W wall. The skeleton had at its feet a small stone, artefact with a waist-like middle part. |
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II | The characteristic pits of this phase were found in some of the baulks (partly) as well as probably in square B/C8. Substantial work on this phase was done in B/A9 and 10, in excavating the very large pit which was discovered in 1978 already. This pit (deposit nr. B/A 10.6) turned out to be partly 2.75 m deep. Large portions of the thick accumulation of red-brown courtyard layers of phase IV, through which this pit had been dug and which formed the edge of it, were broken off and fallen down into the pit, partly together with other fill. The reason for making this pit is still obscure. One might think of digging away the plant remains of phase IV as manure, but the pit went considerably below that phase as well. |
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III | not earlier than 4th c. BCE | The remnants of this phase are of the last building activities (as far as the evidence goes until now), which took place on the tell. Wall parts of a large building were found in 1978 right on top of the mound. Outside this building no architectural remains of this phase could be discerned. The walls and floors found in squares B/A 5 and 6, and B/B 5 and 6 in 1978, and previously attributed to phase III have to be connected with phase V. This gives a change in date attribution of this phase: not earlier than the 4th cent. B. C. |
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IV | The thick accumulation of red-brown plant matter, mixed with some earth ("courtyard layers") was dug away again on several places, especially in the baulks. Again no walls were found associated with these layers during this phase. At places it is clear that some irregular pits were made during the accumulation and filled again with the same kind of layers. Human activity during the accumulation is also clear from some pots and many potsherds found in the layers, and also from a sherd with some aramaic ink writing on it (It is a sherd of a jar written below the handle). However the sherd was found without any other sherd of the same jar around. |
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V | 5th/early 4th c. B.C. | Most of phase V had been excavated in the two previous seasons already. Some architecture was found as well as court¬yards with pits (silo's). See op. cit p. 70 fig 9. However several lacunae in the walls still existed. The walls in squares B/A5 and 6 and B/B5 and 6 had been built in the phase between V and VI (see below) and rebuilt (reused) in phase V. Wall B/A5.1 was a re-use of wall B/A5. 21, 29, 30, going together with B/A6.1 on top of B/A6.33. B/A5 and 6.1 had been attributed to phase III in the previous report. On the other hand a 10 m long wall, discovered in the N. baulks of B/B5 and 6 was contemporary with N-S wall B/A5.2, so belonging to phase V. Peculiar in this E-W wall was that a large stone with a cavity (for grinding?) was found in its foundation. The wall was well preserved with its one, partly two, rows of foundation stones, and four, partly five, courses of mudbrick left. |
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V/VI | around 600 BCE | Additional phase between V and VI - We had to decide to establish an intermediate phase to account for several courtyard layers, many pits and a reappraisal of the stratigraphy of the architectural evidence in squares B/A5 and 6 and B/B5 and 6. The architecture to be attributed to this phase is limited to the W. part of the excavated area, as it has been drawn in op.cit. p. 70, fig. 9, as attributed to phase V. Cf. Pl. XI for stone foundation of walls B/A5, 15, and 29. This phase started with digging away much of the preceding phase VI, e. g. in B/A8 and 9 and B/B8 and 9 (See section drawing fig. 3,and plan drawing of phase VI, fig. 4). This digging was possibly done in order to obtain clay for building. During the existence of this additional phase several other pits were made, e.g. in B/B9 and B/C8 (cf. Pl. XVIII). Some of them were filled with the same burnt debris of phase VI as was taken out. |
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VI | ~600 BCE | In addition to the architecture found in 1976/78 some more walls of phase VI were unearthed this season. See plan drawing (fig. 4), and see also plan drawing, (fig. 10) in the previous report. The architectural remains are still very fragmentary due to the large scale pit digging during subsequent phases. Most of these later pits are indicated on the plan drawing. The largest one is in the SW half of square B/B9 and the bordering squares (see also section drawing, fig. 3). It has a diameter of about 5.5 m. Phase VI itself had started with a large scale digging too. This is clear in squares B/B5 & 6. Much of the solid clay deposits of phase VII had been removed, and the resulting "pits" have been filled again with debris dump. Many sheep or goat bones were found on a surface in the lower part of this dump (Pl. XIII). There had been some leveling as well, and it is worth noticing that in most squares the surface of the beginning of phase VI was at about the same level (c. -202.40 m). |
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VII | B | ~700 BCE | Phase VII is up to now represented by solid courtyard layers of clay in squares B/B5 and 6 as well as normal wash and courtyard layers in B/C7 and 8 and B/A7. In B/A8 also stones are involved, out no clear wall foundation. The clay deposits in B/B6 are especially interesting, because they have many holes of pointed poles in and below the floors, (see Pl. XX, 1). The unexpected identity of the holes was understood by the fact that the object that had made them had pressed the clay layers in which it came sideward and downward. The poles had been standing close together in a certain order, but not all at the same time. The precise function of them remains obscure. Further digging more to the S may give clear suggestions. |
VIII | The 8th phase has been touched in B/C6 7 and 8 only. There appears a very shallow remnant of it. The main feature is an almost 7 m. long double row of mudbricks (size 40 X 55 X 10 cm) going E-W, with in B/C6 a double N-S row of mudbricks making a corner. In B/C6 the rows have two courses of bricks each, and the bricks are made of the local yellow banded clay. It seems that the rows of bricks are two courses high everywhere. This would possibly mean that the brick-made construction had not been built higher originally, whatever its function might have been. |
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IX | M | 8th century BCE | This phase IX is the same as phase M in previous countings. Much of it had been excavated in 1967 in an area of c. 25 X 25 m NW of the trenches dug during the last three seasons. Much of the architecture had been revealed, and some of it has been published preliminary in J. Hoftijzer, G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alla, Leiden, 1976, (Pls. 16-19) and in A.D.A J. op. cit. 1978, p. 64, fig. 6 (square B/C5). During this season excavations of phase M were done in one square only, namely in B/C6, to the E of B/C5, labelled EE 400 and EE 300 respectively in 1967. In 1967 it became clear that all the phase M architecture excavated had been destroyed by earth-shock and fire . The room found in B/C6 was destroyed by fire too. |
Phase | Equivalent Phase | Age | Discussion |
---|---|---|---|
X and XI | D | 1200 - 950 BCE ? | Equating X and XI with D comes from Van der Kooij (2006) |
XII | E | ends c. 1200 BCE | Equating XII with E comes from Van der Kooij (2006) |
XIII | H/G/F | Equating XIII with H/G/F comes from Van der Kooij (2006) |
Franken published a list of deposits relating to Phase B in the 1969 publication, which is summarised below for Trench D
17 There are some occupational lacunae during the Iron Age.
Phase | Period | Dates | Discussion |
---|---|---|---|
1-3 | MB II /III | see Table 10 - -The phases of the first settlement are Phases 1-3.
The first settlement was established on a low natural hill. Drill holes
and excavations suggested that the natural hill was probably limited
to what is at present the eastern and middle part of the tell. The small
excavated parts of the first settlement show quite solid mudbrick architecture
with walls of 1.0-1.5 m width, and with courtyards. One of the courtyards
includes a cooking area with bread ovens and often ash-rich occupation debris.
The well-constructed buildings had several rooms which show various
orientations in the different areas excavated. The function of the rooms
is not yet clear. A bent trident and a spearhead were found at the bottom
of a stone-lined pit in a niche-like space. The intentional deposition of
the disabled tools may point to cultic practices, although there are no
other indications of sacral activities. The distribution of the finds
suggests a minimum settlement size of approx. 200 X 100 m. There is a
possibility that the settlement was — at some stage — surrounded by an
earthen rampart, of which the northern part was turned into a terrace
to give an elevated position for the temple later on (see below).
A shaft-hole axe on a stone-paved area was found in the latest phase
of the Middle Bronze Age. The pottery from the first settlement (Phases 1-3) includes Chocolate-on-White, represented by a bowl with pronounced carination, and Tell el-Yahudiyeh Ware. Common ware bowls, too, show carinations, of various shapes but usually rather pronounced. Another shape is a bowl with a profile resembling that of the Eggshell Ware, a sub-group of the Chocolate-on-White Ware (Fischer in this volume), viz. a flaring S-shape. Cooking pots from the first settlement are of the "hole-mouth type" with some variations which mainly concern the stance of the rim, the earliest showing an inwardly curved upper part with a folded-over or thickened rim (Types 1-3). The other cooking pot types, with the typical flaring rim, with a number of variations (Type 4 and subtypes) also occurred. This type dominated during the entire Late Bronze Age. A Cypriote White Slip II bowl is obviously an intrusive find. |
|
4-13 | LB I-II | The Late Bronze Age is divided into Phases 4-13. Additional field work and
studies are necessary in order to evaluate the characteristics of the various
Late Bronze Age phases. These phases show local collapse and rebuilding processes,
but not necessarily any large-scale destruction during the Late Bronze Age nor a
prolonged period of erosion except for the general destruction very likely caused
by an earthquake which brought Phase 12 (= E) to an end. It appears that the
habitation was more or less continuous for some three centuries, though
decreasing in size (indicated in the SSW quarter), until Phase 12, when it expanded again. A new settlement was built on the levelled surface of the MB occupation and the elevated extension to the North was created. Thinner walls and differently oriented buildings are typical. The buildings on "the terrace" include a temple compound which was apparently built in the first LB phase. The following settlement phases are represented in various areas. However, the excavated spaces are too small to allow any precise synchronization of these areas, which are spread all over the tell. The size of the Late Bronze Age settlement is approximately 200 x 150 m but it might have been as much as 250 x 200 m, thus including the extensions of the tell at its base. During the next phases the settlement was reduced in size. The only part where the pottery from the Late Bronze Age phases has been diachronically studied is the trench in the temple. In the following Franken's phasing system of the trench is used for the assemblage description and preliminarily equated with van der Kooij's attempted general phasing system from Table 10 in Chapter 3. The Phase A (= tentatively general phase 5) assemblage consists mainly of shallow bowls, with several of them on a high foot, and carinated deep bowls, with some on a high foot, as well as some lamps (shallow and lightly spouted), and an unparalleled jar. All bowls are slipped, generally on the interior and exterior, often with a white/cream slip first and a pink slip over it, but not burnished. Furthermore they are all decorated with reddish-brown paint — except for one which has black paint — using motifs of lines, geometric patterns and some figurative patterns. The sherds also include a few cooking pots of Type 4c. The smaller assemblage from Phase B (= tentatively general phase 7) includes the same variety of bowls, with the same slip and decoration. There are also two sherds with bichrome decoration. The assemblage includes the cooking pot type with the flaring rim, in addition to the vertical double-folded-rim type that is characteristic for the final part of the Late Bronze Age. The small amount of pottery from Phases C and D (= tentatively general phases 8-10) includes a lamp, more pinched than the earlier examples, and the few cooking pot rim sherds seem again to represent the two types mentioned above in the description of Phase B. Both the white and the pink slip (wash) are used, but not together, and many shallow bowls and other shapes are not slipped at all. Reddish-brown line/band decorations are sometimes used but often without a slipped surface, which also applies to the one bichrome (red and black) example. Examples of imported pottery from the N slope are Cypriote White Slip II fragments which according to parallels from Tell el-'Ajjul H2 belong to the category "early — mature" (LB IC — Late Cypriote (LC) IIA-B — middle-later part of the 18th Dynasty as synchronised; see FISCHER 2003a: 277, fig. 5:3). Another fairly good parallel is the complete bowl from the Phase VII temple of Tell Abu al-Kharaz in Area 2 with approximately the same synchronized date (Fischer in this volume). Other artefacts with possible links to Egypt were unfortunately found in Iron Age contexts. The first is a rectangular seal stone with the name of Ramesses II. The second is a scarab with the cartouche of Tuthmosis III. |
|
12-13 | The final Late Bronze Age | The final phases of the Late Bronze Age settlement can be easily recognized by a
destruction layer which brought Phase 12 (= Franken's phase E) to an end. The size
of this final-LB settlement is a minimum of 125 m x 175 m. The settlement includes
a religious quarter to the north, domestic parts to the south (and west) and an
industrial and store or trade quarter further south. The destruction is dated to
the period of Pharaoh Tausret's short reign or shortly thereafter. The Phase 12 settlement
is characterized by a general extension of the area of the settlement which now includes
a kind of industrial quarter. No town wall seems to have been built. Phase 13 represents
some rebuilding attempts which also were destroyed by fire. The pottery from the last two Late Bronze Age phases is abundant and many complete vessels were discovered. The pottery assemblages from Phases 12 and 13 are not clearly differentiated. They mainly include several sizes of shallow bowls, some deep bowls, handled kraters, wide jugs, small jugs, dipper juglets, egg-shaped jars and pithoi with collared rim, as well as high footed bowls, goblets, pilgrim flasks and fenestrated pots. Most of them are not decorated. Some differences between the pre-Phase 12 (E) and Phase 12 (E) pottery are: white and pinkish-white slipped ware is much less present in the Phase E assemblage. The cooking pot type which already started in Phase 7 (B) is the only type prevailing in Phases 12 (E) and 13 (F) and the dominant type during the first part of the Iron Age. The assemblage of the post-Phase 12 (E) pottery is identical with that of the previous phase and includes the collared-rim pithos. Imported pottery is represented by five small storage vessels of Mycenaean origin. Typologically they belong to the LB IIIA2-B. Other artefacts include six complete and incomplete clay tablets which have not yet been deciphered. There is also the faience vase already mentioned, with the cartouche of Pharaoh Tausret and a bulla with the name of Tuthmosis III (!), which was used during Phase 12/13. A large jar stopper with the impression of a big seal, bearing apparently Egyptian signs, has not yet been deciphered. The vase with Tawosret's name from Phase E/12 provides a historical link. |
Age | Dates | Comments |
---|---|---|
Early Bronze IA-B | 3300-3000 BCE | |
Early Bronze II | 3000-2700 BCE | |
Early Bronze III | 2700-2200 BCE | |
Middle Bronze I | 2200-2000 BCE | EB IV - Intermediate Bronze |
Middle Bronze IIA | 2000-1750 BCE | |
Middle Bronze IIB | 1750-1550 BCE | |
Late Bronze I | 1550-1400 BCE | |
Late Bronze IIA | 1400-1300 BCE | |
Late Bronze IIB | 1300-1200 BCE | |
Iron IA | 1200-1150 BCE | |
Iron IB | 1150-1100 BCE | |
Iron IIA | 1000-900 BCE | |
Iron IIB | 900-700 BCE | |
Iron IIC | 700-586 BCE | |
Babylonian & Persian | 586-332 BCE | |
Early Hellenistic | 332-167 BCE | |
Late Hellenistic | 167-37 BCE | |
Early Roman | 37 BCE - 132 CE | |
Herodian | 37 BCE - 70 CE | |
Late Roman | 132-324 CE | |
Byzantine | 324-638 CE | |
Early Arab | 638-1099 CE | Umayyad & Abbasid |
Crusader & Ayyubid | 1099-1291 CE | |
Late Arab | 1291-1516 CE | Fatimid & Mameluke |
Ottoman | 1516-1917 CE | |
Phase | Dates | Variants |
---|---|---|
Early Bronze IA-B | 3400-3100 BCE | |
Early Bronze II | 3100-2650 BCE | |
Early Bronze III | 2650-2300 BCE | |
Early Bronze IVA-C | 2300-2000 BCE | Intermediate Early-Middle Bronze, Middle Bronze I |
Middle Bronze I | 2000-1800 BCE | Middle Bronze IIA |
Middle Bronze II | 1800-1650 BCE | Middle Bronze IIB |
Middle Bronze III | 1650-1500 BCE | Middle Bronze IIC |
Late Bronze IA | 1500-1450 BCE | |
Late Bronze IIB | 1450-1400 BCE | |
Late Bronze IIA | 1400-1300 BCE | |
Late Bronze IIB | 1300-1200 BCE | |
Iron IA | 1200-1125 BCE | |
Iron IB | 1125-1000 BCE | |
Iron IC | 1000-925 BCE | Iron IIA |
Iron IIA | 925-722 BCE | Iron IIB |
Iron IIB | 722-586 BCE | Iron IIC |
Iron III | 586-520 BCE | Neo-Babylonian |
Early Persian | 520-450 BCE | |
Late Persian | 450-332 BCE | |
Early Hellenistic | 332-200 BCE | |
Late Hellenistic | 200-63 BCE | |
Early Roman | 63 BCE - 135 CE | |
Middle Roman | 135-250 CE | |
Late Roman | 250-363 CE | |
Early Byzantine | 363-460 CE | |
Late Byzantine | 460-638 CE | |
Early Arab | 638-1099 CE | |
Crusader & Ayyubid | 1099-1291 CE | |
Late Arab | 1291-1516 CE | |
Ottoman | 1516-1917 CE | |
Archaeological Period | Dates BCE |
---|---|
Late Bronze Age | 3000-1200 |
Iron Age I | 1200-1000 |
Iron Age II | 1000-550 |
Plate VIb from Franken (1969)
shows what looks like seismic deformation of Late Bronze Age Deposits which were burned and then overlain
by the Iron Age I deposits of Phase A.
