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Deir 'Alla

Aerial View of Deir Alla Aerial View of Deir Alla

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Names
Transliterated Name Source Name
Deir Alla Arabic دير علا
Tell Deir Alla Arabic
Ghor Abū ‘Ubaydah Arabic - modern local name
Introduction
Introduction

The Tell of Deir Alla was inhabited from the Bronze Age until late Persian times and is the place where the oracular Deir Alla Inscription (aka the Balaam Text) was discovered ( H.J. Franken in Meyers et. al., 1997). The area was also occupied in later periods. Some scholars have suggested an identification with Biblical Succoth, Penuel, or Gilgal and others have suggested an identification with Tar 'alah (aka Dar 'ellah) in the Jerusalem Talmud ( H.J. Franken in Meyers et. al., 1997, Halbertsma, 2019:26 citing Franken, 1969, and G. Van Der Kooij in Stern et al., 1993 v. 1).

Identifications

The region in which Tell Deir 'Alia is located is referred to in ancient sources, including Shishak I's victory stela at Karnak, erected after his military expedition in the region. It is mentioned in the Bible in the context of such place names as Adam(ah), Penuel, Succoth, and Zarethan. According to 1 Kings 7:46, Phoenician craftsmen in the region cast bronzes for Solomon's temple in Jerusalem.

The site's name means "monastery situated high up." It has been identified mainly with two historical places, Succoth and Penuel. S. Merrill was the first to suggest Succoth, mainly because the Jerusalem Talmud identifies Succoth with Tar'ala, or Dar'ala, which may very well have been Tell Deir 'Alia. Identification with Penuel was proposed by A. Lemaire, based mainly on the existence of a large sanctuary at Deir 'Alia in the Late Bronze Age. Archaeological research has not yet offered certain identification of the site with any of the places named in the written sources, which are often characterized contradictorily.

History of Excavations

Early topographical descriptions were given by Merrill and C. Steuernagel. Extensive surface explorations of the site were carried out by Glueck until 1942, in which he identified surface pottery sherds as originating in the Middle Bronze Age II, the Late Bronze Age II, and the Iron Age I-II.

The first archaeological excavations at Tell Deir 'Alla were conducted along the northern slope. In 1960, a team from the Netherlands, directed by H. J. Franken of the University of Leiden, opened a 30-m-wide stepped trench. In four seasons (1960-1964), the main goal - to collect a corpus of well-stratified, commonly used pottery from the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age-was reached. Franken's approach to the site was to emulate the detailed stratigraphical analysis practiced by K. M. Kenyon at Tell es-Sultan. In the course of the work, a Late Bronze Age sanctuary was discovered. In 1967, a new series of excavations was initiated to extend the excavation area to the east and southeast, in order to unearth the sanctuary complex. In addition, a sounding was made at the medieval tell (Tell Abu Gourdan), about 50 m to the northeast of Tell Deir 'Alla.

Excavations were resumed in 1976 that were continued in 1978, 1979, 1982, 1984, and 1987 by a joint expedition from the University of Leiden, the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, and, since 1980, the Yarmouk University in Irbid. The expedition was codirected by M. M. Ibrahim (DAJ and Yarmouk University), Franken (1976 and 1978) and G. van der Kooij (since 1979) from Leiden. The format for their research, a diachronic settlement study, was to excavate extensions of the previously excavated areas to the east and southeast (partly prompted by questions concerning the context of the Balaam inscription discovered in 1967). To date, Iron Age II strata have been excavated in the area under study, and some Middle Bronze Age rescue work has been done at the southeastern foot of the mound.

Background Info on Excavations and Iron Age I Deposits from Halbertsma (2019)

The 1960s excavations

1.1.1 – The 1960s excavations

Franken’s excavation methods, while not perfect by today’s standards, were ahead of their time and still largely hold up to scrutiny. ... a well-defined excavated area and archaeological period were chosen as a pilot project: Franken’s Phase B, belonging to his ‘first period’ of Iron Age occupation at the site. This period dates roughly to the second half of the 12th century BCE. One of the few stand-out features belonging to the Phase B deposits at Tell Deir ‘Alla is a series of large installations, which for various reasons (which will be discussed in the following chapters) were interpreted as having to do with bronze-production (Franken 1969, 36-38). These installations, published as ‘furnaces’ by Franken, were attributed to the activity of large-scale bronze casting, practiced by semi-nomadic metalworkers (Franken 1969, 21).

Archaeological periods

Table 1: Archaeological periods
Archaeological Period Dates BCE
Late Bronze Age 3000-1200
Iron Age I 1200-1000
Iron Age II 1000-550

Jabbok/Zerqa River

... The Jabbok (now the Zerqa River) once ran to the north of the mound, shown by the river deposits in the lowest part of Trench D. These are the result of periodic flooding of the river, which kept depositing along the northern side of the mound until after the early Islamic period. The current bed of the Zerqa river is as such a recent development.

Tell Deir ‘Alla

2.1.2 – Tell Deir ‘Alla

Tell Deir ‘Alla, meaning ‘tell of the high monastery’, is a prominent landmark in the Central Jordan Valley, and is one of the larger tell sites in the immediate area. In his report of this region, Nelson Glueck (1945-1949, 308) describes the tell as “one of the most prominent tells in the entire Jordan Valley, and only Tell el-Husn (Beth-shan) and Tell es-Sultan (Jericho) can compare favourably in importance and position with it”. It commands a central point in the landscape, close to the mouth of the Zerqa Valley and the Zerqa River, and most of the nearby tells are visible from its summit. Furthermore, the site is located along several trade routes. These routes led from north to south, along the Jordan Valley, and from east to west, down the Wadi al-Far’ah, crossing the ford at Tell Damiyah, and either following the Zerqa River along and up into the Zerqa Valley, or via the ancient road going east from Ma’adi which is now the main road in and out of the valley. One such route went from Beth Shean in the north, through the eastern ghor to Tell Deir ‘Alla, where it would enter the Zerqa Valley and continue up to the plains of Amman (van der Steen 2008b, 133).

The site measures around 250 by 200 meters, making it a medium sized tell for this part of the Levant (see figure 3). The mound itself is 27 meters high, and its highest point is measured at 201 meters below sea level. It was inhabited at least from the Middle Bronze Age through to the Persian period, and evidence suggests it might have been inhabited during the Chalcolithic as well. During the Islamic period it was used as a cemetery, similar to many tell sites in the Jordan Valley.

Franken and Tell Deir ‘Alla

2.2 – Franken and Tell Deir ‘Alla

Tell Deir ‘Alla was first excavated by Prof Dr Hendricus J. Franken (1917-2005), on behalf of Leiden University, during five seasons between 1960-1964, and in 1967. Franken began his career as a theologist, and after completing his PhD obtained a lectureship in Old Testament archaeology in the Theological Faculty of Leiden University. Franken obtained funding from the ZWO, the Dutch Organisation for the Advancement of Pure Research (now NWO), to study the field techniques required to excavate in the Middle East. The Dutch governmental research institute deemed it necessary that Dutch scholars obtain practical experience with excavation techniques, and funded Franken so that he might run his own project in the future, independently (Steiner and Wagemakers 2018, 38). At the recommendation of Gerald Lankaster Harding, then director of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, he contacted Dame Kathleen Kenyon to study with her at the 1950’s excavations at Jericho. He participated for three seasons at Jericho, between 1955 and 1957.

Jericho had not produced an archaeological sequence covering the transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age, the period he was interested in. Apparently, Kenyon had hoped to also document this, but Tell es-Sultân did not yield any occupational phases from that period. Kenyon was however able to establish a clear stratigraphically substantiated chronology for the periods from the Neolithic to the end of the Middle Bronze Age. Franken wanted to do the same for the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I. To do this he had to pick out another site in the same region, which could provide stratified material that would continue the chronology established at Jericho (Franken 1969, 2). Though explicitly not his primary goal, Franken also hoped to excavate a site that could give archaeological insights into the Israelite arrival into Palestine. If not evident at Jericho, then perhaps another site close to the Wadi Far’ah might provide this information. Having worked at Jericho, Franken was trained in the excavation of mud-brick sites. Due to this experience he was of the opinion that such sites often provide a much greater depth of finely stratified deposits than stone-built sites. He set out to find a site with mudbrick architecture close to the Wadi Far’ah, and did so at Tell Deir ‘Alla. Franken had visited Tell Deir ‘Alla during his travels through the Levant, and became convinced this site held the most potential for the type of excavation he aspired. The site he had in mind needed to be big enough to provide representative data from each occupational layer. On the other hand, it needed to be small enough in order to reach the relevant layers without too much loss of time. Franken was of the opinion that Tell Deir ‘Alla met both of these requirements, and began organising the first season of excavation (Steiner and Wagemakers 2018, 43).

Excavation strategy and methods

2.4 – Excavation strategy and methods

As mentioned above, Franken worked under Dame Kathleen Kenyon at the Jericho excavations, from 1955 until 1957. During this period Franken familiarised himself with the then state of the art Wheeler-Kenyon method, and saw its potential for excavations on mudbrick tell sites. The main principles of the Wheeler-Kenyon method included a focus on the systematic stratigraphic analysis of both architecture and relating deposits, which were excavated as smaller units, named ‘Loci’ - or as is the case at Tell Deir ‘Alla - ‘Features’. This method often involved t he excavation in square trenches placed on a grid, leaving baulks between the individual excavation trenches. These baulks offered vertical sections of the already excavated deposits, used for the ongoing interpretation of the excavated stratigraphy. Excavated finds were collected and registered per feature, which were mapped onto detailed plans. This excavation and registration method had as benefit the improved definition of the stratigraphy, and a more accurate registration of the finds. Because of this attention to stratigraphy and find-contexts, this excavation method aligned with his ambitions to construct a robust pottery chronology for the possible changes from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age I.

Excavation grid and squares

Figures

Figures

  • Figure 6 Trench D Excavation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 7 Trench Layout from Halbertsma (2019)

2.4.1 – Excavation grid and squares

In line with the Wheeler-Kenyon method, a grid system was used for the Franken excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla. This grid system covered the entire site. The main datum line for the excavation made use of a Jordanian Government survey point on the tell’s summit, and ran across the summit of the mound in an East-West direction. The exact positioning of this grid system is detailed in Franken’s 1969 publication (Franken 1969, 15). The Jordanian Government triangulation point was also used as the fixed point from which heights for plans and sections were taken.

Initially, for the purpose of these exploratory excavations an area of 30 by 30 meters was laid out on the grid, along a 30-meter line. This area was subsequently divided into 10 by 10 meter squares. These squares were named alphabetically, in order of excavation. Each individual square was then subdivided into 5 by 5 meter units, increasing the stratigraphic control of excavations. Each of these separate units, henceforth sub-squares, was given a series number, which allowed for precise data collection. For example, square A consisted of sub-squares A100, A200, A300, and A400. Per trench excavation of the 5 by 5 sub-squares proceeded from the top of the slope in a westward direction, stepwise down the slope towards the north (see figure 6). This had as benefit that no baulks were left between the sub-squares, which otherwise would create deep pits. Rather, prior to the excavation of each new trench to the west, the west section of the old trench would be carefully planned, providing as Franken put it “a walking baulk” (Franken 1969, 12). An added benefit to this excavation strategy was that each terrace had an open northern end which greatly facilitated the removal of soil, and eliminated any safety issues related to high, and thus unstable, baulks.

... Initially Squares A to C were excavated, creating the first east-west oriented step. While these excavation trenches adhered to the above described configuration, Trench D deviated from this set. This trench was created to provide a north-south cross-section of the entire excavated area, together with Trench C. Initially, this Trench D was 6 meters wide, but later extended to the full 10 meters. Resultantly, Trench D was 20 by 10 meters, and with the east section of Trench C, provided a north-south section of the entire 30 meter stepped trench. Trenches were also extended north of Squares A and B. These new sub-squares were initially identified as belonging to trenches A and B (to be specific named A500, A600, B300 and B500). However, during the 1961 excavations the 5 meter extension of Trench A (A500, A600) was further excavated as F100 and F200. As a result, there is an overlap between Squares A and F, and both Squares A and B are larger than the originally intended 10 by 10 meters. Subsequently, the remaining part of the 30 by 30 grid was excavated further as Trenches E to G, and Trench L. Squares H and K were eastwards extensions, made in the 1962 excavation season (Franken 1969, 15). Letters I and J were not used for excavation squares. Unfortunately the rationale behind this decision is not clearly detailed in the 1969 publication. For other purposes, Franken does not make use of the letter I to avoid confusion with the Latin numeral for one (Franken 1969, 26). Possibly a similar reasoning is behind the omission of trenches I and J. In 1964 the original 30 by 30 meter excavation area was extended towards the north and east, to investigate a number of interesting Late Bronze Age structures touched upon in this area (Franken 1992). However, these extended areas, which contain the Late Bronze Age sanctuary, are not within the scope of the present research. As such they will not be discussed in further detail.

The ideal excavation strategy outlined by Franken in both his main publications of these early seasons of excavation as well as his later work describing the Late Bronze Age sanctuary, appears not to have been followed in all cases. The resultant plan of the excavated area therefore has an overall planned, but somewhat cobbled together appearance (see figure 7), apparently due to idiosyncratic choices made in the field. Unfortunately, several of these diversions are detailed neither in the published works nor the original field documentation, significantly complicating the understanding and systematic reinterpretation of the excavations in these areas.

Field documentation

2.4.2 – Field documentation

Each stratigraphic unit, such as soil deposits, pits or walls, was documented as a separate feature. Each received its own feature code, also referred to as a ‘deposit number’ (Franken 1992, 6). While topsoil would simply receive the name of the sub-square (for example A100), each following feature would receive an ascending number (for example A101, A102, A103). Both man-made structures and individual earth deposits were excavated separately and documented in this manner. Where possible individual floor layers were also excavated separately. However, in the case of finely laminated floors and in some cases sequences of thin soil deposits, this was not deemed practicable and instead a collective feature code was given. This was indicated through the addition of the letter S to the sub-square code. Features present in more than one sub-square received a separate number in each sub-square. These were then linked in the field book. The appearance of said features were recorded per square in a field notebook, detailing the feature and its relationship to the surrounding archaeology, and providing simple illustrative sketches. Furthermore, each feature was recorded three dimensionally, through scaled drawings (sections and plans) provided with elevations. In addition to the field drawings and description in the field notebooks, black and white photographs were taken of the most important features. Usually excavation was paused until the photographs were developed. In certain cases this was not possible, resulting in the lack of high quality photographs for a number of features. Colour photos were only made on slides for educational purposes. In the later seasons pull-offs were successfully made of several sections.

Minor walls were excavated and drawn upon discovery. Significant earthquake damage was observed at the site, often affecting the visibility of walls greatly. As such, the original plans often proved rather misleading. The precise configuration of the walls was often only fully apparent after complete excavation and examination of the nearest baulks. No heights were taken of walls on the basis of Franken’s assessment that the stratigraphic positioning of walls was not necessarily related to such measurements. As the broad exposure of architecture was not an objective of these early excavations, substantial structures, as well as the directly surrounding deposits would be left untouched for future systematic excavation. Conveniently, many of these substantial structures were found along the trench edges and did not obstruct the digging of the terraces. However, the Late Bronze Age sanctuary proved to fall well within the excavation area, prompting a revised excavation strategy and extension of the trenches in 1964.

Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla after the 1960s

2.4.4 – Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla after the 1960s

After Franken’s 1967 excavation season, hostilities in the region forced the excavations to come to a temporary stop. The excavations were renewed as a joint expedition between Leiden University and the Department of Antiquities of Jordan in 1976 and 1978, led by Franken and Dr Mo’awiyah Ibrahim (Franken and Ibrahim 1978, 57). Due to the importance of the abovementioned Aramaic plaster texts found during the 1967 season, these excavations focussed on the Iron Age II period encountered on the tell’s summit.

This focus on the Iron Age II contexts at Tell Deir ‘Alla was continued by Franken’s successor on Leiden University’s behalf, Dr Gerrit Van der Kooij, who took over the excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla from 1979 onwards in co-directorship with Dr Mo’awiyah Ibrahim from the Department of Antiquities of Jordan. From 1998 the Tell Deir ‘Alla excavations became a co-directorship between Leiden University and the Yarmouk University, with Prof Zeidan Kafafi as co-director of the project. While these excavations focussed largely on the Iron Age II contexts on the tell’s summit, several trenches were opened on the northern, eastern, and southern slopes of the site. These trenches yielded Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I remains, which will be discussed in chapter 4. The excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla came to a stop in 2008, marking almost 50 years of ongoing research at Tell Deir ‘Alla.

The Iron Age I

3.1 – The Iron Age I

The Iron Age I is a period that is not well understood in the Southern Levant. It follows a chaotic period, commonly known as the Late Bronze Age collapse (ca. 1200-1130 BCE). What, or who, exactly caused the onset of this brief but turbulent period is still a matter of debate, but the results are clear. Numerous cities across the Levant are destroyed within a short time frame, as is attested by archaeologically traceable destruction layers: “Within a period of forty to fifty years at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the twelfth century almost every significant city in the eastern Mediterranean world was destroyed, many of them never to be occupied again” (Drews 1993, 4). Major sites which are destroyed during this period are for example Emar, Ras Bassit, Ras Ibn Hani, and Tell Tweini (Cline 2014, 112-113). The events comprising the Late Bronze Age collapse resulted in the demise of the Mycenaean palace s ystem, the decline of both the Late Bronze Age Egyptian and Hittite Empires, and the loss off an intricate economic, political, and culturally connected system of networks (Killebrew 2014, 595). This series of cataclysmic events was traditionally seen as the end of an ‘Age of Internationalism’, of the ‘heroism’ portrayed in the Iliad, and has been interpreted to have resulted in the displacement of large groups of peoples (Ibid.).

The successive Iron Age I is traditionally regarded as a period of ‘dark ages’, lasting for several centuries (Sandars 1978; Wood 1996, 210-259). In this period a shift appears to have taken place from the complex and interconnected palatial systems of the Late Bronze Age to small and isolated village structures. However, the Iron Age I has only recently become understood to be more than only a period of demise, but also a period “characterized by multidirectional cultural and socio-economic interconnections that preceded and coincided with a more protracted demise of the Bronze Age” (Killebrew 2014, 595). Furthermore, this period saw significant societal and political reconfiguration, which is expressed in smaller-scale connectivity, rather than adhering to the preceding Late Bronze Age internationalism (Bloch-Smith and Alpert Nakhai 1999, 115). These changes eventually resulted in the formation of local polities in the Iron Age II Southern Levant, such as the kingdoms of Ammon, Edom, Israel, Judah, and Moab. This reconfiguration allowed for new traditions to be developed, old ones to be reinterpreted, new trade routes to be connected, and new opportunities to be grasped. This period at the turn of the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I falls largely in the 12th century BCE.

The Iron Age I in the Southern Levant

3.1.1 – The Iron Age I in the Southern Levant

Following the Late Bronze Age collapse, the Southern Levant appears to have gone through a hectic period, which included the abandonment of sites, changes in material culture, and interruptions in trade relations. This period in turn was followed by a period of reconfiguration, rebuilding, and at certain sites also continuation of older traditions, all falling roughly in the 12th-10th century BCE. While all of these general patterns have been attested in the archaeological record on both sides of the Jordan River, for the area east of the Jordan River, henceforth referred to as Transjordan, much less is known about this tumultuous period. The number of excavations on sites with Iron Age I levels in this area remains significantly lower than in Cisjordan. Larry Herr states in his exploration of the Iron Age I in Transjordan, that many sites in this region have most likely even been mistakenly identified as Iron Age I. Several older excavations and surveys tended to misidentify pottery as Iron Age I, when it was actually Iron Age II (Herr 2014, 650). Of the sites which have been excavated, a staggering number remains (largely) unpublished, often only accessible through small numbers of preliminary reports describing what was done during the different seasons of excavations. This makes any comprehensive studies on Iron Age I settlement dynamics, socio-political changes, and changes in material culture a difficult endeavour.

Endeavours have been made, however, such as in Bruce Routledge’s book on the archaeology of Moab, Eveline Van der Steen’s book on the Iron Age I in the Jordan Valley, and Larry Herr’s chapter on Iron Age I Transjordan (Routledge 2004; Van der Steen 2004; Herr 2014). Combining the results from these studies on Iron Age I Transjordan, in addition to Ayelet Gilboa’s synthesis of the Iron Age I period in Cisjordan (Gilboa 2014, 625-626), the following model could be proposed for the Iron Age I Southern Levant.

  1. During the Iron Age I the Southern Levant becomes free of external domination, as the chaos of the Late Bronze Age collapse resulted in the retreat of the two main imperial powers of the time: Egypt, and to a lesser extent the Hittites. This ‘power vacuum’ allowed for new societal and political configurations, which in the various regions of the Southern Levant take different forms.

  2. Contact between Cisjordan and the Aegean and beyond nearly ceased altogether, contact with Cyprus and Egypt decreased significantly. Interregional trade, while formerly ‘state administered’, assumes a new and less centralised form. In settlements a larger focus emerges on the “modular repetition of pillared houses” (Routledge 2004, 89), which is seen as indicative of a larger focus on the village and (nuclear) family (e.g. Stager 1985, 20).

  3. Bronze production was still crucial, but the Cyprus and the Egyptian Timna mines were severely weakened. This gap was likely filled by mining enterprises in the Wadi Faynan copper mines, through local initiatives.

  4. A settlement shift from lowland to highland areas is witnessed throughout the Southern Levant, together with an influx of new peoples that had been displaced by the turmoil of the Late Bronze Age collapse. Furthermore, there is an increase in site density compared to the Late Bronze Age, but not necessarily in site dimensions.

The Jordan Valley in the Iron Age I

Figures

Figures

  • Figure 13 Map of Iron Age sites in the Jordan Valley from Halbertsma (2019)

3.1.2 – The Jordan Valley in the Iron Age I

The Jordan Valley itself, which forms the regional setting for the site of Tell Deir ‘Alla, shows most of the features described above associated with the 12th century BCE. There are sites that are abandoned, resettled, or destroyed. As this thesis’ aim is to explore this period specifically from the perspective of Tell Deir ‘Alla, the following chapter will provide a focussed overview of the archaeological evidence pertaining to the 12th century BCE in this region.

The Jordan Valley, which as mentioned in chapter 2 will cover the area from the southern end of the Sea of Galilee to the confluence of the Jordan and Zerqa Rivers, is mentioned as both the exception to and the rule of the larger narratives about the Late Bronze Age to Iron Age I. Contradictory statements about the character of the Jordan Valley in this period are numerous. Iron Age I sites in the Jordan Valley are, sometimes within the same volume, referred to as both “no more than the poor habitations of pastoralists and accompanying animal pens” (Gilboa 2014, 642) as well as seeming “to reflect a more prosperous lifestyle and [containing] a material culture that is oriented more toward the west than sites on the plateau” (Herr 2014, 649). This creates a confusing narrative, entirely dependent on which perspective is chosen for the specific passage.

In order to disentangle this confusing picture, a brief overview will be provided of the evidence gleaned from the archaeological record, which includes various survey projects that provide evidence for the settlement patterns of the Iron Age I in the Jordan Valley, as well as various archaeological excavations of sites with Iron Age I habitation layers.

Survey results

While typically travel reports from the Middle East are associated with 19th century travellers from the West, the Jordan Valley was already frequented and written about from at least as early as Idrisi (1154 CE), Yakut (1225 CE), and Ibn-Batuta (1326 CE) (Le Strange 1890, 31; Gibb 1958, 82-83). The first historical investigations of this area done by the 19th century Western travellers were usually focused on the identification of biblical sites (for a comprehensive list of all travellers' reports and surveys regarding the Jordan Valley, see Kaptijn 2009b).