Raphael and Agnon (2018:775), while citing
Franken (1992:6-9), may refer to this as a Phase E earthquake in LB II (Late Bronze II).
Kafafi and van der Kooij (2013:Fig. 1) indicate that Phase E ended ~1200 BCE
in LB II right before the start of the Iron Age.
LB II (1400-1200 BCE)
3. The South Foot of the Tall
was destroyed most likely by an earthquakein Iron Age I sometime after 1180 BCE. This terminus post quem was attested
by a cartouche of Queen Taousert [r. 1191-1189 BCE] from the latest layers of the temple.Halbertsma (2019:55) noted that the
destruction event is witnessed in a clearly recognisable destruction layer, with mud-bricks burnt to a degree of vitrification (Franken 1961, 367).In fact, photographs from the excavations show the type of deformation one expects to find in a paleoseismic trench including a flower structure in Trench D100 (Fig. 21). Halbertsma (2019:55) notes that
this event did not cause the inhabitants to abandon the site immediately, however, as it is apparent from the archaeological record that attempts were made to rebuild parts of the sanctuary, and possibly salvage some of the temple’s inventory (Franken 1969, 20). But,
another fire resulted in the end of this phase, and the site was briefly abandoned.After the abandonment phase
a series of industrial installations were builton top of the debris of the sanctuary. The new occupants left different types of pottery which allowed the Phase B destruction event to be dated to the 2nd half of the 12th century BCE.
Flower structures are typical features of wrench fault zones.Identification is
based on differences in their internal structural architecture.Negative and Positive Flower Structures are widely known in Paleoseismology. Huang and Liu (2017) proposed a model of a 3rd type of flower structure - the Hybrid Flower Structure. All 3 types of flower structures are summarized below:
Archaeological Period | Dates BCE |
---|---|
Late Bronze Age | 3000-1200 |
Iron Age I | 1200-1000 |
Iron Age II | 1000-550 |
1.1.2 — The Iron Age I deposits at Tell Deir 'Alla
... the Iron Age I remains at Tell Deir ‘Alla consist of no less than 4 meters of
well-documented accumulated archaeological deposits. These deposits contain
significant architectural features, as well as a wealth of finds such as figurines,
ornamental pottery, bronze objects, and personal ornaments. As mentioned above,
these Iron Age I deposits have been thoroughly documented, but were published
focussing more on the pottery chronology (Franken 1969).
... Abandonment, destruction, and resettlement: change
Several sites in the Jordan Valley appear to be abandoned, or have been abandoned,
and subsequently resettled in the period of the 12th century BCE. Clear evidence
for this pattern is attested at Tell Deir ‘Alla. During the Late Bronze
Age Tell Deir ‘Alla housed an extraordinarily substantial religious structure,
or sanctuary. This sanctuary had been built already during the Middle Bronze Age,
on an artificially levelled platform. It consisted of a
central cella, which functioned as the ‘holy of holies’ of the sanctuary, and was
flanked by several store-rooms which contained ceremonial and functional pottery, of both local
and imported Aegean origin, imported objects such as cylinder seals, and inscribed tablets.
The sanctuary’s architecture shows features of Egyptian building characteristics,
comparable to the Fosse Temple at Lachish (Franken 1961, 365). Based on these
characteristics, it was postulated that the sanctuary possibly functioned as a
hub for a regional market-economy (Franken 1992, 178), trading between the Jordan Valley,
Egypt, and possibly Syria and Lebanon. Somewhere after 1180 BCE the temple was destroyed
most likely by an earthquake. The specific date was attested by the terminus post quem
provided by a cartouche of Queen Taousert from the latest layers of the temple. This
destruction event is witnessed in a clearly recognisable destruction layer, with mud-bricks
burnt to a degree of vitrification (Franken 1961, 367). This event did not cause the
inhabitants to abandon the site immediately, however, as it is apparent from the
archaeological record that attempts were made to rebuild parts of the sanctuary, and
possibly salvage some of the temple’s inventory (Franken 1969, 20). Another fire resulted
in the end of this phase, and the site was briefly abandoned. However, this abandonment
phase did not last long, as on top of the debris from the Late Bronze Age sanctuary
a series of industrial installations were built. Franken suggests that this was done
by a group of newcomers, as mentioned above, largely on the basis of a new pottery
repertoire unlike that of the Late Bronze Age inhabitants (Franken 1969, 20-21).
These phases, Franken’s Phases A-D, fall somewhere in the second half of the 12th century BCE.
These phases have been published, but largely limited to the analysis of the pottery
chronology (Franken 1969).
... Tell Deir ‘Alla Phase B belongs to the so-called ‘first period’
(phases A-D as published by Franken (1969, 33)), a period attributed to
semi-nomadic habitation of the mound following the Late Bronze Age destruction
(e.g. Franken 1969, 38; Van der Steen 1996,
68). In general terms the period is characterised by a limited amount of architecture, a large
quantity of dug pits, and accumulations of courtyard layers. This ‘first period’
started with the repurposing of the remaining standing architecture of the LBA [Late Bronze Age]
sanctuary, possibly for shelter.
4.1.1 — Tell Deir 'Alla during the 'First Period'
Franken subdivided the stratigraphy of the Iron Age I at Tell Deir 'Alla in two main periods:
the 'First Period' (Phases A-D), and the 'Second Period' (Phases E-M). The former, which is
the focal point of this thesis, begins when the remaining Late Bronze Age architecture
was used for 'squatter' habitation (Phase A). The remains of the Late Bronze Age sanctuary
were cut into, as attested by many dug pits and a large depression of around 2 meters deep. These
features gradually filled back up with wash layers containing Iron Age I pottery, but were still
intermixed with Late Bronze Age pottery. Franken attributes this to the digging activities at
the site, which resulted in the inclusion of Late Bronze Age material in the Iron Age
I assemblage. The large 2 meter deep depression was, according to Franken, used for storage
of fuel such as brushwood. This fuel caught fire and burnt over at least the entire excavated
area, resulting in ashy patches of a white and pink colour, sometimes as much as 20 cm thick.
This fire caused the last standing architecture from the Late Bronze Age to collapse, and
subsequently wash over the accumulated Iron Age I layers (Franken 1969, 33-34).
In Franken’s publication of the Iron Age I stratigraphy, this is where Phase B starts.
A sequence of three installations positioned one atop the other were observed, with possible
evidence for at least one more directly north of the former three, dating to Phase B (Franken 1969, 36-37).
According to Franken, these installations were enclosed by four mud-brick
walls, creating a square shape (see figures 26 and 27). The original inside width of the
installations was approximately 2 meters. Excavating this phase proved somewhat
problematic due to several substantial cracks running through this area (see figure 21),
causing the stratigraphy to sink at several places. Franken notes that the cracks would dry
out during the excavation, causing the soil to shift up to 20 cm (Franken 1960, 389; Franken 1969, 38).
After the last use-phase of the Phase B installations, they were destroyed. Subsequently,
numerous small layers began to cover the installations, marking the beginning of Franken’s
Phase C. While two new walls were built on the remains of the installations, it is unclear
what how they can be interpreted. This area in Trench D was heavily weathered due to
its proximity to the tell’s surface. Numerous layers containing burnt clay are deposited,
often with pits dug into them.
4.2 Stratigraphic analysis of the Phase B excavation trenches
A starting point had to be defined to begin working with the Tell Deir 'Alla archive
and explore its potential. To this end a well-defined context had to be chosen,
small enough to allow the author to investigate it in the span of this MPhil
research, and significant enough to contribute to the current scientific discourses.
The Phase B installations met these criteria, and therefore were chosen as a 'pilot study'
for the current research. As the Phase B installations fall largely within two trenches,
Trenches D100 and D500, and the overall chronology of Phase B is most clearly represented
here, this provided a well-defined and manageable starting point. As mentioned above, the
relevance of these installations for the Iron Age I Jordan Valley made these all the more
appealing. While they are discussed in the literature, their archaeological contexts haven't
been fully published yet. While it still proved a substantial task to get fully familiarised
with the excavation system and the documentation, the selection of the Phase B installations
as the focal point of the current research and the limiting of the analysis of the stratigraphy
to these two trenches, provided a realistic starting point for working with the Tell Deir 'Alla archive.
In this section a detailed analysis of the stratigraphy of the Phase B installations will be provided.
As mentioned above, the preceding Phase A is very clearly visible in the stratigraphy. It appears as
a dense sequence of wash layers, as described by Franken. In the subsequent period many changes occur,
as suddenly various phases of building activities can be observed. Franken already reflected this in a
change of stratigraphic phase, ascribing the subsequent phase as Phase B. This division still holds true,
which is why it will be adopted in this thesis.
4.2.1 — Data from the archive
While nothing is guaranteed when working with old archives, a surprising amount of data concerning the
Phase B installations could be retrieved. Apparently, Franken had already realised in the field how important
the Phase B installations would become, as these features are covered relatively generously in the archive.
Numerous photos document the features, as well as various drawings, sections, and sketches in the fieldnotes
by Franken himself. Apart from the usual drawings, which were made for every excavated square, smaller and
targeted top-plans and cross-sections were also drawn. Below is a summary of what the archive contains
regarding the Phase B installations.
Sections
As was usual for every excavated Trench, all the sections in the sub-squares of
D100 and D500 were drawn. However, due to the steep slope towards the north of
trench D no north-section was made for sub-square D100. This was not unusual,
as Franken applied the 'walking baulk' method described in chapter 2. Instead,
the south section from adjoining square D500 is referred to, as an 'inverted'
north section for square D100, and is documented as drawing Dllb (see figure 22).
The regular section drawings for sub-square D100 are DI (the large eastern section
covering the entirety of Trench D, see figure 9 and figure 24), DII a (the south section),
and DIII (the west section, see figure 25). Apart from the regular section drawings,
which were made for every excavated square, smaller cross-sections of soundings made
to clarify the stratigraphy were also drawn.