The first wave of trained archaeologists who began identifying archaeological phenomena in the region, including Albright (1924-1925) and Glueck (1945-1949), began observing that a number of important changes in settlement patterns could be identified for the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age I. Albright, for example, describes that the Jordan Valley must have been the first part of Palestine to be heavily developed, despitethe heat and "mosquito-breeding swamps" (Albright 1924-1925, 67). He noticed that the amount of Late Bronze Age sites in the Jordan Valley was significantly higher than in the hills, and remarks that most of them were abandoned in the Iron Age I, except for Tell Deir 'Alla (which he calls 'Succoth' in his publication) (Ibid., 68). A similar pattern is discussed by Glueck, who argues on the basis of his thorough survey of the Jordan Valley, that the Jordan Valley was not only one of the first settled areas (by which he meant urban settlements of the Bronze Age) of the Southern Levant, but also one of the richest parts of the entire area. He noted that 30 Iron Age I-II settlements were encountered in the area between the southern end of the Sea of Galilee, and the confluence of the Jordan and Zerqa Rivers (Glueck 1945-1949, 335).

While these important early archaeological surveys provided the foundations for the understanding of this period in the Jordan Valley, in more recent years additional large -scale surveys and the subsequent systematic reinterpretation of the existing survey data have allowed for the refinement of this image, such as the East Jordan Valley Survey (Ibrahim et al. 1976), and Eveline Van der Steen's survey during the 'Deir 'Alla Regional Project' (Ibrahim and Van der Kooij 1997; Van der Steen 2004).

The important work by Eveline Van der Steen, combining excavation and survey data of the Jordan Valley (e.g. Van der Steen 1996, 53), produced a picture which shows an increase in Iron Age I sites in comparison to the Late Bronze Age, especially in the Central Jordan Valley. However, the amount of Late Bronze Age sites in this area was already much larger than expected in comparison with other regions (Van der Steen 2004, 101). Additionally, her research identified patterns in the preferential location of Iron Age I sites in this region. Whereas the Late Bronze Age sites are found spread throughout the ghor area, the Iron Age I sites are most often located near a water source such as wadi's. As such, many Iron Age I sites are located along the Zerqa River, resulting in a higher density of sites located in the Central Jordan Valley in comparison to the surrounding areas, in particular the regions north of Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, and south of Tell Damiyah (Ibid.).

This picture is later substantiated by Eva Kaptijn's survey results from the large-scale 'Settling the Steppe' project (Kaptijn 2009b). This project focussed on creating a diachronic perspective of settlement strategies in the Central Jordan Valley, and like Van der Steen's work, shows that the Central Jordan Valley has the highest settlement density of Iron Age I sites in the entire Jordan Valley (Kaptijn 2014, 27). The increase is substantiated with a graph combining both site numbers and settlement density. There is an increase from 26 Late Bronze Age sites, to 37 Iron Age I sites, of which the densest cluster is in the Central Jordan Valley. Another interesting observation stemming from this project, was her theory that larger investments in irrigation strategies likely began somewhere during the Iron Age (Kaptijn 2009b, 410). This allowed for a higher percentage of crop yields, which might have resulted in population growth and subsequently more permanent settlements in the area. Unfortunately her survey conclusions don't differentiate between Iron Age I and Iron Age II, which might narrow this process down further.

Finally, a targeted site survey at several sites in the Central Jordan Valley was conducted by Lucas Petit (Petit 2009). This survey conducted targeted excavations for known Iron Age II sites, in order to gain a better understanding of the settlement dynamics of this period. This project succeeded in the identification of a process of oscillation of habitation at numerous sites, with rapid abandonment and resettling being the norm rather than the exception. Importantly, he observed that the Jordan Valley could be seen as a 'high risk, high reward' area, where the inhabitants had to maintain a manner of flexibility in their subsistence strategies in case of sudden internal or external threats. Petit postulates that this meant maintaining a communication network with the inhabitants of the highland areas, to have a place to fall back on when in need (Petit 2009, 229). While his study focussed on the Iron Age II, this model should be kept in mind for the study of the Iron Age I period, as during this period similar situations might have forced rapid changes in subsistence strategies for the inhabitants of the Central Jordan Valley.

In conclusion, the survey results of this area provide a picture of both change and continuity between the Late Bronze age and the following Iron Age I period. It is suggested that an increase in site density can be witnessed for this period, with a clear locational preference. These observations are particularly important with the political reconfiguration of the Iron Age I in mind, and provide a general, but essential framework in which to interpret the archaeological evidence deriving from the excavation of sites dated to this complex period in the history of the Jordan Valley and surrounding areas.

Excavations of Iron Age I layers

While surveys have indicated the presence of a large number of Iron Age I sites in Trans-Jordan, not much is known about the habitation at these sites. As mentioned above, in comparison to Cisjordan, excavations of Iron Age I layers in Transjordan are still quite rare. This holds true for the Jordan Valley, despite numerous long-term excavation projects in this region. These projects tended to focus on the Late Bronze Age or the Iron Age II, due to the picture of the Iron Age I being 'dark ages'. Seen as a period of decline, Iron Age I occupation often fell between the cracks. Nonetheless, at a modest number of sites layers dating to this period were excavated, giving us some more insights into the material culture and habitation in this period. With the published data several conclusions can be drawn about the Iron Age I in the Jordan Valley.

Of the 37 Jordan Valley sites identified as having habitation dating to the Iron Age I, only roughly 8 published excavations have touched upon those layers thusfar. These most notably include Tell Deir 'Alla, Tell el-Mazar, Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, Tell al-Hammeh, Tell Abu al-Kharaz, Beth Shean, Pella, and Tel Rehov. The most extensively excavated, and published, of these is Beth Shean, where substantial architecture has been uncovered. This site gives evidence of the presence of a large Egyptian garrison town at the site, during the 12th century BCE. It is estimated to have had a modest, but substantial community, with extraordinary richness portrayed in the Egyptian-style public buildings. The material found at this site reflects an ongoing engagement with Egypt, as well as an abundance of local Canaanite traditions. This is indicative of continuity of tradition, where not much changes throughout the 12th century. While several sites show similar patterns of continuation, such as Tel Rehov and to a lesser extent Tell al-Hammeh, Tell Deir 'Alla shows a highly different pattern. At this site the substantial Late Bronze Age sanctuary was destroyed in the first half of the 12th century, after which the site was briefly abandoned. It was then resettled, arguably by 'newcomers' (Franken 1969, 20-21) who came from a different area than the Jordan Valley. The layers belonging to these phases are associated with evidence for metalworking. This pattern of abandonment and resettling shows similarities with other sites, such as Tell Abu al-Kharaz. Particularly in the change in material culture do these similarities emerge, which could be a signal of the reconfiguration of interregional contacts mentioned above. The picture that emerges from the brief outline mentioned above, largely shows that two broad categories of characteristics can be discerned for the Iron Age I in the Jordan Valley, being that of abandonment, destruction, and resettlement, or 'change' in short, as opposed to continuation of local traditions. A third category will be added, being excavated Iron Age I sites with lack of or problematic data. Below a number of the main observations are discussed in more detail.

Table 2 Table 2

List of discussed archaeological sites with relevant phases as published, with corresponding dates BCE.

Halbertsma (2019)


Abandonment, destruction, and resettlement at several Jordan Valley Sites

Abandonment, destruction, and resettlement: change

Several sites in the Jordan Valley appear to be abandoned, or have been abandoned, and subsequently resettled in the period of the 12th century BCE. Clear evidence for this pattern is attested at Tell Deir ‘Alla. During the Late Bronze Age Tell Deir ‘Alla housed an extraordinarily substantial religious structure, or sanctuary. This sanctuary had been built already during the Middle Bronze Age, on an artificially levelled platform. It consisted of a central cella, which functioned as the ‘holy of holies’ of the sanctuary, and was flanked by several store-rooms which contained ceremonial and functional pottery, of both local and imported Aegean origin, imported objects such as cylinder seals, and inscribed tablets. The sanctuary’s architecture shows features of Egyptian building characteristics, comparable to the Fosse Temple at Lachish (Franken 1961, 365). Based on these characteristics, it was postulated that the sanctuary possibly functioned as a hub for a regional market-economy (Franken 1992, 178), trading between the Jordan Valley, Egypt, and possibly Syria and Lebanon. Somewhere after 1180 BCE the temple was destroyed most likely by an earthquake. The specific date was attested by the terminus post quem provided by a cartouche of Queen Taousert from the latest layers of the temple. This destruction event is witnessed in a clearly recognisable destruction layer, with mud-bricks burnt to a degree of vitrification (Franken 1961, 367). This event did not cause the inhabitants to abandon the site immediately, however, as it is apparent from the archaeological record that attempts were made to rebuild parts of the sanctuary, and possibly salvage some of the temple’s inventory (Franken 1969, 20). Another fire resulted in the end of this phase, and the site was briefly abandoned. However, this abandonment phase did not last long, as on top of the debris from the Late Bronze Age sanctuary a series of industrial installations were built. Franken suggests that this was done by a group of newcomers, as mentioned above, largely on the basis of a new pottery repertoire unlike that of the Late Bronze Age inhabitants (Franken 1969, 20-21). These phases, Franken’s Phases A-D, fall somewhere in the second half of the 12th century BCE. These phases have been published, but largely limited to the analysis of the pottery chronology (Franken 1969).

At Pella there is a similar situation as seen at Tell Deir 'Alla, namely destruction and resettlement, but not abandonment. Pella, or Tabaqat Fahl, is a 30-meter-high mound located at the edge of the eastern foothills of the Jordan Valley. It hosted very substa ntial Middle to Late Bronze Age city, which is mentioned in the Amarna letters. Excavations atthe site yielded multi-roomed Late Bronze Age, Pella Phase IA, domestic structures, a multi-roomed courtyard building, as well as a 'Governor's Residence', an administrational/palatial residence of significant size (Bourke 1997, 108). Finds from these buildings include imported Aegean pottery, lapis lazuli, and cuneiform tablets, indicative of long-distance trade. Furthermore, a stone-built Migdol Temple was excavated measuring around 35 x 20 meters, making it one of the largest such temples in the Southern Levant (Bourke and da Costa in Egan and Bikai 1999, 495). Finds from this temple include ivory and faience furniture inlays, faience, carnelian, and lapis lazuli beads, a bronze spearhead, and a ritual ceramic bowl (Ibid.). It was likely constructed around 1450 BCE, and continually used until its destruction in the 9th century BCE, although its shape changed significantly overtime. To the west of this substantial temple was another large building, with heavy walls made from mudbrick. This building, postulated to have been constructed around 1300 BCE, contained numerous storage jars, cooking vessels, and drinking vessels, leading t he excavators to assume it was a public building, possibly for the Iron Age rulers of the town. It was most likely destroyed around 850 BCE. While these large buildings appear to have been used continuously throughout the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I, this did not happen without incident. The entire excavated area is marked by an "extensive fierydestruction" dating to the 12th century BCE, Pella Phase O (Bourke 1997, 110). While Pella does not seem to have been abandoned after this heavy conflagration, the quality of attempted repairs at the site indicate it had significantly declined in its critical faculties, and is left a fairly modest village. Interestingly, one of the buildings from this phase contained a foundation deposit of six 'lamp and bowls', a pottery vessel typical for the 12th century BCE (Ibid., 113). Pella is still awaiting a final comprehensive publication, so unfortunately one must err on the side of caution with most of the published contexts.

Another site which does have evidence for abandonment, is Tell Abu al-Kharaz. This site, located just north of the perennial Wadi al-Yabis, appears to have been continuously occupied from the Early Bronze Age throughout the Late Bronze Age, during which there was a large fortified city. Then, from the Late Bronze Age to the late Iron Age I, there was a sudden break in the site's occupation. This lacuna is postulated to have been caused by a destruction event, but the precise dating of this event is not without complications. While the final Bronze Age phase, Tell Abu al-Kharaz phase VIII, is known to start around 1350 BCE, the exact end of this phase is unknown due to disturbances in the stratigraphy by later Iron Age occupation. As such, dating the destruction layer causing the lacuna is difficult. However, it is clear that the site wasn't occupied again until the late Iron Age I, around 1100 BCE (Fischer and Burge 2013b, 309). Although the precise dating remains an issue, there is a clear occupational gap during the 12th century BCE, the period in which both Tell Deir 'Alla and Pella are destroyed and subsequently resettled. Tell Abu al-Kharaz is well published, with comprehensive final publications on the Early- and Late Bronze Age and Iron Age layers (Fischer 2006; Fischer 2008; Fischer, 2014).

While not entirely fitting with the sites described above, the Tell es-Sa'idiyeh cemetery shows evidence for change in a different way. Tell es-Sa'idiyeh is a substantial tell site to the northwest of Tell Deir 'Alla, and at only 1.8 km from the Jordan River, close to the katar. It rises some 40 meters above the surface, and consists of an upper and a lower mound. On the lower mound an impressive cemetery was encountered, yielding around 500 individually numbered burial installations (Green 2013, 420). These date from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Iron Age I. These burials show evidence of local burial customs (consisting of rectangular or oval pits sometimes lined with mud-bricks), as well as burials in ceramic jars (single jars with interred children and double-pithos burials containing adults). Interestingly, the latter of these burials, and only the latter, were robbed in antiquity. Among the burials were signs of attempted mummification using bitumen, dressing and ornamenting the body, as well as secondary treatment of burials (Green 2006, 243-261). Burials yielded numerous artefacts pointing to wealth, social expression, and long-distance trading, such as metal scarab-rings, lotus-vessel pendants, scaraboids, electrum toggle-pins, necklaces, (ankle) bracelets, bronze weapons, bronze 'wine sets', and finger-rings (Ibid., 422-427; Tubb 1988b, 58-65). The cemetery is published extensively by Jack Green (e.g. Green 2006; Green 2007; Green 2009; Green 2010; Green 2013; Green 2014), who established that the burial record could be used to identify social changes during the end of the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I. For example, based on a study of which individuals wore certain personal adornments, he was able to reconstruct a possible shift in kinship structure towards the Iron Age I, with a "shift to a more patriarchal society in the Early Iron Age" (Green 2007, 303-304). Other than kinship, a preference in burial goods seems to have shifted as well, where Egyptian-style beads in the Iron Age I were usually interred with children, whereas in the Late Bronze Age burials they usually accompany adults (Green 2013, 427).

Flower Structures

 Figure 21

Idealized models for the major characteristics in cross-sectional view of the three types of flower structures present in the divergent-wrench fault zone.

  1. Negative
  2. Positive
  3. Hybrid


Huang and Liu (2017)


Flower structures are typical features of wrench fault zones. Identification is based on differences in their internal structural architecture. Negative and Positive Flower Structures are widely known in Paleoseismology. Huang and Liu (2017) proposed a model of a 3rd type of flower structure - the Hybrid Flower Structure. All 3 types of flower structures are summarized below:
  1. Negative flower structures
    • consists of a shallow synform bounded by upward spreading strands of a wrench fault with mostly normal separations
    • occur in divergent-wrench fault zones where blocks move parallel to each other (i.e., pure strike-slip faults) and move with a component of divergence (i.e., divergent or transtensional wrench faults), especially easily occur in the regions of releasing bends and step overs along these wrench faults
    • their presence indicates the combined effects of extensional and strike-slip motion.

  2. Positive flower structures
    • consists of a shallow antiform displaced by upward diverging strands of a wrench fault with mostly reverse separations
    • only occur in fault restraining bends and step overs where blocks move parallel to each other (i.e., pure strike-slip faults) and move with a component of convergence (i.e., convergent or transpressional wrench faults)

  3. Hybrid flower structures
    • characterized by both antiforms and normal separations
    • only occur in fault restraining bends and step overs
    • can be considered as product of a kind of structural deformation typical of divergent-wrench zones
    • is the result of the combined effects of extensional, compressional, and strike-slip strains under a locally appropriate compressional environment.
    • The strain situation in it represents the transition stage that in between positive and negative flower structures.
    • Kinematic and dynamic characteristics of the hybrid flower structures indicate the salient features of structural deformation in restraining bends and step overs along divergent-wrench faults, including the coexistence of three kinds of strains (i.e., compression, extension, and strike-slip) and synchronous presence of compressional (i.e., typical fault-bend fold) and extensional (normal faults) deformation in the same place.

Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, Sections, Drawings, and Photos
Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, Sections, Drawings, and Photos

Maps

Normal Size

  • Location Map from Van der Kooij (2006)
  • Jordan Valley Sites from Ferry et al. (2011)
  • Fig. 2 Map of Iron Age I sites in the Jordan Valley from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Fig. 13 Map of Iron Age sites in the Jordan Valley from Halbertsma (2019)

Magnified

  • Location Map from Van der Kooij (2006)
  • Jordan Valley Sites from Ferry et al. (2011)
  • Fig. 2 Map of Iron Age I sites in the Jordan Valley from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Fig. 13 Map of Iron Age sites in the Jordan Valley from Halbertsma (2019)

Aerial Views

Normal Size

  • Fig. 2 Aerial view of Tall Dayr ‘Allå from Kafafi (2009)
  • Deir 'Alla in Google Earth

Magnified

  • Fig. 2 Aerial view of Tall Dayr ‘Allå from Kafafi (2009)

Plans and Sections

Site Plans

Normal Size

  • Map of the mound and excavation areas from Stern et al. (1993 v. 1)
  • Site Plan with Excavation Areas from Van der Kooij (2006)
  • Fig. 1 - Map of the mound and excavation areas from Kafafi (2023)
  • Fig. 1 - Plan of Excavation Trenches of the 1977-1978 seasons from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)

Magnified

  • Map of the mound and excavation areas from Stern et al. (1993 v. 1)
  • Site Plan with Excavation Areas from Van der Kooij (2006)
  • Fig. 1 - Map of the mound and excavation areas from Kafafi (2023)
  • Fig. 1 - Plan of Excavation Trenches of the 1977-1978 seasons from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)

Area Plans and Sections

Normal Size

  • Fig. 1 - Top plan of the recovered architectural remains of the last stage of Phase IX (Area B) from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991)
  • Fig. 4 Section and plan of Middle Bronze structures showing collapsed walls from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 16 Plan and section of excavated structures in Squares C/P 13 and 14 from Kafafi (2009)

Magnified

  • Fig. 1 - Top plan of the recovered architectural remains of the last stage of Phase IX (Area B) from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991)
  • Fig. 4 Section and plan of Middle Bronze structures showing collapsed walls from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 16 Plan and section of excavated structures in Squares C/P 13 and 14 from Kafafi (2009)

Drawings

  • Fig. 19 Reconstruction drawing of the ‘pillared house’ at Tall Dayr ‘Allå from Kafafi (2009)

Photos

Normal Size

  • Plate IVa Phase C Earthquake Crack from Franken (1969)
  • Plate IVb Phase C Earthquake Crack drawing from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Va Seismic displacements (Phases A-D) from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Vb Phase B Flower Structure and burnt floors in Trench D from Franken (1969)
  • Figure 21 The same Phase B Flower Structure and burnt floors in Trench D from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 6 Trench D Excavation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Plate VIb Phase A Flower Structure from Franken (1969)
  • Plate IXa Reed foundation and cracks from Franken (1969)
  • Plate IXb Bowed Walls from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Xa Phase J road levels from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Xb Phase K wall dug into ruins of wall F8 from Franken (1969)
  • Plate XIa Phase M wall from Franken (1969)
  • Plate XIb Phase M cistern from Franken (1969)
  • Plate XII Fill of Phase M cistern from Franken (1969)
  • Fig. 13 burned layer separating the two Middle and Late Bronze Age phases from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 17 burned phase at the south foot of the tall from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 18 four burned wooden pillars and the stone pavement south of them from Kafafi (2009)

Magnified

  • Plate IVa Phase C Earthquake Crack from Franken (1969)
  • Plate IVb Phase C Earthquake Crack drawing from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Va Seismic displacements (Phases A-D) from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Vb Phase B Flower Structure and burnt floors in Trench D from Franken (1969)
  • Figure 21 The same Phase B Flower Structure and burnt floors in Trench D from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 6 Trench D Excavation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Plate VIb Phase A Flower Structure from Franken (1969)
  • Plate IXa Reed foundation and cracks from Franken (1969)
  • Plate IXb Bowed Walls from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Xa Phase J road levels from Franken (1969)
  • Plate Xb Phase K wall dug into ruins of wall F8 from Franken (1969)
  • Plate XIa Phase M wall from Franken (1969)
  • Plate XIb Phase M cistern from Franken (1969)
  • Plate XII Fill of Phase M cistern from Franken (1969)
  • Fig. 13 burned layer separating the two Middle and Late Bronze Age phases from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 17 burned phase at the south foot of the tall from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 18 four burned wooden pillars and the stone pavement south of them from Kafafi (2009)

Chronology
Phasing

Chronological Table from 1700-300 BCE from Kafafi and van der Kooij (2013)

Fig. 1

Chronological table of the periods represented at Tell Der 'Alla

(after van der Kooij 2009)

Kafafi and van der Kooij (2013)

Phases I to IX from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1979)

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1979)
Phase Equivalent Phase Age Discussion
I The medieval arabic graveyard on top of the tell was touched in the baulks only. Some of the graves, excavated before, were still partly left in them. One complete, though damaged, grave with a main part of the skeleton was found in the 1.5 m wide N - baulk of B/B5, on top of the remnants of the phase V E - W wall. The skeleton had at its feet a small stone, artefact with a waist-like middle part.
II The characteristic pits of this phase were found in some of the baulks (partly) as well as probably in square B/C8. Substantial work on this phase was done in B/A9 and 10, in excavating the very large pit which was discovered in 1978 already. This pit (deposit nr. B/A 10.6) turned out to be partly 2.75 m deep. Large portions of the thick accumulation of red-brown courtyard layers of phase IV, through which this pit had been dug and which formed the edge of it, were broken off and fallen down into the pit, partly together with other fill. The reason for making this pit is still obscure. One might think of digging away the plant remains of phase IV as manure, but the pit went considerably below that phase as well.
III not earlier than 4th c. BCE The remnants of this phase are of the last building activities (as far as the evidence goes until now), which took place on the tell. Wall parts of a large building were found in 1978 right on top of the mound. Outside this building no architectural remains of this phase could be discerned. The walls and floors found in squares B/A 5 and 6, and B/B 5 and 6 in 1978, and previously attributed to phase III have to be connected with phase V. This gives a change in date attribution of this phase: not earlier than the 4th cent. B. C.

Some pits belonging to this phase had been partly preserved in the baulks. An almost complete flat bowl was found in pit B/A 8.6 (= B/B 8.3, see section drawing fig 3.), which was partly filled with white vegetable material. This black slipped plate (see pl. XXII, 1 and drawing fig. 1), made of red burning clay, is a Greek type, so called "fish plate", of the 4th cent. B.C.
IV The thick accumulation of red-brown plant matter, mixed with some earth ("courtyard layers") was dug away again on several places, especially in the baulks. Again no walls were found associated with these layers during this phase. At places it is clear that some irregular pits were made during the accumulation and filled again with the same kind of layers. Human activity during the accumulation is also clear from some pots and many potsherds found in the layers, and also from a sherd with some aramaic ink writing on it (It is a sherd of a jar written below the handle). However the sherd was found without any other sherd of the same jar around.

The character of the layers is still not clear. A first-glance judgment at the Biological-Archaeological Institute in Groningen, where all the biological samples from Tell Deir 'Alla are being analysed, made it clear that the plant matter had been heated considerably, but the background of this way of accumulation is still obscure.
V 5th/early 4th c. B.C. Most of phase V had been excavated in the two previous seasons already. Some architecture was found as well as court¬yards with pits (silo's). See op. cit p. 70 fig 9. However several lacunae in the walls still existed. The walls in squares B/A5 and 6 and B/B5 and 6 had been built in the phase between V and VI (see below) and rebuilt (reused) in phase V. Wall B/A5.1 was a re-use of wall B/A5. 21, 29, 30, going together with B/A6.1 on top of B/A6.33. B/A5 and 6.1 had been attributed to phase III in the previous report. On the other hand a 10 m long wall, discovered in the N. baulks of B/B5 and 6 was contemporary with N-S wall B/A5.2, so belonging to phase V. Peculiar in this E-W wall was that a large stone with a cavity (for grinding?) was found in its foundation. The wall was well preserved with its one, partly two, rows of foundation stones, and four, partly five, courses of mudbrick left.