Top-plans
As with the section drawings, Trench D100 had several major top-plans, being D1, D2, D3, and D4.
These top-plans all portray the Phase B installations, in various stages of the excavation process.
D4, for example, shows the situation when the installation are encountered. D2 shows remains of the
first use of Phase B, as well as some Late Bronze Age architecture. D3 shows the first installation
(see figure 26), and D1 the latest (see figure 27). Other than these drawings, which were made in
the field, summarizing drawings were made combining all of the top-plans. In these the furnaces
are plotted one atop the other. Other than these drawings, the archive also contained several
smaller top-plans from Phase B. These are often difficult to trace back to their stratigraphic
location, as not all of them contain clear measurements forthe grid system.
Fieldnotes
The fieldnotes relating to Trenches D100 and D500 are in one single notebook.
The fieldnotes were written by Prof Dr H. Brunsting, a Dutch archaeologist,
who was the sole supervisor of the excavations of Phase B in Trench D (see figure 19).
The fieldnotes pertaining to Phase B were written between 8 February and 27 March 1960,
indicating it was excavated over the period of roughly a month and a half. The fieldnotes
vary in quality and content, with certain deposits being described in much greater detail
than others. References are made to the section drawings and top-plans, and certain sketches
and excavation strategies explain decisions made in the field. The overwhelming majority of
the fieldnotes, however, describe very briefly what work was done in what area of the trench.
This leaves out descriptions of the deposits that were excavated, as well as the precise
location of many finds, complicating stratigraphic analyses.
... Photographs
Thus far a total of 55 separate photo’s portraying information from Phase B in Trench D have
been recovered. They vary in quality, and it is apparent that several times multiple
photographs were shot of the same feature at more or less the same angle. These were likely
made with the ‘Miranda’ camera (see figure 18), which often required taking several of the
same shots to ensure a positive outcome when processing the negatives. The majority of these
photographs capture one or more aspects of the Phase B installations, indicating these
were a clear priority for the excavators.
... 4.2.2 – Franken’s publication of Phase B
In the 1969 publication, Franken published his stratigraphic interpretation of Phase B
(Franken 1969, 36-40). While he published several top-plans, as well as a cross section of the
installations, these were summaries of the actual drawings. Franken’s main goal for the 1969
publication was to publish the pottery chronology, which should be kept in mind when interpreting
the stratigraphy on that basis. He published the walls with different numbers than the ones used in
the field, but did keep the original deposit numbers. This makes retracing his steps somewhat
complicated, as the variety of numbers in the 1969 publication do not reflect the documentation
in the archive, which is less detailed.
Franken identified 5 sub-phases in Phase B, based on the stratigraphy. These cover the entire period
that the furnaces were in use, the first of which he postulates was likely built in the very last part
of Phase A. He notes that the east, west, and south walls of the installations form the installations'
shape, which stays more or less the samethroughout Phase B. Franken recognised three separate installations,
but the first one was dug through a possible earlier one constructed in Phase A. As such, a sequence of 4
installations was recognised, all constructed one atop the other. The exact outline and location of the
phase A installation could not be retraced, but the walls from the first Phase B installation were cut
down into the older walls.
The installations do vary somewhat in shape. The first one, D153, appears to have two small
and narrow openings protruding towards the north. The opening was wider for the second installation,
but for the third installation appeared blocked. These openings appeared to shift slightly
northward with each new building phase. Stones were incorporated into the walls of the chambers
of the first installation. These stones had split from heat exposure, and were coloured dark red.
The consistency of the floors was hard, and they'd burnt to a depth of ca 5 cm. Burnt clay made up
the fill beneath the installations, and the soil around them contained burnt clay particles and
"many tiny drops of metal" (Franken 1969, 36-38). Franken was quite brief in discussing the actual
stratigraphy of the phase, and doesn't explain on what basis the sub-phases were divided.
Franken makes an interesting side-note in his publication, which is relevant for later interpretation of
the installations. As it is part of his initial interpretations and described the archaeological deposits,
it should be mentioned here:
It is however a curious fact, that slag was only found in large quantities from phase E onward. And this is not slag from melting metals but from the burnt walls of kilns or furnaces. It can be found in masses near the kilns of the modern potters village of Kerami. From the present evidence the accumulation of deposits on the tell in this period h as to be explained mainly by the destruction of furnaces and moulds, and this is possible as these deposits contain a large amount of burnt clay particles, and ash in patches or large stretches in abundant. Slag and stones were probably systematically removed from the surface by the smiths and thrown down the slope so as not to get mixed in the clay used for moulds. The villagers from phase E on brought it back while quarrying fortheir houses (Franken 1969, 38).Franken published a list of deposits relating to Phase B in the 1969 publication, which is summarised below for Trench D.
4.2.3 — Re-evaluating Phase B's stratigraphy
With the data gathered from the archive the chronology of Phase B could be re-evaluated. The cross-sections
proved a reliable starting point for analysing the stratigraphy, as it was clear that they were complete
and relatively detailed. All the sections were joined together to see if Franken's sub-phases could be
recognised, and if reinterpreting the stratigraphy could elaborate his analyses. Fortunately, all the
sections could be connected neatly to one another. This made interpreting phases in the stratigraphy
possible, and thus also re-evaluating Franken's subdivisions. However, as mentioned above, large cracks
in the sections do very much complicate this stratigraphic picture, as deposits appeared to indeed have
shifted over 20 cm at certain places.
While several top-plans were made for the different phases of the installations, these did not appear
to connect well to the sections. On the top-plans several height-measurements were
indicated. However, in various cases the areas connected to the sections were left blank, or the
planned deposits and features simply did not correspond to those indicated on the sections.
As such, it often remained unclear where exactly a wall was supposed to enter- the section, or
which deposit in the section connected to which deposit in the top-plan. In short, while containing
valuable information, horizontally the documentation, especially with regards to the top-plans, is
less than ideal.
Another complicating factor was the observation that several layers had shifted and subsided
throughout time. Apart from the obvious consequences of large earthquake cracks, it appears
that the pressure of the top of the tell caused layers to shift downward in the centre,
and outward towards the edges, as attested by the light curve of the various interfaces.
By consistently measuring the lowest point of the sub-phases, the relative differences in
elevation will provide an idea of the thickness of the layers, and how quick building
events follow one another. For that purpose, in the analysis of the stratigraphy a rough
estimation of the elevation relative to the fixed point on the mound will be provided,
consistently measured from the lowest point of the deposit. These heights will be used to
connect the top-plans to the sections where possible.
The reinterpreted chronology
The stratigraphy of the Phase B is clearest in section DI lb (see figure 22), of which
Franken also published aversion in his 1969 publication (Franken 1969, 38). As mentioned
above, this is actually the south-section of Trench D500, and as such should be taken as
an inverted north section for Trench D100. Here the sequence of the successive Phase A
wash layers is very clear, as are the changes that occur at the start of Phase B. The
south-section of the installations, an unnamed section, does not show this transition,
as south of the installations the situation does not appear to change much in comparison
to Phase A. Unfortunately, this section does not cut the southern part of the installations,
resulting in a lack of coverage for the installations' building sequence on the southern part.
Instead it covers the are a just south of the southern walls, where it shows a sequence of
accumulated layers covering Phase B. The west-section, section DIII (see figure 25), also
shows the chronology very well, with Phase A represented by an accumulation of wash layers,
and construction events marking the beginning of Phase B. However, the area of the installations
is represented here by a single mudbrick wall, marked as D7, with numerous cracks through the
middle, complicating distinguishing separate building phases. The east-section, Section DI
(see figure 24), is more helpful in this regard. It also shows the transition from Phase A
to Phase B, and clearly contains several construction events regarding a mudbrick wall.
Numerous layers run up against this east-west oriented wall, which is marked on the section
as walls D7 and D9.
From these sections, most clearly exemplified through section Dllb of which a Harris Matrix
and section drawing is provided (figures 22 and 23), the sequence of events outlined below
was reconstructed. The finds from Phase B were traced back to their original sub-phase, and
listed below. As the pottery is already published in the 1969 publication, only their registry
numbers and category are added. For the other find categories a small description of the object
is added, and where known, their approximate find location.
Sub-phase 1
After numerous wash layers, a mudbrick wall was built in an east-west orientation (unit 2),
roughly at 13.70m. This wall is clearly visible in section Dllb (see figure 22), and might
be visible in section DI (wall D7 cuts a smaller wall with wide flat bricks, which might be
the same feature, see figure 24). Layers associated with this sub-phase are described in
the fieldnotes as burnt, containing a lot of charcoal.
Unfortunately no top-plan was made for this sub-phase. Also, no detailed information exists
regarding to the find-locations of the associating objects. ...
Sub-phase 2
The area was completely levelled (unit 4 and 30), as is visible in section DIIb, at roughly 13.50.
Afterwards a substantial wall was constructed on the western side (wall D7 on DIII) which likely
connected to the bricks seen in Section DIIb (unit 6). These walls belonged to the first
installation, of D153. The opening which is visible from D154 in section DIIb appears cut into
the wall, indicating the wall was likely opened at a certain moment in time. Subsequently the
opening in the oven filled up (unit 7 and 8), as did an area just east of the installation (unit 9).
Most of this sub-phase was then covered by another fill, possibly to even out the surface once
more (unit 11). Though visible in the sections, the layers from this sub-phase are not described
in the fieldnotes.
This sub-phase includes the earliest of the recognised installation floors, which is depicted
in top-plan D3 (see figure 26). The centre of the floor was measured at 12.90 height in the
top-plan drawing, but at the opening in the wall of the installation it is noted that the
surface dropped 35 cm downward, placing it at approximately 13.25. The top-plan for this
sub-phase of the installations shows a square feature, with a demarcated surface area (D153).
This surface is described as heavily burnt in the fieldnotes. It has an inner dimension of
ca. 2.20 by 2.20 meters, but the outer walls are not clearly drawn. Several stones can be
observed on the outerwalls of the installation, as well as specifically drawn mudbricks.
These stones were described in the fieldnotes as "wall-reinforcements". Furthermore, there
appear to be two narrow gullies toward the northern edge, which are described in the drawings
as 'air-ducts', which were apparently heavily burnt. These gullies are not visible in the Dllb
section, which instead shows an uninterrupted fill of ca. 27 cm thick. The top-plan shows that
in the inner south-eastern corner of the installation a 'test trench' was excavated, as D155.
The fieldnote entry for D155 states that a cross-section was made for this test-trench, but
unfortunately this drawing was not encountered in the archive. Again, no clear descriptions
exist as to the original locations of the finds from this sub-phase. ...
Sub-phase 3
At the start of Sub-phase 3, the entire area was levelled again (units 12 and 13; possibly D149 on DI),
at roughly 13.20m. This event also took down part of the large western wall (unit 5; wall D7 in DIII),
and possibly also part of the eastern wall (wall D7 in DI). Another western wall was then built, again
north-south in orientation (unit 16; possibly D148 on DIII). Mudbricks can be observed in east-west
orientation along section DIIb, suggesting that another wall was built enclosing the northern part (unit 14 and 15).
The eastern section here is quite unclear, due to the levelling activities of the next sub-phase (possibly DI 149?).
According to the fieldnotes, this sub-phase contained the charred remains of a large 'tree-trunk' or 'roof-beam',
which yielded a lot of charcoal.
No top-plan was made for this sub-phase, and the find location of only one item belonging to this sub-phase was described. ...
Sub-phase 4
Most of the area was again levelled (interface 17 and 18), at roughly 12.90m. Wall 16 was left in place, and
likely reused in this sub-phase.A new substantial east-west oriented wall was built in the east, visible
as wall D9 in section-drawing DI. In the north section, DIIb, two newly built 'air-ducts' were constructed
(unit 19). It appears that after these were constructed, another east-west wall was built over or around these,
possibly incorporating them into a larger structure (unit 28 and 29). This wall was eventually broken down in the
same place as the openings of the other installations, and the surface filled with debris (unit 21 and 22; D148).
The 'airducts' are visible in top-plan D3 (see figure 27), but no separate top-plan was drawn for this sub-phase.
The 'air-ducts' can be seen as protruding slightly in comparison to the other installations. According to the
fieldnotes, they contained a small layer of ash on the inside, and the edges of the bricks had been baked to a
very hard consistency. Furthermore, the fieldnotes mention a lot of charcoal was encountered in this sub-phase,
as well as several "chunks of lime". ...
Sub-phase 5
While the situation on the western side is quite unclear for this phase, as it reaches top-soil,
the eastern side shows that the area was levelled for a final time (unit 25), at roughly 12.70m.
Wall D9 appears not to have been affected by this event, and remained in place as attested by
various layers running up against it (DI D147, see figure 24). What these layers are is not explained
in the fieldnotes. From section DIIb (see figure 22) it would appear that yet another east-west oriented
wall was then constructed (unit 25 and 26), which ran into wall D7 in the east section. This gives an estimation
of its thickness, averaging around 1 meter. This east-west wall was eventually broken down, although the part
in the section appears to have remained intact. The area between the ruins of the wall was filled with debris
(DIIb D502), after which a sequence of layers covered the entire area (unit 31). These layers contain several
stones, and the fieldnotes mention that the fill contained charcoal and ochre. Layer D502 runs up against
this wall, as seen in section-drawing DI, indicating that this is most likely a debris layer washing down
from the decaying mudbrick architecture. An interesting observation done by Brunsting in his fieldnotes,
is that he thinks he might have removed part of another structure, similar to the latest installation. This
installation would have been located just north-east of the other one, sharing the southern wall. This is
questioned by Franken in the fieldnotes, however. No mention was made of a possible second installation in
the 1969 publication.
Sub-phase 5 is reflected in top-plan DI. This top-plan shows the latest of the installations.
The elevation of the centre of the floor is 12.60. On the plan it was noted that the surface
towards the northern edge sloped down 12 cm, fitting neatly with the 12.70m read from section DIIb.
This sub-phase of the installations appears to have included a wide opening in the north, which is
not visible in the section. This installation contained two upright mudbricks against the western wall
(see figure 31), which create three separate niches. Its
surface showed dark patches of charcoal and ash (see figure 18). The surface was apparently heavily burnt,
resulting in a hard-baked surface. None of the objects belonging to this sub-phase have been provided with
any precise spatial information. ....
The end of Phase B
After Sub-phase 5 section DIIb portrays only top-soil (see figure 22), and section DI shows that
while the large wall remains standing for a while, numerous small layers are slowly deposited up
against it (see figure 24). No new building phases are recognised in Trench D following the installations,
indicating that either Phase B came to an end after the final installation was covered, or continued in
an area not yet excavated.
4.2.4 Discussion of stratigraphy
Based on this re-evaluation of Phase B's stratigraphy in Trench D, a slightly more complicated
picture emerges than was published by Franken. It is important to state here, however, that only
Trench D was researched for this thesis. As Phase B was also encountered in a number of other
excavation squares (to be specific Trenches E, F, G, L and M), several of his phases relate to
stratigraphic events occurring elsewhere. That said, the stratigraphy of Phase B is most clearly
represented in Trench D, and could already be refined just on the basis of analysing this area.
This research has recognised five sub-phases in Trench D, which are associated with Franken's
sub-phases 1 to 3. While Franken mentions the presence of his sub-phase 4 in trench D100,
during the current re-evaluation of the original documentation no stratigraphic units could
be linked to this phase. This suggests that two of Franken's sub-phases were not visible in
the stratigraphy of this area, and the preceding three sub-phases actually consisted of five.
The sub-phases proposed above likely begin already in the end of Franken's Phase A, when the
first mudbrick feature was constructed. While the exact dimensions of this feature are difficult
to establish, as it remains only visible in the north section and possibly in the east section,
it is proposed by Franken that this was the earliest installation. This is something that is also
mentioned in the fieldnotes. Brunsting wrote an entry in the fieldnotes (10/03/1960) discussing the
stratigraphy, which mentions that the ovens had 3 or 4 phases, each with its own floor. Only three
floors were recognised in the field (D153, D150, and D148), and only two provided with a top-plan (D153 and D148).
It is not unlikely that, due to the close superimposition of these layers and the complicated
stratigraphic situation caused by the large cracks in the soil, one or two separate floor levels
were missed while excavating. Another possibility is that two floor levels were largely erased
already in antiquity, possibly during the extensive levelling activities demonstrated above.
Summarising the sequence of events, it appears that there were five building events (all clearly
recognisable in section DIIb) which were all initiated after a levelling event. While these building
events appear to follow one after the other relatively quickly, the associated wall in the west section
remains largely untouched throughout all five sub-phases, with the exception of one levelling event in
Sub-phase 3. This indicates that the general outline of the installations remained the same throughout
all five building events, which is reflected in the top-plans. While the installations' east and south
walls can only be recognised on the top-plans, the substantial walls visible in the east section,
walls D7 and D9, also show continuation of construction in the same location. The first installation was
likely rebuilt 4 times after its initial construction, in more or less the same configuration.
The emerging picture shows a rather large mudbrick installation, measuring around 5.5 by 4 meters,
oriented at a slight north-east angle, which was enclosed by four walls. The northern wall did not
only cover the northern face of the installations, but continued in an eastward orientation into the
section. Sometime after this wall was constructed it was opened in the western half of the trench,
in front of the installation, as attested by clear cuts in the walls. The remaining debris then was
covered with what is described in the fieldnotes and publication as a "clay fill" (Franken 1969, 36).
This process was recognised in the stratigraphy 5 times. While the north wall appears to have been
often de- and reconstructed, the east, west, and south walls likely remained more or less in the same position.
This leaves two 'anomalies' to investigate, however. The first of these two are the 'air-ducts'
from sub-phase 3. These protrude slightly from the northern wall, as attested by top-plan D3.
From the top-plans and section DI it would seem that the area to the south of these 'air-ducts'
would not contain any architecture, instead consisting of numerous sequential layers. This might
indicate they formed part of a different structure, perhaps located directly north of them. As
mentioned above, the trench supervisor noted that he might have removed a similar structure to
the Phase B installations to their north, and sketched the outline of this structure in his
fieldnotes (see figure 33). This situation, however, would require a north-south wall in the
section, which was not recognised.
The other anomaly is the large wall continuing in the east section, walls D7 and D9. These
two walls, built one atop the other, appear not to have a clearly recognisable function from
the top-plans and sections. There are layers running up against the walls on the north and
south sides, but no architecture can be connected to these walls. As they do not appear to
have perpendicular adjoining walls in the section, it is likely they continued further into
the section, into the unexcavated area east of trench D100. The area east of D500, which is
sub-square M200, was excavated by Franken in the 1964 season. Remains from this area mostly
belonged to the Late Bronze Age sanctuary, which were published in the 1992 publication
(Franken 1992). However, also Iron Age I material was excavated in this sub-square, which
was later published by Van der Steen (2008c). This study shows that walls D7 and D9 did
not have an adjoining wall to their north, as no such wall was recognised in the
stratigraphy (see Van der Steen 2008c, 72). The west-section for this area was not published,
however. The results from Van der Steen's publication will be further discussed below.
Iron IIA (1000-900 BCE)
Field Name | Field Data |
---|---|
Archaeological Period | Early twelfth century B.C. |
Date of Event (inferred) | 1150–1100 B.C. |
Proposed Cause of Destruction | Earthquake |
Probability of an Earthquake | not reported |
Indication of Surface Rupture | |
Description form Archeological Source | “There is little doubt that the entire complex was destroyed early in the 12th c. BC and that an earthquake caused the destruction.” (Franken (1989) p.203) |
Ferry et. al. (2011), while citing
Franken, H. J. (1989:203), dated this earthquake to the 12th century BCE (1200–1100 B.C.
). However, since Phase C succeeds Phase B and the
Phase B earthquake was dated to the 2nd half of the 12th century BCE, the Phase C earthquake should also be dated to the 2nd half of the
12th century BCE - that is if
Ferry et. al. (2011) are reliable for this date.
Ferry et. al. (2011) quoted
Franken, H. J. (1989:203) as follows:
This period ended again with an earthquake and a victim was found completely squashed in a crack in the earth.
Iron I (1200-1000 BCE)
Field Name | Field Data |
---|---|
Archaeological Period | Late first Iron Age |
Date of Event (inferred) | 1200–1100 B.C. |
Proposed Cause of Destruction | Earthquake, fire |
Probability of an Earthquake | not reported |
Indication of Surface Rupture | Yes |
Description form Archeological Source | “This period ended again with an earthquake and a victim was found completely squashed in a crack in the earth.” (Franken (1989) p.203) |
Extensive archaeoseismic evidence was uncovered at Deir 'Alla in Phase M (aka Phase IX), particularly in Area B.
The mud brick walls of the damaged structures were built on top of existing surfaces,
and occasionally on reed layers or wooden beams
(Franken, 1976).
They lacked a true foundation and the walls were only one mudbrick thick
(Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1986:135-142).
They were not seismically resistant. Some of the archaeoseismic evidence looks like
what one would see in a paleoseismic trench with some vertical mostly E-W cracks extending through the top of the
stratigraphic layer (M/IX) and ending where other deposits began. One crack was described as being 10 cm. wide and extensional
(Franken, 1976).
Some of the mudbrick walls broke away at floor level while others broke above the floor
but after the whole wall had shifted
(Franken, 1976).
Complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms
of Area B (Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1986:138).
The stratigraphically confined cracks were caused by the second earthquake as this location recorded two earthquakes in the 8th century BCE
(Franken, 1976).
The first earthquake led to a fire and, apparently, some
type of abandonment (
Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1991). The second earthquake occurred
after some time, because the new surface had been used a bit
(
Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1991).
Franken and Ibrahim (1978:60-68) suggested that it was raining when
the second earthquake struck. Dating from radiocarbon, pottery
(not wheel thrown), palaeography
of an inscription found in the rubble left by the second earthquake, and
cultural relations (i.e. before Assyrian influence
was visible) suggest an 8th or 9th century BCE date.
Radiocarbon
Franken (1976:16) reports that only one relevant radiocarbon date of Phase M exists.
The sample consisted of charred grain from deposit BB 303 [GrN-5633], which was part of the burnt layer of Phase M
[aka Phase IX].
Vogel and Waterbolk (1972:53) dated this sample to ~650 BCE [2600 ± 50 BP] which after calibration using techniques of the time
(a correction based on dendrochronology
)
was estimated to have been burned
in ca. 800 BCE.
Franken (1976:16) reported a 2σ (66%) uncertainty of 800 B.C. ± 70.
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:142) reported that another 14C sample
(GrN 8119) dated to 2590 ± 70 BP, which, after calibration, led to a date of
770-880 BCE when combined with sample GrN-5633.
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:142) also report that this date range is
corroborated by 14C datings of older
(phase L) and later (phase VI) deposits.
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) report that two carbon-14 dates from Phase VI point
to the second half of the 8th century BC.
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) report that three 14C samples from Phase M/IX
point to a time between 770 and 880 BC, with a high probability of the date being at
the end of the 9th century BC. (see Mook, 1989).
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991)
A carbon-14 analysis of a sample from an earlier collapse of Phase IX gives a century older result;
one from the preceding phase, two centuries older. Two carbon-14 dates from Phase VI point
to the second half of the 8th century BC.
Palaeography
Naveh (1967) dated the
writing on the Deir 'Alla Inscription found
with the Phase IX (aka Phase M) earthquake rubble to the middle of the 8th century BCE based on
Palaeography.
Lemaire in Meyers et. al. (1997:139) noted that
most commentators now agree that the paleography fits the dating
of the archaeological context: about 800 BCE (Hoftijzer and
Kooij, 1991) or the first half of the eighth century BCE.
Cultural Stratigraphy and Comparison
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) noted that the cultural relations of Deir 'Alla IX [aka Phase M] with
other sites in the region and further afield [] indicate the 9th and 8th century BC
and
before any Assyrian cultural influence is visible.
They noted that Assyrian cultural influence could have been present
up to a few decades before the Assyrian conquest (c. 730 BCE). They report that
a terminus ante quem is provided by younger Phase VI1 which is to be dated in the 7th century
or perhaps the end of the 8th century BC.
1 They noted that Phases VIII and VII are only locally preserved and existed for a short period only (certainly Phase VIII).
Fig. 1 is a preliminary plan of the architectural remains found this season, including those
remains partly unearthed in previous seasons. The 1967 excavations lay further to the W/NW;
only the remains in square B/C5 excavated at that time are included in this drawing. Pl. XII
also shows about half of the digging area. Some of the wall fragments drawn in the E part of
the area cannot yet be definitely attributed to phase IX — they may belong to X.
The mudbricks of the walls had been placed directly on the surface; no stone foundation was made,
but a layer of reed was used instead (a reed foundation was also used for walls of phases VIII and
V and partly VI). The mudbricks used mostly measured 47 x 11 x 35cms, but several walls were
made of a slightly larger type; other slight differences do occur as well. Almost all the walls
were only as thick as the length of a brick, some even as thin as a brick's width. The material
used for most of the bricks came from the banded clay beds of the low natural hills nearby,
but often different clay/ mud was used for bricks employed in one wall (e. g. the EW wall B/B6.127
had three layers of grey and three of ochre coloured bricks; cf. also ADAJ XXII p. 65). Stones
and bricks were only used for square platform-like structures made at some walls, facing each other
(e.g. in squares B/A & B8).
The function of these structures is not known but in one case a basin-like
construction was made on top of the structure (see below). Most of the rooms/spaces enclosed by walls
measure ca. 3 x 3.5m, but some are up to 10m in length. Half of them had a solid roof (roof debris
found on the floor), but at least two of the other spaces had been covered by reed matting
(in squares B/C6 and B/C7). The connections between the walls dividing spaces are not
always clear, because doorways have not always been recognisably preserved, perhaps because of the
low level of the wall stumps left. In any case courtyards or alleys between the "house complexes"
form a small part of the plan (in squares B/D6 and possibly B/C7) in the area excavated. Several
rooms, roofed and unroofed, have floors paved with unworked small boulders
(ca. 25 cm.s diameter), with whitish clay plaster filling the holes in between. The small space,
originally covered with reed matting, which gave access to the plastered wall with the Bala'am
inscriptions ( squares B/C5 & 6, cf. ADAJ XXII pp. 65f and ADAJ XXIII pp. 48f), had a 'bench'
on the S and E sides, and maybe on the N side as well, with a shallow depression sloping towards
the plastered wall in between; (see Pl. XVI, 2 which shows the remains of the mat as fallen on this ' floor') .
At five other spots the same type of ca. 7mm thick lime plaster has been found, embedded in wall debris,
nowhere still attached to a wall fragment (the rooms are in squares B/A5, B/A8 - each side of the NS
wall -, B/C6 and B/C7, also covered with reed). In each case the amount of plaster exposed covers a
surface of about 1/2 m2, but in several rooms much of the original plaster may have been burnt.