The date of this phase has to be put somewhere in the 5th/ early 4th century B.C. (Fig. 2; Pl. XXII, 2).
V/VI around 600 BCE Additional phase between V and VI - We had to decide to establish an intermediate phase to account for several courtyard layers, many pits and a reappraisal of the stratigraphy of the architectural evidence in squares B/A5 and 6 and B/B5 and 6. The architecture to be attributed to this phase is limited to the W. part of the excavated area, as it has been drawn in op.cit. p. 70, fig. 9, as attributed to phase V. Cf. Pl. XI for stone foundation of walls B/A5, 15, and 29. This phase started with digging away much of the preceding phase VI, e. g. in B/A8 and 9 and B/B8 and 9 (See section drawing fig. 3,and plan drawing of phase VI, fig. 4). This digging was possibly done in order to obtain clay for building. During the existence of this additional phase several other pits were made, e.g. in B/B9 and B/C8 (cf. Pl. XVIII). Some of them were filled with the same burnt debris of phase VI as was taken out.

The accumulation of courtyard layers was quite high as is visible on Pl. XII, a photograph of the E section of B/A7. Note The stones just above the bottom of the trench belong to phase VI as do some of the washed accumulation on top of the stones. The mudbricks visible in the upper half of the section belong to wall B/A7.5A of phase V. It is also visible that this wall was cut by a phase III pit, to the N. To the S the phase V and IV courtyard accumulation are clearly visible.

Among the objects coming from this phase one may mention several oblong loomweights (some of them were found together with some pottery, including a small "decanter" (Pl. XXIII, 1) at the bottom of pit B/B5.34. In B/C8.31 (dumped debris) a small fragment of an ostracon was found written on both sides in aramaic script. The layers of this phase seem to date from around 600 B.C. (other objects : Plates XXIII, 2 — XXV, 1).
VI ~600 BCE In addition to the architecture found in 1976/78 some more walls of phase VI were unearthed this season. See plan drawing (fig. 4), and see also plan drawing, (fig. 10) in the previous report. The architectural remains are still very fragmentary due to the large scale pit digging during subsequent phases. Most of these later pits are indicated on the plan drawing. The largest one is in the SW half of square B/B9 and the bordering squares (see also section drawing, fig. 3). It has a diameter of about 5.5 m. Phase VI itself had started with a large scale digging too. This is clear in squares B/B5 & 6. Much of the solid clay deposits of phase VII had been removed, and the resulting "pits" have been filled again with debris dump. Many sheep or goat bones were found on a surface in the lower part of this dump (Pl. XIII). There had been some leveling as well, and it is worth noticing that in most squares the surface of the beginning of phase VI was at about the same level (c. -202.40 m).

The main pieces of architecture were in squares B/C 10, B/B8, 9, 10 and B/A8. The room in B/C 10 had been excavated in 1978 and had still much plant material on its floor. It apparently was a storeroom with its thick walls. The heavy stone foundation of wall B/B9.21 (= B/B 10.24), see (Pl. X1V), may indicate an important building, but only very little had been left of it. The stones B/B9.26, visible on drawing and photograph, do not belong to phase VI; they are part of a pit fill. Squares B/A 10 and 9 did not show any connecting walls, just a few groups of stones. Their original function is not clear. The large phase II pit B/A 10.6 reached just to the lower surface of phase VI. Square B/A8 showed (see also Pl. XV) a N-S wall (nr. 20) with remains of a crosswall to the N, and further a connecting N-S wall again in B/B8. To the E of wall B/A 8.20 there was a small oven (dep. nr. 32) with much ash (nr. 35) around with several complete pots in it, e. g. (Pl. XVI, 22). The place W of this wall shows few remains: pit B/A 7.26 with plant matter and loomweights in it, and several courtyard layers. The function of mudbricks 25 is not yet clear, nor is it certain to which phase they, belong. The stones B/A 6.53 may be of another wall. The row of bricks B/A5.59 is not a wall, but kind of a path. The surroundings of it were filled up to almost the same level with hard packed courtyard layers. No architecture was found in this square nor in B/B5 and 6. That place functioned apparently as courtyard. A cluster of four tabuns used successively, is characteristic of this (see Pl. XVII for three of them). An important feature in the, construction of the tabuns was the use of mudbricks at some of the outside lower parts of them. The ovens were used during the process of filling up the "pit". There were no clearly used surfaces in the dump which filled the same pit in B/B6. The fill layers were sloping down northward. The squares B/C7 and 8 had courtyard layers only, with some small pits and much ash. (See Pl. XVIII, XIX). For some artifacts coming from this phase, (see Pls XXI 1 - XXVII ).
VII B ~700 BCE Phase VII is up to now represented by solid courtyard layers of clay in squares B/B5 and 6 as well as normal wash and courtyard layers in B/C7 and 8 and B/A7. In B/A8 also stones are involved, out no clear wall foundation. The clay deposits in B/B6 are especially interesting, because they have many holes of pointed poles in and below the floors, (see Pl. XX, 1). The unexpected identity of the holes was understood by the fact that the object that had made them had pressed the clay layers in which it came sideward and downward. The poles had been standing close together in a certain order, but not all at the same time. The precise function of them remains obscure. Further digging more to the S may give clear suggestions.

Very much of this phase had been dug away at the beginning of phase VI.
VIII The 8th phase has been touched in B/C6 7 and 8 only. There appears a very shallow remnant of it. The main feature is an almost 7 m. long double row of mudbricks (size 40 X 55 X 10 cm) going E-W, with in B/C6 a double N-S row of mudbricks making a corner. In B/C6 the rows have two courses of bricks each, and the bricks are made of the local yellow banded clay. It seems that the rows of bricks are two courses high everywhere. This would possibly mean that the brick-made construction had not been built higher originally, whatever its function might have been.

It is possible that phase VII has to be combined with VIII.
IX M 8th century BCE This phase IX is the same as phase M in previous countings. Much of it had been excavated in 1967 in an area of c. 25 X 25 m NW of the trenches dug during the last three seasons. Much of the architecture had been revealed, and some of it has been published preliminary in J. Hoftijzer, G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alla, Leiden, 1976, (Pls. 16-19) and in A.D.A J. op. cit. 1978, p. 64, fig. 6 (square B/C5). During this season excavations of phase M were done in one square only, namely in B/C6, to the E of B/C5, labelled EE 400 and EE 300 respectively in 1967. In 1967 it became clear that all the phase M architecture excavated had been destroyed by earth-shock and fire . The room found in B/C6 was destroyed by fire too.

The walls are partly still standing up to 1.25 m high, and the room is found filled with burnt roof and wall debris. For a plan of the walls combined with those of B/C5 see plan drawing (fig. 5). The height of the debris (deposits 61 and 63) is shown on (Pl. XX, 2) where the floor is visible as well as the E most part of the burnt debris. Note also the lower course of mudbrickS 57 going N-S at the top of the photograph. To the left is a doorway with a quern at the threshold. See also (Pl. XXI, 1) for a photograph of one stage in the removal of the debris inside the room. In the NW corner the floor of the room is visible. An especially interesting feature is the antler found as fallen almost directly on the floor of the room (P1. XXI, 2). Some of the artifacts found may be mentioned here. Plates (XXVIII, 2 - XXIX,2) show some of the pottery found. A sealed jar handle (see Pl. XXX, 1). A sherd with graffiti writing and drawing (Pl. XXX, 2). Phase IX probably has to be dated in the 8th century B. C. (Pl. XXXI).
Additions from other sources
Phase Equivalent Phase Age Discussion
X and XI D 1200 - 950 BCE ? Equating X and XI with D comes from Van der Kooij (2006)
XII E ends c. 1200 BCE Equating XII with E comes from Van der Kooij (2006)
XIII H/G/F Equating XIII with H/G/F comes from Van der Kooij (2006)

Phase A subdivisions from Franken (1969)

List of Deposits of Phase A

Franken (1969:35)

Phase B subdivisions from Halbertsma (2019)

  • Franken published a list of deposits relating to Phase B in the 1969 publication, which is summarised below for Trench D
  • from Halbertsma (2019)
Table 3 Table 3

Subdivision of phases with corresponding field-numbers from Trench D100 and D500

(after Franken 1969, 39-40).

Halbertsma (2019)

Phase C subdivisions from Franken (1969)

List of Deposits of Phase C

Franken (1969:41-42)

Phase E subdivisions from Franken (1969)

List of Deposits of Phase E

Franken (1969:46)

Table 2 - Excavation and stratigraphic results: Phases A–G from van der Kooij (2006)

Table 2

Excavation and stratigraphic results: Phases A–G3 (from squares “F and L” in the west to “P600” in the east)

Footnote 3 Not all parts of the excavated field had stratigraphic connections through all phases.

Van der Kooij (2006)

Table 10 - Preliminary general phasing A–H from van der Kooij (2006)

Table 10

Preliminary general phasing: an attempt to synchronize all fields’ phases9

Footnote 9 - The phases are distinguished according to features of partial or full collapse and rebuilding, as well as separate courtyard accumulations; a more limited rebuilding is taken as a sub-phase. Long term desertion of the site is not clearly noted. Bold types are used for major building phases, which may be synchronous. These distinctions are basically local, but four of them are indicated as multi-local or even general which is indicated by continuing horizontal lines in the table.

Van der Kooij (2006)

Middle and Late Bronze Age Phasing from Fischer (2006)

General Remarks

Tell Deir 'Alla was occupied from the later part of the Middle Bronze Age until approximately 350 B.C.17 The architectural remains are in principle of mudbrick, in which the site differs from Tell Abu al-Kharaz and Pella where walls with stone foundations were usually built. The oval base of Tell Deir 'Alla covers a surface of approximately 5 ha (12.5 acres). The excavations of Tell Deir 'Alla have exposed remains which date from the MB II-III period and the Late Bronze Age. During the Late Bronze the elevated area was enlarged to the north by levelling earthworks of dumped clay from the same hill and from elsewhere, and a temple was built on parts of this terrace. The settlement continued more or less within the limits of the current base of the tell. A large-scale conflagration and destruction left traces all over the site at a level of 10-15 m above the current plain, marking — apart from some rebuilding attempts — the end of the Late Bronze Age.

The locations of the remains from the various periods are as follows:
  • MB II (?)/III-LB IC at the eastern base of the tell
  • MB II (?)/III-LB IB at the southeastern base of the tell
  • LB IA-end of LB on the northern slope
  • LB II at the north-western base and the south-western slope of the tell
  • MB III (?)-LB II at the southern base of the tell (see p. 224 Table 10)
Van der Kooij distinguishes three main phases of the occupational sequence of Tell Deir 'Alla during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages:
  • the initial phase, viz. MB II/III
  • the follow-up settlement which includes major parts of the LB I and II
  • the final stage which ended with a general conflagration and only some limited rebuilding, viz. the end of the LB II
The stratigraphic analysis of the separate excavation fields, each comprising a set of squares, is fundamental to his chronological determinations. These fields were partly synchronized by indirect stratigraphic indications (natural hill and general fire) and guided by the typology of widely distributed artefacts. "Absolute" dating is done with the help of parallels from other sites where absolute dates are provided, and by a few historical connections with Egypt.
Footnotes

17 There are some occupational lacunae during the Iron Age.

Table

Phase Period Dates Discussion
1-3 MB II /III ‎see Table 10 - -The phases of the first settlement are Phases 1-3. The first settlement was established on a low natural hill. Drill holes and excavations suggested that the natural hill was probably limited to what is at present the eastern and middle part of the tell. The small excavated parts of the first settlement show quite solid mudbrick architecture with walls of 1.0-1.5 m width, and with courtyards. One of the courtyards includes a cooking area with bread ovens and often ash-rich occupation debris. The well-constructed buildings had several rooms which show various orientations in the different areas excavated. The function of the rooms is not yet clear. A bent trident and a spearhead were found at the bottom of a stone-lined pit in a niche-like space. The intentional deposition of the disabled tools may point to cultic practices, although there are no other indications of sacral activities. The distribution of the finds suggests a minimum settlement size of approx. 200 X 100 m. There is a possibility that the settlement was — at some stage — surrounded by an earthen rampart, of which the northern part was turned into a terrace to give an elevated position for the temple later on (see below). A shaft-hole axe on a stone-paved area was found in the latest phase of the Middle Bronze Age.