None of the plaster fragments had any writing or drawing visible on the surface. If this was the
original case it also has to be concluded that the smooth plaster, including that with the
inscriptions, had not been applied with the specific purpose of being inscribed. Several of the
rooms have very thin (ca. 15cms) clay plastered brick walls, dividing the room into different
compartments (very clear in B/C8), apparently for storage purposes.
The walls of the rooms were not very solidly constructed. Right angles between connected walls
were not employed very often. On the other hand, the finishing off of several of the walls
and floors has been done with special care. Several of the walls show repair or even
rebuilding, and roof collapse during the use of the rooms, giving a new, higher floor,
has been noticed at places as well.
The final destruction of the complete building complex occurred suddenly, and was,
according to data found in 1967 (long EW cracks stopping at the lower edge of the
debris of phase IX), caused by earthquakes. In most places fire had broken out as
well, causing severe burning of the roofs and wall faces, as well as of the contents of
the rooms concerned.
The 'tawabeen' in B/ D6 are to be connected with phase IX, but most of their stratigraphical
context had already been excavated in 1967. The size of two of these ovens is exceptionally
small (the diameters at their base are ca. 40, 50, as opposed to 75cms for the third one).
Most conspicuous are two installations uncovered in the W room in square B/A8. One is a
kind of basin constructed against the W wall, partly on the floor and partly on one of
the low platforms mentioned above. It had been made in situ from the broken body
section of a large jar, the rather low sides being constructed of straw-mixed
`clay' (now fired, size about 90 x 130cms; see Pl. XVII, 2). A small juglet (reg. no. 2867)
was found at its base, but this does not explain its function; some store jars were found
standing by the basin, and many loomweights and a lot of carbonised plant material
(including wheat) were found in a slight depression in the floor to the S of it.
At the opposite wall the other installation was set partly in the floor: a large
stone, with a hole for grinding in its rather flat top surface (see Pl. XVII, 1).
To the E some more stones had been laid to extend the flat surface, which was
surrounded by a row of small flat vertically standing stones, so as to separate
it from the surroundings (this complex measures ca. 95 x 70cms). A jug, a store
jar and two craters were standing very close to it. The burnt wheat found nearby
suggests a mortar for pounding wheat, but any other kind of material could have
been ground in this installation.
A large amount of charred wood was found on the plastered stone floor of
E room in square B/B8 (for part of it see Pl. XVI,2). The amount represents
more wood than could come from a roof, and suggests some kind of furniture or
installation there. Although some joints of beams now visible are certainly original,
it is not yet certain what the original constructions looked like. The wood remains
are being analysed, and two of the groups of beams have been preserved by glueing
the soil with the charcoal on cloth.
A large number of moveable artefacts have been found, especially pottery and
loomweights, as well as stone objects, and small artefacts of metal and bone.
Some of these objects are mentioned below, without discussing their relations
inside rooms for this report.
Complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings,
was found in almost all of the rooms. High concentrations are found in the S
room of square B/B5, the SE room of B/C6, the NW room in B/C8, the NE room
in B/A6, the S part of the room in B/B8 and the W and S parts of the rooms
in B/A8; smaller groups were found elsewhere. A small selection of pottery
shapes is shown in Figs. 3 & 4 . None of the different collections of pottery
mentioned had one type of pot only (e. g. store jars). All of the larger
groups had (storage) jars, as well as jugs; several had one or two cooking
pots (B/C6, B/C7, B/B5, B/A6). Others had numbers of craters (B/A6 and B/B7 — see Pl. XVIII,1 in particular).
Bowls occurred in the B/A8 and B/C8 groups (in B/A6 and B/B7 the " strainer" type on three legs).
Plates were also rare (B/C6, B/B8, with little other pottery, and B/A8) and only one lamp was found (B/C8).
Many of the type shapes of the pottery can be found W of the Jordan as well, dating from the
Iron Age II (especially B) period.
Loomweights have been found in five large groups (about 30 weights each, sometimes more)
and several smaller ones. The large groups were found in rooms in B/C6 (SE), B/C8 (NW),
B/A6 (NE), B/A8 (SW corner and SE part), often among pottery and carbonised plant material.
Most of these weights had been fired during the destruction, but some are still unfired.
The groups show quite a variation in shape. For example, the group from B/C8 (already
illustrated in ADAJ XXVII, Pl. CXXXII, 2) has seven types, six of which are circular
with a hole perpendicular to the circle, and one is conical in shape, with a somewhat
rounded base and a horizontal hole (this type occurs once or twice in the larger groups).
It is interesting to note that more
or less the same set of shape types has been recorded from Tell Qasile (see B. Maisler,
IEJ I, 1950, Pl. 39B). This season again several of the loomweights (mainly those
from B/C6 and B/C8) were found with pieces of string/thread still in the holes.
This material has to be further analysed, but their existence makes it most
probable that the weights will indeed have to be connected with weaving or
making mats.
Different sorts of objects made of stone have been found on the floors and in the
debris of this phase. Examples are grinding stones, found in a position that
indicates their use during phase IX. The few lower grinding stones found were
made of sandstone or basalt, and almost all the upper ones were made of sandstone.
They were found in different rooms: several in B/C6 (different spots), B/C7
(N part), B/B5 (SE part), and B/A8 in different places. Also quite a number
of pestles (see Pl. XIX, 2) were uncovered, mainly made of basalt, but some
are hardly worked pebbles. Some of the pestles were found on floors in B/ A8
(NE room) and B/B5 (SE room). Several pebbles have been found with a high
polish on several sides, and sometimes with other types of wearing. Their
precise use is uncertain, but they too were found on the floors of the
rooms in e.g. B/A8 and B/B5. Several other types of objects made of
stone have been found, e.g. alabaster spindle-whorls in the E room in
B/B5. There were some rather small fragments of basalt bowls (mortars)
as well, which were most probably no longer in use at the end of phase IX.
However, one basalt bowl on three interconnected high feet was incomplete,
but still in use:
the object was found in a working area of the W room in B/A8, and extra traces of
wearing are visible at the centre of what was left of the bowl's bottom. The shape
of the bowl (Pl. XIX, 1) is close to that of the type illustrated by Buchholz
in Fig. 20d in his "Steinerne Dreifussschalen des agaischen Kulturkreises and
ihre Beziehungen zum Osten" in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archdologische Instituts
78, 1963, pp. 1-77.
Almost all the metal objects found are
made of iron. They include seven leaf-shaped arrowheads,
four of which were found in the W and NE rooms in B/A8.
Several objects of bone are preserved rather well. This
season again some examples of the flat oblong pointed and
polished bone tool were found (see Pl. XIX, 3) , some are
fragmentary, but the others were apparently ready for use.
Of the objects rarely found earlier are small tubes made of bone;
three single tubes were found (Pl.
XX, 1 shows one of them), plus one double tube (perhaps made of ivory),
with incised decoration and filled with black material. This double
tube, stored in a jug found in the S end of the room in B/B7
(see Pl. XX, 2), is clearly a kohl tube like those found
elsewhere in Palestine, (though rarely, see examples in E. Stern,
Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period
538-332 BC, 1982, p. 269 note 18). Kohl tubes are quite common
in Egypt throughout a long period (communication G. van den Boorn, Leiden).
Also the discovery of small bone or ivory panels Pl. XX, 3)
found on the stone-paved floor in B/B7 is quite exceptional.
The surface of the panels was decorated densely with small drilled holes,
each surrounded by two small concentric circles.
Two other artefacts, of Egyptian origin, are: a small game piece, perhaps
made of faience, but painted white (reg. no. 2794), and a faience wadjet eye
(reg. no. 2890). Both were found in mixed debris, so perhaps have to be taken
as isolated objects not specifically connected with the culture of phase IX.
Apart from the artefacts a large amount of biological remains have been found.
This includes small animal bones, e. g. from the floor of the room in B/C7,
and a burnt but complete large antler of the Mesopotamian Fallow Deer,
placed against the W wall of the NE room in B/A8 (Pl. XXI, 1). In 1979 and 1982
two other antlers of the same type were found in the SE room in B/C6 and the E
room in B/B6. The use of the antlers in this context is still obscure,
and the study of the animal bones has not yet proceeded far enough to
know if more remains of this animal have been
found.
Large quantities of carbonised plant material have been found on room
floors, inside jars and jugs and in debris and wash layers.
The botanists Mr. R. Neef and Professor W. van Zeist were
able to give some preliminary results of their studies.
A large variety of seeds was found, for example those of
flax (apparently for the production of linseed oil),
barley, wheat, lentils, bitter vetch and olives. Grapes were
found together with cummin in a jug with a sieved mouth in the
S B/B7 room. (For previous results of the study of botanical
material, see W. van Zeist and J.A. H. Heeres,
Paleobotanical studies of Deir `An, Jordan, in Paleorient 1, 1973, pp. 21-37).
Quite a lot of information about the culture of phase IX (M) has been found.
A careful study of the remains has to follow. At this early stage of investigation
it is difficult to get a clear picture, yet the following may be tentatively said.
The group of rooms/houses do not show a purely domestic function. The deducible number of
weaving installations makes this improbable, as does the number and variety of pots in
so many of the rooms. A combination of trade and living quarters is conceivable.
No clear indication of a sanctuary or religious connotation is found, although the
religious plaster texts found in 1967 may suggest this (no further inscriptions
have been found this season), and although the " bench" room with this inscription
at one end, could be interpreted as such. On the other hand, it is still possible
that the quarters excavated so far belonged to a central sanctuary complex, with
the deduced trading activities being part of it. However, it is also possible that
the quarters belonged to a village or small town community (city walls have not been
found, but it is sure that the edges of the settlement have been eroded away).
The people living and working in the rooms had rather poorly built, though well finished,
brick houses. On the other hand, their pottery and other objects show some
very special items. As far as cultural relations are concerned, it is clear that
many of the artefacts are rather widely spread, though sometimes rare, in the
S Levant during parts of Iron Age II.
A date for the destruction of phase IX is indicated by 14C
analyses of carbonised seed and leaf material from the burnt debris:
sample GrN 5633 gave 2690 ± 60 BP and GrN 8119 gave 2590 ± 70 BP,
both when calibrated indicate a date of 770-880 B.C. This information
has been published before, but it should be added here that this rough
date has been statistically corroborated by 14C datings of older
(phase L) and later (phase VI) deposits. Additional 14C tests will be made.
... The destruction of the buildings of Phase M, the phase to which the
Aramaic text belongs, was also caused by an earthquake. Deir Alla
has suffered more earthquakes, not only during the time of habitation
but also afterwards. These earthquakes and tremors caused vertical
cracks which in the excavated area run mostly in east-west direction.
When tracing the frequency of these cracks along a north-south line
we find at least one every twenty cms. The tell is thus cut into
vertical slices and these slices may have sunken for instance
from a few cms. to several cms. and sometimes shifted sideways,
whereas most of them apparently under the pressure from higher
parts of the tell are inclined to lean out to the north.
Expressed in geological terms we have found, be it in
miniature size normal faults, reverse faults and even pivot faults.
Cracks reaching the present surface must have been
caused after the tell had reached that height and cannot
therefore be dated to the stratigraphy.
...
unless all the cracks that
run through the deposits overlying Phase M and their exact
position had been recorded, we would not be able to say
whether any cracks seen in Phase L stop at the floor levels
of Phase M. However we had several other indications. We
have recorded cracks and shifts of material that run through
the ruined buildings but stop at the point where erosion
began to level off the debris. These were caused by a second
shock which followed the first one after the buildings
collapsed and the fire caused by the earthquake had burned
itself out. I shall have to refer to the second shock in relation
to the position of the text.
However, the first shock was also recorded. There
is a long crack about 10 cms. wide running through the
deposits of a little lane which formed during Phase M and
is almost 60 cms. high. This crack is closed further to the
east but here a horizontal shift could be seen because the
crack runs lengthwise through the low stump of a mud brick
wall. The clay mortar between the bricks on both sides of
the crack does not fit together any longer. The horizontal
shift was about 10 ems. Such cracks have not only been
recorded on paper but also on "pull offs", a method used
in agriculture to take a thin slice of earth to the laboratory
(Franken 1965b), in order to keep an authentic record of
the accumulation of deposits. The slice is thick enough to
make samples from it for microscopic analysis. Incidentally
horizontal shifts of more than 30 cms. were recorded. It was
the second shock which brought the preserved fragments of
the Aramaic text down from their support.
... It should be added that at Deir 'Alla no stone foundations
were found. Mud brick walls were built on top of existing
surfaces, and occasionally on reed layers or wooden beams.
However, as far as they were not buried in debris that
accumulated against them (like the lane mentioned already
had accumulated 60 cms. against two Phase M walls) they
sometimes broke away at floor level during the earthquake.
This had happened in the area where the text was found.
A large portion of the east wall and the north wall of
a room were cut off at floor level. Others broke well
above floor level but after the whole wall had shifted.
As a result standing remains of walls do not link properly any more.
The small room [where the Balaam inscription was found] measured
roughly 2.75 m. x 3.25m. but the corner that was formed by the
two walls that broke away at floor level was not rectangular but
measured ca 115° as found by us. It did not have a normal floor.