The pottery from the first settlement (Phases 1-3) includes Chocolate-on-White, represented by a bowl with pronounced carination, and Tell el-Yahudiyeh Ware. Common ware bowls, too, show carinations, of various shapes but usually rather pronounced. Another shape is a bowl with a profile resembling that of the Eggshell Ware, a sub-group of the Chocolate-on-White Ware (Fischer in this volume), viz. a flaring S-shape. Cooking pots from the first settlement are of the "hole-mouth type" with some variations which mainly concern the stance of the rim, the earliest showing an inwardly curved upper part with a folded-over or thickened rim (Types 1-3). The other cooking pot types, with the typical flaring rim, with a number of variations (Type 4 and subtypes) also occurred. This type dominated during the entire Late Bronze Age. A Cypriote White Slip II bowl is obviously an intrusive find.
4-13 LB I-II The Late Bronze Age is divided into Phases 4-13. Additional field work and studies are necessary in order to evaluate the characteristics of the various Late Bronze Age phases. These phases show local collapse and rebuilding processes, but not necessarily any large-scale destruction during the Late Bronze Age nor a prolonged period of erosion except for the general destruction very likely caused by an earthquake which brought Phase 12 (= E) to an end. It appears that the habitation was more or less continuous for some three centuries, though decreasing in size (indicated in the SSW quarter), until Phase 12, when it expanded again.

A new settlement was built on the levelled surface of the MB occupation and the elevated extension to the North was created. Thinner walls and differently oriented buildings are typical. The buildings on "the terrace" include a temple compound which was apparently built in the first LB phase. The following settlement phases are represented in various areas. However, the excavated spaces are too small to allow any precise synchronization of these areas, which are spread all over the tell. The size of the Late Bronze Age settlement is approximately 200 x 150 m but it might have been as much as 250 x 200 m, thus including the extensions of the tell at its base. During the next phases the settlement was reduced in size.

The only part where the pottery from the Late Bronze Age phases has been diachronically studied is the trench in the temple. In the following Franken's phasing system of the trench is used for the assemblage description and preliminarily equated with van der Kooij's attempted general phasing system from Table 10 in Chapter 3.

The Phase A (= tentatively general phase 5) assemblage consists mainly of shallow bowls, with several of them on a high foot, and carinated deep bowls, with some on a high foot, as well as some lamps (shallow and lightly spouted), and an unparalleled jar. All bowls are slipped, generally on the interior and exterior, often with a white/cream slip first and a pink slip over it, but not burnished. Furthermore they are all decorated with reddish-brown paint — except for one which has black paint — using motifs of lines, geometric patterns and some figurative patterns. The sherds also include a few cooking pots of Type 4c.

The smaller assemblage from Phase B (= tentatively general phase 7) includes the same variety of bowls, with the same slip and decoration. There are also two sherds with bichrome decoration. The assemblage includes the cooking pot type with the flaring rim, in addition to the vertical double-folded-rim type that is characteristic for the final part of the Late Bronze Age.

The small amount of pottery from Phases C and D (= tentatively general phases 8-10) includes a lamp, more pinched than the earlier examples, and the few cooking pot rim sherds seem again to represent the two types mentioned above in the description of Phase B. Both the white and the pink slip (wash) are used, but not together, and many shallow bowls and other shapes are not slipped at all. Reddish-brown line/band decorations are sometimes used but often without a slipped surface, which also applies to the one bichrome (red and black) example.

Examples of imported pottery from the N slope are Cypriote White Slip II fragments which according to parallels from Tell el-'Ajjul H2 belong to the category "early — mature" (LB IC — Late Cypriote (LC) IIA-B — middle-later part of the 18th Dynasty as synchronised; see FISCHER 2003a: 277, fig. 5:3). Another fairly good parallel is the complete bowl from the Phase VII temple of Tell Abu al-Kharaz in Area 2 with approximately the same synchronized date (Fischer in this volume).

Other artefacts with possible links to Egypt were unfortunately found in Iron Age contexts. The first is a rectangular seal stone with the name of Ramesses II. The second is a scarab with the cartouche of Tuthmosis III. ‎
12-13 The final Late Bronze Age The final phases of the Late Bronze Age settlement can be easily recognized by a destruction layer which brought Phase 12 (= Franken's phase E) to an end. The size of this final-LB settlement is a minimum of 125 m x 175 m. The settlement includes a religious quarter to the north, domestic parts to the south (and west) and an industrial and store or trade quarter further south. The destruction is dated to the period of Pharaoh Tausret's short reign or shortly thereafter. The Phase 12 settlement is characterized by a general extension of the area of the settlement which now includes a kind of industrial quarter. No town wall seems to have been built. Phase 13 represents some rebuilding attempts which also were destroyed by fire.

The pottery from the last two Late Bronze Age phases is abundant and many complete vessels were discovered. The pottery assemblages from Phases 12 and 13 are not clearly differentiated. They mainly include several sizes of shallow bowls, some deep bowls, handled kraters, wide jugs, small jugs, dipper juglets, egg-shaped jars and pithoi with collared rim, as well as high footed bowls, goblets, pilgrim flasks and fenestrated pots. Most of them are not decorated. Some differences between the pre-Phase 12 (E) and Phase 12 (E) pottery are: white and pinkish-white slipped ware is much less present in the Phase E assemblage. The cooking pot type which already started in Phase 7 (B) is the only type prevailing in Phases 12 (E) and 13 (F) and the dominant type during the first part of the Iron Age. The assemblage of the post-Phase 12 (E) pottery is identical with that of the previous phase and includes the collared-rim pithos.

Imported pottery is represented by five small storage vessels of Mycenaean origin. Typologically they belong to the LB IIIA2-B. Other artefacts include six complete and incomplete clay tablets which have not yet been deciphered. There is also the faience vase already mentioned, with the cartouche of Pharaoh Tausret and a bulla with the name of Tuthmosis III (!), which was used during Phase 12/13. A large jar stopper with the impression of a big seal, bearing apparently Egyptian signs, has not ‎yet been deciphered. The vase with Tawosret's name from Phase E/12 provides a historical link.

Time periods from Stern et al (1993)

Age Dates Comments
Early Bronze IA-B 3300-3000 BCE
Early Bronze II 3000-2700 BCE
Early Bronze III 2700-2200 BCE
Middle Bronze I 2200-2000 BCE ‎EB IV - Intermediate Bronze
Middle Bronze IIA 2000-1750 BCE
Middle Bronze IIB 1750-1550 BCE
Late Bronze I 1550-1400 BCE
Late Bronze IIA 1400-1300 BCE
Late Bronze IIB 1300-1200 BCE
Iron IA 1200-1150 BCE
Iron IB 1150-1100 BCE
Iron IIA 1000-900 BCE
Iron IIB 900-700 BCE
Iron IIC 700-586 BCE
Babylonian & Persian 586-332 BCE
Early Hellenistic 332-167 BCE
Late Hellenistic 167-37 BCE
Early Roman 37 BCE - 132 CE
Herodian 37 BCE - 70 CE
Late Roman 132-324 CE
Byzantine 324-638 CE
Early Arab 638-1099 CE Umayyad & Abbasid‎
Crusader & Ayyubid 1099-1291 CE
Late Arab 1291-1516 CE Fatimid & Mameluke‎
Ottoman 1516-1917 CE

Time periods from Meyers et al (1997)

Phase Dates Variants
Early Bronze IA-B 3400-3100 BCE
Early Bronze II 3100-2650 BCE
Early Bronze III 2650-2300 BCE
Early Bronze IVA-C 2300-2000 BCE Intermediate Early-Middle Bronze, Middle Bronze I‎
Middle Bronze I 2000-1800 BCE ‎Middle Bronze IIA
Middle Bronze II 1800-1650 BCE ‎Middle Bronze IIB‎
Middle Bronze III 1650-1500 BCE ‎‎Middle Bronze IIC
Late Bronze IA 1500-1450 BCE
Late Bronze IIB 1450-1400 BCE
Late Bronze IIA 1400-1300 BCE
Late Bronze IIB 1300-1200 BCE
Iron IA 1200-1125 BCE
Iron IB 1125-1000 BCE
Iron IC 1000-925 BCE Iron IIA‎
Iron IIA 925-722 BCE Iron IIB‎
Iron IIB 722-586 BCE ‎Iron IIC
Iron III 586-520 BCE Neo-Babylonian‎
Early Persian 520-450 BCE
Late Persian 450-332 BCE
Early Hellenistic 332-200 BCE
Late Hellenistic 200-63 BCE
Early Roman 63 BCE - 135 CE
Middle Roman 135-250 CE
Late Roman 250-363 CE
Early Byzantine 363-460 CE
Late Byzantine 460-638 CE
Early Arab 638-1099 CE
Crusader & Ayyubid 1099-1291 CE
Late Arab 1291-1516 CE
Ottoman 1516-1917 CE

Archaeological Periods - Late Bronze, Iron Age I, and Iron Age II - from Halbertsma (2019)

Table 1: Archaeological periods
Archaeological Period Dates BCE
Late Bronze Age 3000-1200
Iron Age I 1200-1000
Iron Age II 1000-550

The Iron Age in the Southern Levant

Phase E Earthquake (?) - 1400-1200 BCE

Plate VIb from Franken (1969) shows what looks like seismic deformation of Late Bronze Age Deposits which were burned and then overlain by the Iron Age I deposits of Phase A. Raphael and Agnon (2018:775), while citing Franken (1992:6-9), may refer to this as a Phase E earthquake in LB II (Late Bronze II). Kafafi and van der Kooij (2013:Fig. 1) indicate that Phase E ended ~1200 BCE in LB II right before the start of the Iron Age.

Plate VIb

Phase A accumulation over the red burnt L.B. ruins. Thick ash deposit (D 908), interrupted by pits and cracks.

Franken (1969)


References
Raphael and Agnon (2018)

LB II (1400-1200 BCE)

massive earthquake destruction followed by fire in the temple and surrounding buildings (Phase E), at the end of the Late Bronze Age. A wide crack through Room E1 was noted, where the floor sunk. Collapsed roofs, broken floors were also distinguished, along with debris over 1 m high. Straw and reeds mixed with clay formed the roof, which led to fires at high temperatures. Roof found directly on the floor. Cracks running east-west. Subsequent earthquakes followed during the end of the period ( Franken, 1992:6-9).

Franken (1969)

Phase A

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 4 - Plan of Phase A from Franken (1969)
  • List of Deposits of Phase A from Franken (1969)

Phase A

The plan of phase A shows a depression between the ruins of the L.B. [Late Bronze] cella, which was built on a brick platform, on the east side and the ruins of what seem to have been two towers on the west. The northern tower belonged to the second re-building period of the sanctuary after its total destruction and the southern tower is the third and last attempt to rebuild. From the stratigraphic evidence which is available it is clear that the attempts to rebuild did not last for more than a few years at the most.

Between these ruins lay a depression of c. two metres depth, which was tilled with the earliest I.A. [Iron Age] deposits, consisting of occupation levels with thick deposits and streaks of burnt material washed from the ruined L.B. buildings. These wash deposits penetrate like wedges between the occupation levels and partly make up these levels. Besides this, there is all the earth excavated from the phase A pits made by the new occupants. Practically all the lower deposits of phase A consist, therefore, of L.B. material. This changed after the L.B. ruins were completely levelled off.

At an early stage the depression was used to store brushwood, obviously fuel for ovens or furnaces, which caught fire leaving a deposit of white and pink coloured ash in places as much as 20 cms. thick. (P1. VI.b) Similar fires occurred in later phases, burning over the whole width of the excavated area. As a result of this fire the ruins of the latest L.B. tower caught fire and burned from the level on which the fuel had been piled up. Though the heat did not penetrate much below the ground level, the remaining bricks above the surface were all thoroughly burned red. This caused a new series of streaks of burnt L.B. clay to wash down over the I.A. deposits. This observation confirms that once a certain degree of heat is generated in a mud brick wall, the wall itself conducts the heat and burns right through. At the same time it shows that the tower cannot have been a ruin for a long time, as its bricks still contained enough straw and air to feed the flames. From the section through this tower it is clear that the burnt bricks are higher than the unburned bricks already buried under the surface, and since compressed by the influence of moisture and pressure.

The dotted line on the map, running east-west from 30.50/28 to 0.50/30 indicates the top of a crack which slopes down in a northerly direction. On both sides of this crack the difference in height of the same deposits is about 0.60 m. Deposits that reach the surface of the tell on the south side of the crack continue again on the north side.

Structures

A stone pavement not connected with any walls was found in sq. E (619), immediately on the top of burnt walls from the first rebuilding of the L.B. sanctuary. (Pl. VIa) It was probably part of the metal-industry installations and contained several large fragments of stone bowls, which may have originally belonged to the L.B. sanctuary. The scanty traces of two walls in sq. C(204) cannot be interpreted as either house walls or as an industrial installation. The division between phases A and B falls later, with the building of the furnaces in sq. D. The clay for the bricks of these and many of the later walls was taken from the slopes of the mound, for they contain many burned clay particles which colour them in light reddish shades. These walls decomposed easily under the influence of the rain and the winds and they sometimes form an almost indistinguishable part of the debris in which they are buried. Here right from the beginning is the typical feature that nowhere in the I.A. were walls built on stone foundations. They were always built on top of the existing surface.

From a sounding in 1964 (not published here) east of the excavated area, brick constructions exist with heavy walls. They could either form part of the industrial works oft he new occupants of the mound or may belong to a structure similar to the sanctuary but on a much smaller scale; thus carrying on the tradition of a holy place.

A puzzling feature arc the many pits that were dug in this period. Apart from a few pits that may have been dug for treasure hunting in the area of the ruined cella, these pits usually have a typical "pear" shape in section, and their depth is sometimes over 2 m. One pit is brick lined and not pear-shaped. There must be some connection with the industry. On the plan only those pits that could be certainly attributed to phase A are drawn. Because of their depth a great number of pits near the northern limit (the slope) cannot be stratigraphically distributed over the phases. Further, the phase A deposits have been badly disturbed by many phase B pits penetrating into the earlier levels. These disturbances have not been indicated on the plan.

It is clear that a good deal of the pottery found in phase A must come from the earlier structures. Although the earliest I.A. pottery is distinguishable from the latest pottery from the sanctuary, the phase A pottery has not been used for our statistical studies. Pottery from sq. D. dates from the time after the complete levelling off of the L.B. ruins and is therefore more reliable. By the end of phase A the surface slopes from east to west, but the accumulation in sq. D. does not seem to begin before the great fire in phase A. The sq. D. deposits have been divided in 3 so that when excavation can be extended to the east and south, the new stratigraphic evidence can be properly fitted into the present picture.

Phase E

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 10 - Plan of Phase E from Franken (1969)
  • List of Deposits of Phase E from Franken (1969)

Phase E

A considerable amount of building started in phase E. A substantial building (walls E1 and E2) appears, only a small portion of which was traced in phase E (cf. phase H). The width of wall E1 is 1.40 m. This building had a long history and was rebuilt in phase H. The original floor consisted of day. A curious structure was found between the two walls, looking as if a wall had been folded double. A large amount of organic material (straw?) was found in the fill, but no pottery. North of wall E1 an accumulation of wind-blown material was found, which also piled up against wall E4. Walls E3 and 4 and probably E5 form another building. Wall E4 was in a very bad state of preservation in square E 300. Wall E5 was built on the remains of wall D1. In this wall a doorway was found, which was blocked with bricks. A later pit had destroyed part of the remains of this wall. Wall E4 is slightly later than wall E3. Two walls, E9 and E10 became visible in the east section of square A but have not been further excavated. They appear to be buried in their own clay and slope down to the west. South of wall E9 street levels appear. Between walls E5 and B6 a series of street levels, covered by a thick deposit of clay and wind-blown material was found. Wall E6 survived only in a few traces. No connection between this wall and wall E7 could be found. East of wall E6 there was again a series of street levels or occupation levels, alternating with ashy, burnt and unburnt clay deposits. These deposits also stretch right along the south side of wall E7. This wall was found in an almost completely decayed state, reduced to a heap of clay with bricks in a regular position recognizable only in square D. The wall seems to have run parallel to a very substantial wall E8, which was so near the surface that the bricks had decomposed. There was no evidence that walls E7 and 8 formed a casemate wall. They were however certainly built on the same surface. The space between these walls was filled with clay rubble. From the present evidence they cannot be interpreted as town walls. They lasted only through phase E. The position of these walls illustrates what has been said in the introduction about the wind erosion working on the north west corner of the tell.

Both from the pottery evidence and from the structural remains of this phase it be-comes clear that a new type of occupation of the mound begins with phase E. Too little is known yet about the nature of the large building on the west side to ascertain its purpose, but a store house is possible. That progress was slow and that there were still large open spaces is shown by the fact that wind-blown material still accumulated in this period against the walls, a process discussed in phase D.

We have found no indications that the tell was actually abandoned for any length of time between phases D and E. Brick wall D1 was still partly standing when the new building activities started. Wind-blown material, especially of the kind found all over the surface of the tell in the semi-nomadic period, accumulates quickly. (A basket boy emptying his basket on the top of the dump during an eastern storm could see the contents of his basket being blown as a dust cloud to the west). There is no evidence that a later phase of the "nomadic" period was eroded away from the excavated area before the new building activities started. (For the pottery evidence, see Part II.)

We assume, therefore, that a group of villagers took possession of the mound for a new settlement. This must have happened about the middle of the 12th century B.C. or slightly later. Their pottery tradition was certainly related to that of the "semi-nomads" but there are some characteristic differences. It is certainly possible that the semi-nomads continued their activities in the vicinity, leaving the mound to the villagers. There are no indications of any hostilities having taken place between the two groups.

Fire - 1250 - 1150 BCE

Figures

Figures

  • Fig. 13 burned layer separating the two Middle and Late Bronze Age phases from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 16 Plan and section of excavated structures in Squares C/P 13 and 14 from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 17 burned phase at the south foot of the tall from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 18 four burned wooden pillars and the stone pavement south of them from Kafafi (2009)
  • Fig. 19 Reconstruction drawing of the ‘pillared house’ at Tall Dayr ‘Allå from Kafafi (2009)

Discussion

Kafafi (2009:592-593) reports that excavations revealed heavily burned mud-brick structures on the south part of the Tell. The area was interpreted as a place for metal-working and storage adjacent to what was interpreted as a 'pillared house' from the same phase. Based on architectural style, the 'pillared house' was dated to ca. 1250-1150 BCE during the latest phase of LBIII.

References
Kafafi (2009)

3. The South Foot of the Tall

In 1982 a narrow ditch was dug along the south foot of Tall Dayr ‘Allå in order to divert run-off water from the modern town. The north section of this cut contained heavily burned mud-brick structures including, perhaps, a kiln. The excavators therefore decided to investigate this area by opening a very small trial trench. Three occupational phases were recognised:
  • an upper one represented by several pits of different sizes
  • a middle one comprising the re-use of a building that was constructed during the lower and earliest phase, which dates to the latest phase of LB III (Ibrahim and Van der Kooij 1997: 108) (FIG. 15).
Furthermore, in 1994 two more squares (C / P13 and 14) yielded a complex of mud brick walls and burnt debris in their earliest phases. Both the roof debris and mud-bricks are heavily burned, giving them a red-brown colour (FIG. 16). Unfortunately, the floor of this building was not reached, but in the meantime fragments of corroded copper alloy, together with crucible fragments, may indicate metal-working activities nearby. The finds in this complex included a spindle, flint blade, basalt pestle, small haematite stone, large Egyptian clay-seal impression and a clay tablet. The excavators have suggested that this area functioned as a place for metal-working and storage (Ibrahim and Van der Kooij 1997: 108).

The 2000 and 2004 excavations at the foot of the tall, partly exposed an extension of the industrial activities discovered in 1994, and also a poorly understood mud-brick construction about 10m. wide and at least 10m. long, that was associated with the burned phase but which was not, for the most part, burned itself (FIG. 17). On top of this construction were the burned remains of a row of four thick pillars, spaced 70-80 cm. apart from each other. Unfortunately the space behind them, to the west, remains unexcavated. To the south of this row of wooden pillars was a stone pavement with a step at its southern edge that leads to the top (FIG. 18).

The plan of this building and its method of construction is indicative of the so-called ‘pillared house’, known from several parts of the ancient Near East. Despite the fact that the western part of this building still unexcavated, a tentative reconstruction is presented in Figure 19.

This type of building is dated to ca. 1250 - 1150 BC (Herr 1997: FIG. 20); it seems that the house was destructed in a major fire.

Phase B Earthquake - Iron Age I - 2nd half of the 12th century BCE

Figures

Figures

  • Figure 21 Phase B Flower Structure and burnt surface from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Idealized Models of Flower Structures from Huang and Liu (2017)

Discussion

Halbertsma (2019:54-55) reports that a substantial religious structure, a sanctuary built in the Middle Bronze Age, was was destroyed most likely by an earthquake in Iron Age I sometime after 1180 BCE. This terminus post quem was attested by a cartouche of Queen Taousert [r. 1191-1189 BCE] from the latest layers of the temple. Halbertsma (2019:55) noted that the destruction event is witnessed in a clearly recognisable destruction layer, with mud-bricks burnt to a degree of vitrification (Franken 1961, 367). In fact, photographs from the excavations show the type of deformation one expects to find in a paleoseismic trench including a flower structure in Trench D100 (Fig. 21). Halbertsma (2019:55) notes that this event did not cause the inhabitants to abandon the site immediately, however, as it is apparent from the archaeological record that attempts were made to rebuild parts of the sanctuary, and possibly salvage some of the temple’s inventory (Franken 1969, 20). But, another fire resulted in the end of this phase, and the site was briefly abandoned. After the abandonment phase a series of industrial installations were built on top of the debris of the sanctuary. The new occupants left different types of pottery which allowed the Phase B destruction event to be dated to the 2nd half of the 12th century BCE.

References
Flower Structures

 Figure 21

Idealized models for the major characteristics in cross-sectional view of the three types of flower structures present in the divergent-wrench fault zone.

  1. Negative
  2. Positive
  3. Hybrid


Huang and Liu (2017)


Flower structures are typical features of wrench fault zones. Identification is based on differences in their internal structural architecture. Negative and Positive Flower Structures are widely known in Paleoseismology. Huang and Liu (2017) proposed a model of a 3rd type of flower structure - the Hybrid Flower Structure. All 3 types of flower structures are summarized below:
  1. Negative flower structures
    • consists of a shallow synform bounded by upward spreading strands of a wrench fault with mostly normal separations
    • occur in divergent-wrench fault zones where blocks move parallel to each other (i.e., pure strike-slip faults) and move with a component of divergence (i.e., divergent or transtensional wrench faults), especially easily occur in the regions of releasing bends and step overs along these wrench faults
    • their presence indicates the combined effects of extensional and strike-slip motion.

  2. Positive flower structures
    • consists of a shallow antiform displaced by upward diverging strands of a wrench fault with mostly reverse separations
    • only occur in fault restraining bends and step overs where blocks move parallel to each other (i.e., pure strike-slip faults) and move with a component of convergence (i.e., convergent or transpressional wrench faults)

  3. Hybrid flower structures
    • characterized by both antiforms and normal separations
    • only occur in fault restraining bends and step overs
    • can be considered as product of a kind of structural deformation typical of divergent-wrench zones
    • is the result of the combined effects of extensional, compressional, and strike-slip strains under a locally appropriate compressional environment.
    • The strain situation in it represents the transition stage that in between positive and negative flower structures.
    • Kinematic and dynamic characteristics of the hybrid flower structures indicate the salient features of structural deformation in restraining bends and step overs along divergent-wrench faults, including the coexistence of three kinds of strains (i.e., compression, extension, and strike-slip) and synchronous presence of compressional (i.e., typical fault-bend fold) and extensional (normal faults) deformation in the same place.