In the middle was a pit and all round the floor sloped down toward
this pit or basin. The pit is slightly oval, ca 1.50 m. in diameter
and ca 40 cms. deep. The floor had been dug into an existing clay
deposit and was not lined with plaster. The southern half from the
south wall to the middle of the basin was filled with burned clay
from mud bricks, pieces of charcoal, sherds and some clay loom weights,
all of which did not come from floor level hut had fallen down several
meters while still burning. It scorched the walls against which it
piled up and burned black the surface underneath. In this fill no
fragments of plaster were found and if there had been plaster it
had been burned in the fire. From which direction this burning
material fell down could not be established. Nor could the walls
that broke off at floor level or what broke away from the
remaining wall stumps be traced. There were no traces of a
burned roof. The fill of the room on the north side and
beyond to the north consisted of broken mud brick wall
fragments. Here no traces of fire were found, the fall was
not so heavy as was the Cast with the burned debris. There
were clearly large wall fragments which after their fall
left open spaces between the fragments. These holes were
filled up afterwards with clay wash. In this clay wash the
plaster fragments with the Aramaic text were found. They had
fallen between the wall fragments. Three main groups were
located by G. VAN DER KOOIJ, one of the co-authors of this volume.
It would seem that the fragments came from a short distance and from
the north-east. It is possible that the fall was checked by the layer
of wall rubble. No fragments were found still attached to mud brick.
In this case the bricks to which the plaster had been attached formed
the upper level. The plaster fragments were found on both sides of
the original position of the north and cast walls and they came down
when a shock hit the site after the fire had subsided. They did not
suffer from this fire. We assume therefore that the support of the
plaster split during the first shock and that the missing parts fell
down and probably burned away, whereas the surviving fragments remained
in position until the second shock came. In the passage way northeast
of the room there may have been a mud brick built stele with the text
or there may have been a small gate inside of which the text was
written on the south wall. On top of these wall fragments deposits
were found to a height of 1 m. none of which had regularly been walked
over after the disaster. On top of that thick destruction deposit there
are erosion deposits. We have to assume that some of these erosion levels
reflect the return of human activities on the site. But the ruins were not
levelled off to form a new horizontal and flat surface. In the excavated area
there is an undulating surface over the whole area, consisting of light
coloured dusty material which is used as the basis for new building activities.
This we have termed Phase N. Between these activities and Phase M the large pit
was dug and used as a refuse pit, whatever its original purpose may have been.
If it was meant to collect water it was a complete failure. The many earthquake
cracks had damaged the subsoil so much that as soon as the pit had been dug
to the required depth these cracks opened up because the clay started to dry
out as soon as it was exposed. A crack may widen in a few days from a few
centimeters to two decimeters. But it was used as a refuse pit and it did
not fill up or break down from erosion. This points to a short period of
existence. This pit does not yet contain wheel-thrown pottery,
but the following period, Phase N, does have such pottery with new shapes.
It has been argued already that there is an intermediate M—N Phase.
It is also clear that pottery from that intermediate period must be
found on the surfaces that stratigraphically belong to Phase N. Phase
N has wheel-thrown pottery and for the introduction of that pottery in
Palestine we have at the moment only one site where it has been recognized:
tell es-Sultan, which is traditionally identified with Old Testament Jericho
(FRANKEN 1974). If we assume that the Jericho Iron Age II buildings
belong to the 7th century B.C. we may also assume that the lower possible
time limit of Phase M is also to be fixed in the 7th century B.C.
This is possible because the erosion went on unchecked. Nevertheless
there may have been a period of more than one generation before building
activities were resumed on the site.
Pottery attributed to the phase of the Aramaic text is not wheel-thrown.
From this great mass of broken pottery we have isolated the pieces that
could be restored to the extent that it seems safe to assume that they
were unbroken and in daily use at the time of the earthquake. When
surveying this group of mended pottery we find few thin-walled vessels
with shapes that may be called rare but all seem to come from one
tradition stream of potmaking, which may be called the Iron I tradition
found in Trans Jordan and Palestine. This tradition did not originate in
Palestine. It is not a continuation of the Late Bronze Age methods of
pot-making as found in Palestine, although it may have been related
to that tradition originally, that is, sometime during the Bronze Age.
...
We have seen that Phase M consists of traces of a situation that must have existed one day in the past when an earthquake hit the site and traces of the impact of the first and the second earthquake shock. We must now consider the value of the interpretation of Phase M as a sanctuary. The earthquake has nothing to do with this interpretation, but had it not been for the earthquake the text might not have been preserved. Also thanks to the earthquake many objects were found which otherwise might have disappeared for ever. The plan of the buildings has to be partly hypothetically reconstructed since some walls were dislocated at floor level leaving barely any traces of where they stood before the destruction. Also a number of objects like the text were knocked about when the shocks hit the site. In contrast to two earlier earthquake phases we did not find human victims in the ruins. This may indicate that the disaster took place during daylight but it seems more likely that the destruction happened at night when there was nobody in these rooms. Somewhere there was a fire burning in a breadoven or otherwise, because the first shock was followed by a conflagration, wooden objects burned away like the looms, of which we found the clay weights in several rooms, and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture. But what was left, the less perishable objects, was found and reconstructed as far as possible. The combination of the plan and the objects in their reconstructed form give rise to the interpretation of ca twenty workrooms, courtyards and lanes as having been immediately connected with a sanctuary. ...
It may be clear by now that there is no simple and straightforward archaeological answer
to a number of relevant questions. Since the claim is made that the stratigraphical
position of the text and the association with an archaeological level and the objects
found in it is fairly exactly known, the question is why things can be so uncertain.
The answer can be constructed empirically in the following way. Fora theoretic answer,
see CLARKE 1968 and BINFORD 1972.
According to current interpretations of the literary historical sources the area of the
Zerqa delta in the Jordan Valley was occupied by the Israelite tribes by the end of
the 13th century B.C., when the Late Bronze sanctuary was still in full use.
For centuries after there is no mention of a change of population. In other words,
tell Deir 'Alla is situated in an area which, according to written historical sources,
was inhabited from the beginning of the Iron Age by one or more tribes that were
traditionally related to the Israelite tribes, which, according to the same sources,
were then living in Palestine. There are some things we would like to know but
do not know in relation with the excavations at tell Deir 'Alla. Exactly when
did the Israel related tribes settle in the Zerqa delta? I refute the "solution"
that a change in cultural assemblage which took place at Deir 'Alla sometime in the
13th century indicates the coming of these tribes (BINFORD 1972). Unless I have a
cultural identity of such tribes I cannot compare, let alone identify, them with
the assemblages before or after the change. And since after the change at Deir '
Alla in the 13th century the sanctuary was rebuilt and became again the largest
one ever found in Palestine and Jordan in that period, the only question that
can be raised is, do the written sources which we know refer to such a situation?
I can state, however, that neither assemblage which can be dated to the 13th century
at Deir 'Alla is derived from cultures known to have existed in Palestine in the
13th century B.C. or before. Moreover, we have two types of inscriptions from the
second cultural assemblage: the Taousert cartouche (YOYOTTE 1962) and the Deir 'Alla
clay tablets. They cannot be explained as yet when we follow the type of reasoning
that is found in archaeological reconstructions of the Israelite conquest.
That is to say, if one thinks fit to follow those arguments,
then these inscriptions are prohibitive for the conclusion that we are dealing
with such tribes. But if we take the earlier assemblage which seems to go back
to the 16th century B.C., then there is equally no sense in attempting to
establish a tribal identity. When the fallacies in the archaeological reasoning
are clear then there remain two possibilities. Both cultures or one of them may
have belonged to Israelite tribes or to non-Israelite tribes, but as long as we
stick to existing cultural definitions of early Israelite tribes, they were
not Israelite tribes.
It seems now that the following cultural assemblages, the one in the first half
of the 12th century B.C. (Phases A-D) and the later ones including Phase M are
equally not derived from those found in Palestine. In order not to confuse the
argument (as is often done) I am not referring to the contents of the Aramaic text.
I remind the readers, however, that we found in Phase L, preceding Phase M,
an inscription consisting of a hitherto unknown script, scratched on a potter's
tool (FRANKEN 1968). The question is then, how to establish archaeologically
tribal identity. This question is even more important than that of the identity
of tell Deir 'Alla. But neither can be solved on the basis of our present evidence.
Discarding the interpretation of the Aramaic text for the moment,
the archaeological interpretation of the situation in its totality
does not in the least remind us of anything related to the West Bank
in those times, apart from those pieces of pottery that we can now
isolate from the main group and that show characteristics of
Palestinian pottery.
...
The stratigraphic position of the inscribed stone (R. no. 2000) was simple, and
the association with other finds and its location is remarkable. Pl. 16a shows
the plan of four rooms. On this plan the entrance to room GG205 from the south
is located between walls BB 320 and BB 427. When found this entrance was blocked
by a wall fragment. The blockage may have been caused by the earthquake.
In the corner formed by wall BB 320 and the blocked doorway eighteen burned
clay loom weights were found lying on the floor. Eighty cms. north of the
corner and lying against wall BB 320 inside room GG 205 three remarkable
objects were found in the debris on the floor:
Only one relevant radiocarbon date of Phase M exists. The sample consisted of charred grain
from deposit BB 303, which was part of the burnt layer of Phase M. The date is 2600 ± 50 years
Before Present (Present = 1950). The "conventional" half-life of C14, i.e. 5568 years,
was used for this date. By applying a correction based on dendrochronology, the "true age" of
this sample "can be estimated at ca 800 B.C.". See the official
publication: J. C. VOGEL and H. T. WATERBOLK, Groningen Radiocarbon Dates X, Radiocarbon 14, 1972,
pp. 6-110; this sample GrN-5633 discussed on p. 53.
To understand this date some explanatory notes arc necessary (literature: generally J. W. MICHELS,
Dating Methods in Archaeology, New York and London. 1973, pp. 148.167; for the problems involved
see especially J.O.D. JOHNSTON, The problems of radiocarbon dating. Palestine Exploration Quarterly, 105,
1973, pp. 13-26).
`I have already mentioned that the site was shaken by earthquake round 1200 B.C. The destruction of the buildings of Phase M, the phase to which the Aramaic text belongs, was also caused by an earthquake. Deir Alla has suffered more earthquakes, not only during the time of habitation but also afterwards. These earthquakes and tremors caused vertical cracks which in the excavated area run mostly in east-west direction. When tracing the frequency of these cracks along a north-south line we find at least one every twenty cms. The tell is thus cut into vertical slices and these slices may have sunken for instance from a few cms. to several cms. and sometimes shifted sideways, whereas most of them apparently under the pressure from higher parts of the tell are inclined to lean out to the north. Expressed in geological terms we have found, be it in miniature size normal faults and even pivot faults. Cracks reaching the present surface must have been caused after the tell had reached that height and cannot therefore be dated to the stratigraphy ... Moreover, unless all the cracks that run through the deposits overlying Phase M and their exact position had been recorded, we would not be able to say whether any cracks seen in Phase L stop at the floor levels of Phase M. However we had several other indications. We have recorded cracks and shifts of material that run through the ruined buildings but stop at the point where erosion began to level off the debris. These were caused by a second shock which followed the first one after the buildings collapsed and the fire caused by the earthquake had burned itself out. I shall have to refer to the second shock in relation to the position of the text.
However, the first shock was also recorded. There is a long crack about 10 cms. wide running through the deposits of a little lane which formed during Phase M and is almost 60 cms. high. This crack is closed further to the east but here a horizontal shift could be seen because the crack runs lengthwise through the low stump of a mud brick wall. The clay mortar between the bricks on both sides of the crack does not fit together any longer. The horizontal shift was about 10 ems. Such cracks have not only been recorded on paper but also on "pull offs", a method used in agriculture to take a thin slice of earth to the laboratory (Franken 1965b), in order to keep an authentic record of the accumulation of deposits. The slice is thick enough to make samples from it for microscopic analysis. Incidentally horizontal shifts of more than 30 ems. were recorded. It was the second shock which brought the preserved fragments of the Aramaic text down from their support' (Franken 1976, 7-8).
`We have seen that Phase M consists of traces of a situation that must have existed one day in the past when an earthquake hit the site and traces of the impact of the first and the second earthquake shock. We must now consider the value of the interpretation of Phase M as a sanctuary. The earthquake has nothing to do with this interpretation, but had it not been for the earthquake the text might not have been preserved. Also thanks to the earthquake many objects were found which otherwise might have disappeared for ever. The plan of the buildings has to be partly hypothetically reconstructed since some walls were dislocated at floor level leaving barely any traces of where they stood before the destruction. Also a number of objects like the text were knocked about when the shocks hit the site. In contrast to two earlier earthquake phases we did not find human victims in the ruins. This may indicate that the disaster took place during daylight but it seems more likely that the destruction happened at night when there was nobody in these rooms. Somewhere there was a fire burning in a breadoven or otherwise, because the first shock was followed by a conflagration, wooden objects burned away like the looms, of which we found the clay weights in several rooms, and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture. But what was left, the less perishable objects, was found and reconstructed as far as possible' (Franken 1976, 12).
'Pl. 16a shows the plan of four rooms. On this plan the entrance to room GG205 from the south is located between walls BB 320 and BB 427. When found this entrance was blocked by a wall fragment. The blockage may have been caused by the earthquake. In the corner formed by wall BB 320 and the blocked doorway eighteen burned clay loom weights were found lying on the floor. Eighty cms. north of the corner and lying against wall BB 320 inside room GG 205 three remarkable objects were found [in the debris on the floor: the inscribed stone, a goblet on a 18]
high foot with a spout (R. no. 1990) and an outsize loom weight (R. no. 2006). A large piece of charred wood lay beside these objects in front of the passage between rooms GG 205 and GG 102. The goblet (pl. 16b) was only slightly damaged near the rim; the stone and loom weight were complete . (Franken 1976, 15).
8 Phases VIII and VII are only locally preserved and existed for a short period only (certainly Phase VIII).
1 VT 17 (1967), pp. 480-1.
2 The Jerusalem Post of 24th March 1967.
3 J. B. Segal: Iraq 19 (1957), pp. 139-145, Pl. 34.
4 This date has been suggested to me by Prof. F. M. Cross, Jr.
5 M. Lidzbarski: Altaramaische Urkunden aus Assur, Leipzig, 1921, pp. 5-15; A. Dupont-Sommer:
Syria 24 (1944/45), pp. 24-61.
6 A. Dupont-Sommer: Semitica 1 (1948), pp. 43-68.
7 H. Ingholt: Rapport preliminaire sur sept campagnes de fouilles a Hama en Syrie, Copenhagen,
1940, pp. 115-117, Pl. 39:1-5.
8 J. Naveh: The Development of the Aramaic Script (to be published shortly)
10 Segal, op. at (above, . 3), convex side, last letter in 1.6.
11 See . Avigad: IEJ 15 (1965), p. 227.
12 J.Naveh: BASOR 183 (1966), pp. 28-30.
Parts of the newly made section drawing are reproduced here (fig.2), namely the section in A/C1,
parallel to the old section at 15-20m, The NS walls, H18 and H17 (see Franken, op. cit.,
1969, fig.81), as well as H15 (mistaken called H19 on section fig. 81) to the E of them still exist,
but a connecting EW wall appeared. Also E of wall K4 there seems to be an EW wall. The water hole
between walls K3/L2 and K4/L3 still exists, with a continuous sedimentation at its bottom. An EW
wall also appeared in the section to the W of the given drawing, W of the NS wall H14. It goes
through the new section at a slightly oblique angle; it has a plastered face to the S,
connected with a plastered floor. A nicely rounded small oven (ca 60 cm) was built
against this EW wall close to NS. wall H14.
Close to it a horse head figurine was found (see pl. XXVI, 2)
The excavated area lies between the old lines O.37 m and 10m. The NS walls H13/J5/K1 and II1/J1 are still clear and a wall on top of J1 in phase K also appeared. It is interesting that these walls have a thin layer of reed at their base visible at several places. The thick deposits of street layers between these accumulations of walls still extended as far as the new S section. Part of an EW wall appeared in section W of the NS wall H1 (see fig. 3). Wall 4 (see fig.3) probably belongs to phases H and J, and wall 3 to phase K. A thick rusty coloured floor (level c.-209.60m) was found; it stopped just before the new S section against mud-brick debris. It probably belonged to phase J. The thick deposits of rubble and ashy layers between the walls belong to phase K or L. Wall 1 (phase L?) seems to have been dug into the contemporary surface of the tell and was based first on a row of flat stones, which were also lying more to the SW. It was connected with an EW wall running about lm N of the new S section. Stones had also been put obliquely against the base of these walls (cf. Pl.XXVII.1). On top of the stone pavement, clay debris had fallen and the fill was continuously used for pits (e.g. graves). (P1-XXVII.1) shows the pavement consisting of flat stones, with stones standing against and partly inside the base of two walls that are forming a corner. The complex is-in the process of being unearthed-looking towards the WSW.)
B/C5 equals the 1967 square EE300, in which the Aramaic plaster texts were
found (cf. especially Hoftijzer, Van der Kooij, op. cit., 1976).
In the following paragraphs frequent reference will be made to this
publication, using the abbreviation Aramaic Texts). Many obscurities
in the stratigraphy immediately connected with this find made it necessary
to do some additional digging without really extending the excavation area.
The 1976 dig gave some suggestions which seem to be important for the
interpretation of the texts. This is reason enough to report rather
extensively about the excavations in this area.
Firstly, a general presentation of the stratigraphy of the area.
In 1967 excavations were carried out in the area reaching the earthquake and
fire destroyed phase M - the top of it being c. 2.25m below the tell surface
at that spot: The stratigraphy has not yet been published, but some of it
has been described in Aramaic Texts, pp.8-10, and 26-27. (A full report
of it can be expected after more of this phase has been unearthed). This
season work concentrated on the stratigraphy in the immediate surroundings
of the plaster texts find spot. In '67 the plans of the walls in the area
had many lacunae - no time was left for a thorough study then. What was
known was published - provisionally - in Aramaic Texts, cf. Pl.
17b (N.B.: The NS grid-lines of the '67 excavations 40.50 and 45.50 m about equal the new
grid-lines 20 and 25 m from c.d.p. The EW lines-4.50 and O.50 m equal
11.50 and 16.50m from the base line). This 1976 season excavations penetrated
somewhat deeper at a few places than what is labelled phase M (in '67 too
digging had gone deeper than this phase at a few small spots). it seems useful
to give a short description of the chronological order of the excavated
deposits and the phases. (Date from '67 combined with those from '76)
A special paragraph has to be devoted to a reconstruction of the original position of
the plaster texts, deduced from the data from '67 and'76 (see fig.7).
The direction in which the pieces had fallen has been reconstructed already
(see Aramaic Texts, pp.26f.) by indications given by the positions of the different
fragments. The result was that the original position must have been around the NE "corner"
of room B/C5.34 (=EE334 of the old grid) The plaster of Comb. 1, the upper part of a
column, and some other pieces, had fallen inside room 34, together with unburnt brick
rubble on top of the previously fallen burnt rubble. The pieces of Comb.2, the lower part
of a column, had fallen together with rubble B/C5.57 on top of the NW corner Of floor
B/C5.58 (slightly more to the E than indicated on P1.17b in Aramaic Texts).
Most probably there was a continuous wall between 34 and 57, namely wall B/C5.36 (see above),
although a doorway cannot be excluded for certain.
Combination 2 must have been fallen from a very short distance (this can be deduced from
the arrangement of the fragments in situ). Comb.l. came from a greater distance (the
fragments were lying together quite unrelated). Comb.2 was apparently lying against the slope
of the stump of old wall B/D5.51 and the new wall B/C5.36 (some rubble had fallen in between).
Consequently it most probably had been attached to something flat standing against the
E face of this wall (The flat object may have been solidly connected with the wall,
e.g. just projecting a little bit out of it; there are reasons enough to maintain the
idea that the plaster was attached to something else than just a wall, see Aramaic Texts,
pp.25ff.). It is reasonable to assume that all the writing and reading was done at one
side only as the texts with related contents are close together. This would mean,
that Comb.l. had been originally rather high up on the object against the E side of wall 36,
and had fallen, together with parts of the wall, towards the W or SW inside room 34.
The conclusion from this would be that the texts were written on plaster applied to
something flat standing high up against the E face of wall 36. The wall (this part being c.3m long)
formed the W end of an area which was bordered to the S by wall B/ C5.52 and structure B/C5.69
along the base of this wall; to the N it was bordered in one way or another by the bricks
of B/D5.53 and /or a wall standing .there or slightly more to the N. The area stretched
about 5 m towards the E. Its floor B/C5.58 had clearly often been used (indicated by numerous
thin floor layers; in the NW part some large sherds and a complete lamp were found).
The woven matting cover has been described above. Only the W end and the N edge of
this area has been excavated. Doorways have not yet been found.
The surroundings of the area are partly clear: rooms border it to the W (34,
with a strange pit-floor) and S (probably a room, with some useful finds - see below)
and at a greater distance, at 5m from bricks B/D5.53, also to the N (the complex of
four rooms excavated in '67; see Aramaic Texts, P1.16a); the area in between is unclear.
It is not clear how long the plaster with text had been in existence. However, it can be taken for certain that it was there already before the first small scale destruction with fire took place, by which room 34 got the burnt rubble on its floor, and the few pieces of burnt and some unburnt rubble fell on floor 58 and structure 69. The weathering of the rubble on or close to floor 58 was negligible and less than that of rubble 34. Probably no roof covered 34 after the first destruction (this is indicated by the fact that there was very little or no rubble between the lowest pieces of plaster and the surface of the burnt rubble). So rain could do its work in 34. Above 58, however, a new woven matting cover was quickly placed (it is possible also that the old matting cover was not destroyed at all). The writing on the plaster of Comb.2 had a lot of damage, probably caused by water. Most or all of this damage was done during the time before the collapse (the places on the different fragments where this damage occurs indicate this). Comb 1 also had water damage, but very little, and this may have happened after the collapse, as the fragments were lying in the apparently wet rubble, or during the destruction (the matting cover had fallen just before the plaster came down). This would mean that it was raining during the final destruction.
In level M/IX (c. 800 BCE) of H. J. Franken's excavations (1967), several inscriptions attest to the use of Aramaic script. Two incised inscriptions mention "the gate" (sir") and another contains the beginning of an abecedary. Inscriptions on plaster found at the site in 1967 are also written in Aramaic script, in black and red ink. These texts, probably originally written on wall plaster (wall no. 36), were found in many pieces among debris. The details of their language, restoration, script, reading, and interpretation are still under discussion; however, following a preliminary paleographic dating to the Persian period, and then in the editio princeps to about 700 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1976), most commentators now agree that the paleography fits the dating of the archaeological context: about 800 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1991) or the first half of the eighth century BCE. Indeed, the earthquake that destroyed level M/IX at Deir 'Alia could well be the one mentioned in Amos 1:1 (cf. also 4:11 , 6:8-11, 8:8, and 9:1; and Zee. 14:5), dated to about 760 BCE. Although some scholars prefer to describe this script as Ammonite, and others have attempted to classify it as Hebrew, Midianite, or North Arabic, the texts linguistic features seem to contradict these classifications.
10. Deir 'Alla
71 G. Van Der Kooij, “Deir ‘Alla, Tell,” NEAHL 1: 338-342.
72 H. J. Franken, “Archaeological Evidence relating to the Interpretation of the Text,” in Aramaic Texts from Deir
‘Alla, (ed. J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij; Leiden: Brill, 1976), 3–16. For Deir ‘Alla, see also, M. Ibrahim and
Gerrit van der Kooij, “Two Seasons of Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla, 1976–1978,” ADAJ 22 (1977–1978): 56–79;
H. J. Franken, “Texts from the Persian Period from Tell Deir ‘Alla,” VT 17 (1967): 480– 481; M. Ibrahim and Gerrit
van der Kooij, “Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla, Season 1979,” ADAJ 23 (1979): 41–50; M. Ibrahim and Gerrit van
der Kooij, “The Archaeology of Deir ‘Alla Phase IX” in The Balaam Text from Deir ‘Alla Re-Evaluated,
Proceedings of the International Symposium, Leiden, 21–24 August 1989 (ed. J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij;
Leiden: Brill, 1991), 16–29.
73 Franken, “Archaeological Evidence relating to the Interpretation of the Text,” 7-8.
74 Franken, “Archaeological Evidence,” 12.
75 Dever, “A Test Case,”35*. Dever notes that Lachish IV is “perhaps the strongest,” but as shown below, this
assertion is extremely doubtful
76 The wall dislocation may be tempered by the foundation of Quanternary alluvium beneath the walls.
77 Van Der Kooij, “Deir ‘Alla, Tell,” NEAHL 1: 341. Given that over thirty years have elapsed since the dating of
the grain and leaf material, if material remains, retesting will help confirm this dating.
Iron IIB (900-700 BCE)
Field Name | Field Data |
---|---|
Archaeological Period | Eighth century B.C |
Date of Event (inferred) | 700–800 B.C. |
Proposed Cause of Destruction | Earthquake, fire |
Probability of an Earthquake | not reported |
Indication of Surface Rupture | |
Description form Archeological Source | “Phase M was destroyed by earthquake and fire.” (Franken (1989) p.204) |
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997:100-101) uncovered a sudden collapse of buildings,
with fire at places
which they attributed to an earthquake. Some of the finds included
pottery that represents types known from Neo-Assyrian palaces
which suggests a date probably after
the Assyrian conquest in 732 BCE. Since
Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997:100) used radiocarbon and artifacts to date overlying Phase VI (substage ii)
to end of the 8th through the 7th century BCE and underlying Phase IX was dated to the 9th or 8th centuries BCE,
this suggests a 7th or late 8th century BCE date for this seismic event.
Effect | Location | Image | Description |
---|---|---|---|
Flower Structure | Trench D100
Fig. 1
Tell Deir 'Alla Excavation Trenches Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
Figure 6
Excavating in Trench D, the 30-meter section trench, looking east from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
Fig. 21
Figure 21
Trench D100, looking south from D500. Visible is the heavily burnt surface of one of the installations (also visible in figure 18), and the various earthquake cracks complicating the stratigraphy in this part of the tell JW: Note the Flower Structure (from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
|
Vertical Cracks | Trench D100
Fig. 1
Tell Deir 'Alla Excavation Trenches Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
Figure 6
Excavating in Trench D, the 30-meter section trench, looking east from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
Plate Vb
Plate Vb
Trench D, looking s. Foreground phase A courtyards. Burnt floor of B 1 furnance. Top left the round tower, (wall K 13), cut through wall F (G) 8. Below the round tower remains of wall E 7 and phase D courtyards. Franken (1969) |
|
Fire | Trench D100
Fig. 1
Tell Deir 'Alla Excavation Trenches Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
Figure 6
Excavating in Trench D, the 30-meter section trench, looking east from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
Fig. 21
Figure 21
Trench D100, looking south from D500. Visible is the heavily burnt surface of one of the installations (also visible in figure 18), and the various earthquake cracks complicating the stratigraphy in this part of the tell JW: Note the Flower Structure (from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) Fig. 18
Figure 18
Entry to one of the installations, most likely D148, looking north. Note the black-burnt surface (from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
|
Collapsed Walls |
|
Effect | Location | Image | Description |
---|---|---|---|
Rubble | Field Number D410 |
|
|
Crack |
|
Plate IVa Phase C Earthquake Crack
Plate IVa
Photograph of section 5.50/15.50-20, with earthquake crack, dated to phase C Franken (1969) Plate IVb Phase C Earthquake Crack
Plate IVb
Section Drawing of section 5.50/15.50-20, with earthquake crack, dated to phase C Franken (1969) |
|
Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description |
---|---|---|---|
Broken Pottery found in fallen position | Area B
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
|
|
Collapsed and displaced walls, two seismic shocks, fractures, and fire | Area B ?
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Effects specific to the Phase M/IX Quake
Effects amalgamated from multiple seismic events
Descriptions
|
Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description |
---|---|---|---|
Fractures on pavement | Area B plus perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Vertical cracks mostly in an E-W direction were observed at least every 20 cm in Area B and, it appears, in other parts of the Tell. Not all of these cracks were associated with the Phase M/IX earthquakes but may have been caused by several quakes that struck the site over the centuries. However some cracks in Area B terminated at the contact between Phase M/IX and an overlying "erosion" layer (their terminology) and this stratigraphic relationship dates these cracks to the Phase M/IX Earthquake(s); just like in a paleoseismic trench. Franken (1976) described a 10 cm. wide extensional crack which, by context, appears to be in Area B and associated with one of the Phase M/IX earthquakes. This extension crack suggests a high level of Intensity and that some normal stresses were associated with the causitive earthquake. | |
Anthropic compacted substratum | "the excavated area" and perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Franken (1969) and Franken (1976) noted that parts of the Tell had sunk but did not seem to associate this with one specific earthquake of the several that struck the site over the centuries. Or maybe he did. Franken's prose is, at times, confusing. | |
Collapsed Walls | Area B
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Franken (1976)
noted that some mudbrick walls broke away at floor level. Although this suggests very high levels of Intensity, these structures lacked a foundation and the walls were only one mudbrick thick. These were weak structures. |
|
Displaced Masonry Blocks | Area B
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Franken (1976)
noted that other mudbrick walls broke above floor level after the whole wall had shifted |
Effect | Location | Image | Description |
---|---|---|---|
Collapsed Walls | square D/B7 (the "museum") and ? |
|
|
Displaced Masonry Blocks | square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places" |
|
|
Fracture - crack | square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places" |
|
|
Fire | square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places" |
|
|
Valuable Objects found under debris | square D/B7 (the "museum") and B/E9 (the "kitchen") |
|
Effect | Location | Image | Description | Intensity |
---|---|---|---|---|
Flower Structure | Trench D100
Fig. 1
Tell Deir 'Alla Excavation Trenches Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
Figure 6
Excavating in Trench D, the 30-meter section trench, looking east from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
Fig. 21
Figure 21
Trench D100, looking south from D500. Visible is the heavily burnt surface of one of the installations (also visible in figure 18), and the various earthquake cracks complicating the stratigraphy in this part of the tell JW: Note the Flower Structure (from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
|
VII+ |
Vertical Cracks | Trench D100
Fig. 1
Tell Deir 'Alla Excavation Trenches Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
Figure 6
Excavating in Trench D, the 30-meter section trench, looking east from the Tell Deir ‘Alla archive). Halbertsma (2019) |
Plate Vb
Plate Vb
Trench D, looking s. Foreground phase A courtyards. Burnt floor of B 1 furnance. Top left the round tower, (wall K 13), cut through wall F (G) 8. Below the round tower remains of wall E 7 and phase D courtyards. Franken (1969) |
|
VII+ |
Collapsed Walls |
|
VIII+ |
Effect | Location | Image | Description | Intensity |
---|---|---|---|---|
Collapsed Walls (?) inferred from Rubble | Field Number D410 |
|
VIII+? | |
Crack |
|
Plate IVa Phase C Earthquake Crack
Plate IVa
Photograph of section 5.50/15.50-20, with earthquake crack, dated to phase C Franken (1969) Plate IVb Phase C Earthquake Crack
Plate IVb
Section Drawing of section 5.50/15.50-20, with earthquake crack, dated to phase C Franken (1969) |
|
VII+ |
Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description | Intensity |
---|---|---|---|---|
Fractures on pavement | Area B plus perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Vertical cracks mostly in an E-W direction were observed at least every 20 cm in Area B and, it appears, in other parts of the Tell. Not all of these cracks were associated with the Phase M/IX earthquakes but may have been caused by several quakes that struck the site over the centuries. However some cracks in Area B terminated at the contact between Phase M/IX and an overlying "erosion" layer (their terminology) and this stratigraphic relationship dates these cracks to the Phase M/IX Earthquake(s); just like in a paleoseismic trench. Franken (1976) described a 10 cm. wide extensional crack which, by context, appears to be in Area B and associated with one of the Phase M/IX earthquakes. This extension crack suggests a high level of Intensity and that some normal stresses were associated with the causitive earthquake. | VI+ according the EAE chart but the cracks terminated by stratigraphy suggest at least VII using rules of thumb from Paleoseismology. | |
Anthropic compacted substratum | "the excavated area" and perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Franken (1969) and Franken (1976) noted that parts of the Tell had sunk but did not seem to associate this with one specific earthquake of the several that struck the site over the centuries. Or maybe he did. Franken's prose is, at times, confusing. | VI-VII+ | |
Collapsed Walls | Area B
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Franken (1976)
noted that some mudbrick walls broke away at floor level. Although this suggests very high levels of Intensity, these structures lacked a foundation and the walls were only one mudbrick thick. These were weak structures. |
VIII+ | |
Displaced Masonry Blocks | Area B
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
Franken (1976)
noted that other mudbrick walls broke above floor level after the whole wall had shifted |
VIII+ | |
Broken Pottery found in fallen position | Area B
Fig. 1
Plan, mainly Phase IX (M) Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986) |
|
VII+ |
Effect | Location | Image | Description | Intensity |
---|---|---|---|---|
Collapsed Walls | square D/B7 (the "museum") and ? |
|
VIII+ | |
Displaced Masonry Blocks | square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places" |
|
VIII+ |
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12 (1962), 378-382; 14 (1964), 377-379, 417-422; 15 (1965), 150-152, 535-536; 17 (1967), 480-481; id.,
PEQ 96 (1964), 73-78; id., ILN 6559 (1965), 34-35; 6560 (1965), 27; id., Deir 'Alia I (Review), VT 20
(1970), 243-256; id., ADAJ 15 (1970), 5-10; id. (and M. M. Ibrahim), ibid. 22 (1977-1978), 57-80;
Franken-Kalsbeek (Review), RASOR 224 (1976), 91-94; id., Akkadica 14 (1979), 11-15; id., SHAJ I
(1982), 141-144
H. Cazelles, Semitica 15 (1965), 5-21
A. Vanden Branden, VTI5 (1965), 129-150,532-
535
J. Naveh,IEJI7 (1967), 256-258
G. Sauer, ZAW81 (1969), 145-156; id., BA 42 (1979), 10
W. van
ZeistandJ. A. H. Heeres, Pateorient I (1973), 21-37
E. Masson, Minos 15(1974), 7-33
Z. Mayani, VT24
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J. Hoftijzer, BA 39 (1976), 11-17
Hoftijzer-Van der Kooij (Reviews), Syria 54 (1977),
189-208. PEQ 110 (1978), 69.- IEJ 29 (1979), 133-136.- RASOR 239 (1980), 71-74.- Wiener
Zeitschriftfiir die Kunde des Morgen/andes 72 (1980), 182-189.- Biblica 62 (1981), 124-127.- lAOS
101 (1981), 195-205
A. T. Clason, Journal of Archaeological Science 5 (1978), 91-93
H. P. Muller,
ZDPV94 (1978), 56-67
S. Abbadi, ibid. 95 (1979), 36-38
M. M. Ibrahim and G. Vander Kooij, ADAJ
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P. K. McCarter, Jr., BASO R 239 (1980), 49-60
H. Weippert and M. Weippert, ZDPV 98 (1982), 77-103
J. Koonig, Semitica 33 (1983), 77-88
H. Ringgren, Essays on the Bible and the Ancient World 3 (I. L. Seeligmann vol., eds. A. Rofe and
Y. Zakovitch), Jerusalem 1983, 93-98
J. A. Hackett (Reviews), ZDPV 101 (1985), 187-191.- RB 93
(1986), 285-287; id., Orientalia 53 (1984), 57-65; id., BA 49 (1986), 216-222
A. Lemaire, Syria 61 (1984),
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Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici Sui Vicino Oriente Antico 3 (1986), 79-93; id., VT38 (1988), 220-230; B. A.
Levine, Biblical Archaeology Today, Jerusalem 1985, 326-339
H. Rouillard, La Pericope de Balaam
(Review), AlA 109 (1989), 678-679
V. Sasson, PEQ 117 (1985), 102-103; id., AUSS24(1986), 147-154
G. VanderKooij, MdB46(1986), 34-35;id.,AchaemenidHistory I, Leiden 1987, 97-102
E. Puech,MdB
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B. Halpern, Working with No Data (T. 0. Lanbdin Fest., ed. D. M. Golomb), Winona
Lake, Ind. 1987, 119-139
J. W. Wesselius, Bibliotheca Orientalis44 (1987), 589-599
A. J. Frendo, PEQ
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A. Wolters,
HUCA 59 (1988), 101-113; Akkadica Supplementum 7-8 (1989), 201-205
W. H. Shea, AUSS27 (1989),
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P. T. Crocker, Buried History 26 (1990), 16-20
M.S. Moore, RB 97 (1990), 359-378; id.,
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P.R. S. Moorey, A Century of Biblical Archaeology, Cambridge 1991, 132-135
0. Negbi, TA 18 (1991),
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E. J. Vander Steen, ADAJ 35 (1991), 135-153
R. Wenning and E. Zenger, Zeitschrift fiir
Althebraistik4(199l), 171-193
A. Zeron, VT4l (1991), 186-191
H. J. Franken, Excavations at Tel/Deir
'Alia: The Late Bronze Age Samctuary, Leuven (in press)
M. E. Vilders, Levant 23 (in press).
D. Pardee, JNES 50 (1991), 139–142 (Review)
E. J. Van der Steen, PEQ 131 (1991), 176–192;
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Central East Jordan Valley and Surrounding Regions in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages—A Study of
the Sources (Ph.D. diss.), Groningen 2002; id., Tribes and Territories in Transition: The Central East Jordan
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Leuven 2004
P. Bordreuil, SHAJ 4 (1992), 185–190
W. J. Fulco, BASOR 288 (1992), 92–93 (Review)
R. P.
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J. A. Hackett, ABD, 2,
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O. Negbi, AJA 96 (1992), 344 (Review); id., TA 25 (1998), 184–207
A. Schoors,
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M. M. E. Vilders, Levant 24 (1992), 187–200; id.,
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I. Eph‘al & J. Naveh, BASOR 289 (1993), 59–66
M. S. Moore, Catholic Biblical
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G. A. Rendsburg, Bibliotheca Orientalis 50 (1993), 309–328
R. W. Younker,
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E. Lipinski, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics, 2, Leuven
1994, 103–170
J. Naveh, IEJ 44 (1994), 255–256 (Review)
V. Sasson, UF 26 (1994), 435–442; id., ZAW
108 (1996), 258–263
P. C. Schmitz, Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 25 (1994), 81–87
W. Zwickel, Der
Tempelkult in Kanaan und Israel (Forschungen zum Alten Testament 10), Tübingen 1994, 94–99, 256–257
M. Dijkstra, JBL 114 (1995), 43–64; id., ZAW 109 (1997), 272–274
S. Segert, Zeitschrift für Althebraistik 8
(1995), 71–77
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B. Margalit, Ugarit, Religion and Culture: Proceedings of
the International Colloqium, Edinburgh, July 1994 (J. C. L. Gibson Fest.; Ugaritisch-biblische Literatur 12;
eds. N. Wyatt et al.), Münster 1996, 179–203
R. Vuilleumier, Theologische Zeitschrift 52 (1996), 150–163
M. L. Barre, Interpretation 51 (1997), 254–266
M. M. Ibrahim (& G. Van der Kooij), ADAJ 41 (1997),
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A. Lemaire, OEANE, 2, New York 1997, 137–140; id., Prophetes et
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B. MacDonald,
ASOR Newsletter 47/2 (1997), 39
J. Renz, Schrift und Schreibertradition: Eine Paläographische Studie zum
Kulturgeschichtlichen Verhältnis von Israelitischen Nordreich und Südreich (Abhandlungen des Deutschen
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R. Khouri, Jordan Antiquity Annual, 1–2 (1997–1998)
H. Lutzky,
VT 48 (1998), 15–36; 49 ( 1999), 421–425
J. M. Van Cangh, MdB 110 (1998), 36–41
G. Van der Kooij,
Occident and Orient 3 (1998), 16–18; id., SHAJ 7 (2001), 295–303; id., Moving Matters:
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S. Wimmer, Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology,
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F. Zayadine, NEAS Bulletin 43 (1998), 29–30
S. Ah ̣ituv, EI 26 (1999), 226*; H.
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L.
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P. M. Fischer & K. Kopetzky, Synchronisation, Wien 2000, 131–132
R. K. Gnuse, JBL 119 (2000), 201–220
T. L. Thompson, VT Suppl. 80, Leiden 2000, 322– 326
E. J. Van der Steen, Tribes and Territories in Transition: The Central East Jordan Valley and Surrounding Regions
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G. J. Van
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BC), Amsterdam, 2002, 99–107.