Archaeological Periods

Table 1: Archaeological periods
Archaeological Period Dates BCE
Late Bronze Age 3000-1200
Iron Age I 1200-1000
Iron Age II 1000-550

Halbertsma (2019)

Figures and Tables
Figures and Tables

Normal Size

  • Figure 18 Black burnt surface of an entry to one of the installations from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Table 3 Phase B subdivisions from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 21 Phase B Flower Structure and burnt surface from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Plate Vb Phase B Flower Structure and burnt floors in Trench D from Franken (1969)
  • Figure 6 Trench D Excavation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Idealized Models of Flower Structures from Huang and Liu (2017)
  • Figure 22 Section DIIb, between Squares D100 and D500 from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 23 Harris matrix of the Phase B installations from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Table 4 List of stratigraphic units visible on section DIIb from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 24 Part of section DI from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 25 Part of section DIII from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 26 Sub-phase 2 installation floor from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 27 Sub-phase 5 installation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 31 Upright mudbricks creating niches in D148 from Halbertsma (2019)

Magnified

  • Figure 18 Black burnt surface of an entry to one of the installations from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Table 3 Phase B subdivisions from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 21 Phase B Flower Structure and burnt surface from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Plate Vb Phase B Flower Structure and burnt floors in Trench D from Franken (1969)
  • Figure 6 Trench D Excavation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Idealized Models of Flower Structures from Huang and Liu (2017)
  • Figure 22 Section DIIb, between Squares D100 and D500 from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 23 Harris matrix of the Phase B installations from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Table 4 List of stratigraphic units visible on section DIIb from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 24 Part of section DI from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 25 Part of section DIII from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 26 Sub-phase 2 installation floor from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 27 Sub-phase 5 installation from Halbertsma (2019)
  • Figure 31 Upright mudbricks creating niches in D148 from Halbertsma (2019)

Discussion

... There appeared to not have been a permanent village until after the Iron Age I. During the Late Bronze Age, the site seemed reserved for a single large sanctuary, with no ordinary settlement of any kind.

...No human remains were found in the layers dating to the Iron Age I. ...
The Iron Age I deposits at Tell Deir 'Alla

1.1.2 — The Iron Age I deposits at Tell Deir 'Alla

... the Iron Age I remains at Tell Deir ‘Alla consist of no less than 4 meters of well-documented accumulated archaeological deposits. These deposits contain significant architectural features, as well as a wealth of finds such as figurines, ornamental pottery, bronze objects, and personal ornaments. As mentioned above, these Iron Age I deposits have been thoroughly documented, but were published focussing more on the pottery chronology (Franken 1969).

Abandonment, destruction, and resettlement

... Abandonment, destruction, and resettlement: change

Several sites in the Jordan Valley appear to be abandoned, or have been abandoned, and subsequently resettled in the period of the 12th century BCE. Clear evidence for this pattern is attested at Tell Deir ‘Alla. During the Late Bronze Age Tell Deir ‘Alla housed an extraordinarily substantial religious structure, or sanctuary. This sanctuary had been built already during the Middle Bronze Age, on an artificially levelled platform. It consisted of a central cella, which functioned as the ‘holy of holies’ of the sanctuary, and was flanked by several store-rooms which contained ceremonial and functional pottery, of both local and imported Aegean origin, imported objects such as cylinder seals, and inscribed tablets. The sanctuary’s architecture shows features of Egyptian building characteristics, comparable to the Fosse Temple at Lachish (Franken 1961, 365). Based on these characteristics, it was postulated that the sanctuary possibly functioned as a hub for a regional market-economy (Franken 1992, 178), trading between the Jordan Valley, Egypt, and possibly Syria and Lebanon. Somewhere after 1180 BCE the temple was destroyed most likely by an earthquake. The specific date was attested by the terminus post quem provided by a cartouche of Queen Taousert from the latest layers of the temple. This destruction event is witnessed in a clearly recognisable destruction layer, with mud-bricks burnt to a degree of vitrification (Franken 1961, 367). This event did not cause the inhabitants to abandon the site immediately, however, as it is apparent from the archaeological record that attempts were made to rebuild parts of the sanctuary, and possibly salvage some of the temple’s inventory (Franken 1969, 20). Another fire resulted in the end of this phase, and the site was briefly abandoned. However, this abandonment phase did not last long, as on top of the debris from the Late Bronze Age sanctuary a series of industrial installations were built. Franken suggests that this was done by a group of newcomers, as mentioned above, largely on the basis of a new pottery repertoire unlike that of the Late Bronze Age inhabitants (Franken 1969, 20-21). These phases, Franken’s Phases A-D, fall somewhere in the second half of the 12th century BCE. These phases have been published, but largely limited to the analysis of the pottery chronology (Franken 1969).

... Tell Deir ‘Alla Phase B belongs to the so-called ‘first period’ (phases A-D as published by Franken (1969, 33)), a period attributed to semi-nomadic habitation of the mound following the Late Bronze Age destruction (e.g. Franken 1969, 38; Van der Steen 1996, 68). In general terms the period is characterised by a limited amount of architecture, a large quantity of dug pits, and accumulations of courtyard layers. This ‘first period’ started with the repurposing of the remaining standing architecture of the LBA [Late Bronze Age] sanctuary, possibly for shelter.

Tell Deir 'Alla during the 'First Period'

4.1.1 — Tell Deir 'Alla during the 'First Period'

Franken subdivided the stratigraphy of the Iron Age I at Tell Deir 'Alla in two main periods: the 'First Period' (Phases A-D), and the 'Second Period' (Phases E-M). The former, which is the focal point of this thesis, begins when the remaining Late Bronze Age architecture was used for 'squatter' habitation (Phase A). The remains of the Late Bronze Age sanctuary were cut into, as attested by many dug pits and a large depression of around 2 meters deep. These features gradually filled back up with wash layers containing Iron Age I pottery, but were still intermixed with Late Bronze Age pottery. Franken attributes this to the digging activities at the site, which resulted in the inclusion of Late Bronze Age material in the Iron Age I assemblage. The large 2 meter deep depression was, according to Franken, used for storage of fuel such as brushwood. This fuel caught fire and burnt over at least the entire excavated area, resulting in ashy patches of a white and pink colour, sometimes as much as 20 cm thick. This fire caused the last standing architecture from the Late Bronze Age to collapse, and subsequently wash over the accumulated Iron Age I layers (Franken 1969, 33-34).

In Franken’s publication of the Iron Age I stratigraphy, this is where Phase B starts. A sequence of three installations positioned one atop the other were observed, with possible evidence for at least one more directly north of the former three, dating to Phase B (Franken 1969, 36-37). According to Franken, these installations were enclosed by four mud-brick walls, creating a square shape (see figures 26 and 27). The original inside width of the installations was approximately 2 meters. Excavating this phase proved somewhat problematic due to several substantial cracks running through this area (see figure 21), causing the stratigraphy to sink at several places. Franken notes that the cracks would dry out during the excavation, causing the soil to shift up to 20 cm (Franken 1960, 389; Franken 1969, 38).

After the last use-phase of the Phase B installations, they were destroyed. Subsequently, numerous small layers began to cover the installations, marking the beginning of Franken’s Phase C. While two new walls were built on the remains of the installations, it is unclear what how they can be interpreted. This area in Trench D was heavily weathered due to its proximity to the tell’s surface. Numerous layers containing burnt clay are deposited, often with pits dug into them.

Stratigraphic analysis of the Phase B excavation trenches

4.2 Stratigraphic analysis of the Phase B excavation trenches

A starting point had to be defined to begin working with the Tell Deir 'Alla archive and explore its potential. To this end a well-defined context had to be chosen, small enough to allow the author to investigate it in the span of this MPhil research, and significant enough to contribute to the current scientific discourses. The Phase B installations met these criteria, and therefore were chosen as a 'pilot study' for the current research. As the Phase B installations fall largely within two trenches, Trenches D100 and D500, and the overall chronology of Phase B is most clearly represented here, this provided a well-defined and manageable starting point. As mentioned above, the relevance of these installations for the Iron Age I Jordan Valley made these all the more appealing. While they are discussed in the literature, their archaeological contexts haven't been fully published yet. While it still proved a substantial task to get fully familiarised with the excavation system and the documentation, the selection of the Phase B installations as the focal point of the current research and the limiting of the analysis of the stratigraphy to these two trenches, provided a realistic starting point for working with the Tell Deir 'Alla archive.

In this section a detailed analysis of the stratigraphy of the Phase B installations will be provided. As mentioned above, the preceding Phase A is very clearly visible in the stratigraphy. It appears as a dense sequence of wash layers, as described by Franken. In the subsequent period many changes occur, as suddenly various phases of building activities can be observed. Franken already reflected this in a change of stratigraphic phase, ascribing the subsequent phase as Phase B. This division still holds true, which is why it will be adopted in this thesis.

4.2.1 — Data from the archive

While nothing is guaranteed when working with old archives, a surprising amount of data concerning the Phase B installations could be retrieved. Apparently, Franken had already realised in the field how important the Phase B installations would become, as these features are covered relatively generously in the archive. Numerous photos document the features, as well as various drawings, sections, and sketches in the fieldnotes by Franken himself. Apart from the usual drawings, which were made for every excavated square, smaller and targeted top-plans and cross-sections were also drawn. Below is a summary of what the archive contains regarding the Phase B installations.

Sections

As was usual for every excavated Trench, all the sections in the sub-squares of D100 and D500 were drawn. However, due to the steep slope towards the north of trench D no north-section was made for sub-square D100. This was not unusual, as Franken applied the 'walking baulk' method described in chapter 2. Instead, the south section from adjoining square D500 is referred to, as an 'inverted' north section for square D100, and is documented as drawing Dllb (see figure 22). The regular section drawings for sub-square D100 are DI (the large eastern section covering the entirety of Trench D, see figure 9 and figure 24), DII a (the south section), and DIII (the west section, see figure 25). Apart from the regular section drawings, which were made for every excavated square, smaller cross-sections of soundings made to clarify the stratigraphy were also drawn.

Top-plans

As with the section drawings, Trench D100 had several major top-plans, being D1, D2, D3, and D4. These top-plans all portray the Phase B installations, in various stages of the excavation process. D4, for example, shows the situation when the installation are encountered. D2 shows remains of the first use of Phase B, as well as some Late Bronze Age architecture. D3 shows the first installation (see figure 26), and D1 the latest (see figure 27). Other than these drawings, which were made in the field, summarizing drawings were made combining all of the top-plans. In these the furnaces are plotted one atop the other. Other than these drawings, the archive also contained several smaller top-plans from Phase B. These are often difficult to trace back to their stratigraphic location, as not all of them contain clear measurements forthe grid system.

Fieldnotes

The fieldnotes relating to Trenches D100 and D500 are in one single notebook. The fieldnotes were written by Prof Dr H. Brunsting, a Dutch archaeologist, who was the sole supervisor of the excavations of Phase B in Trench D (see figure 19). The fieldnotes pertaining to Phase B were written between 8 February and 27 March 1960, indicating it was excavated over the period of roughly a month and a half. The fieldnotes vary in quality and content, with certain deposits being described in much greater detail than others. References are made to the section drawings and top-plans, and certain sketches and excavation strategies explain decisions made in the field. The overwhelming majority of the fieldnotes, however, describe very briefly what work was done in what area of the trench. This leaves out descriptions of the deposits that were excavated, as well as the precise location of many finds, complicating stratigraphic analyses.

... Photographs

Thus far a total of 55 separate photo’s portraying information from Phase B in Trench D have been recovered. They vary in quality, and it is apparent that several times multiple photographs were shot of the same feature at more or less the same angle. These were likely made with the ‘Miranda’ camera (see figure 18), which often required taking several of the same shots to ensure a positive outcome when processing the negatives. The majority of these photographs capture one or more aspects of the Phase B installations, indicating these were a clear priority for the excavators.

... 4.2.2 – Franken’s publication of Phase B

In the 1969 publication, Franken published his stratigraphic interpretation of Phase B (Franken 1969, 36-40). While he published several top-plans, as well as a cross section of the installations, these were summaries of the actual drawings. Franken’s main goal for the 1969 publication was to publish the pottery chronology, which should be kept in mind when interpreting the stratigraphy on that basis. He published the walls with different numbers than the ones used in the field, but did keep the original deposit numbers. This makes retracing his steps somewhat complicated, as the variety of numbers in the 1969 publication do not reflect the documentation in the archive, which is less detailed.

Franken identified 5 sub-phases in Phase B, based on the stratigraphy. These cover the entire period that the furnaces were in use, the first of which he postulates was likely built in the very last part of Phase A. He notes that the east, west, and south walls of the installations form the installations' shape, which stays more or less the samethroughout Phase B. Franken recognised three separate installations, but the first one was dug through a possible earlier one constructed in Phase A. As such, a sequence of 4 installations was recognised, all constructed one atop the other. The exact outline and location of the phase A installation could not be retraced, but the walls from the first Phase B installation were cut down into the older walls.

The installations do vary somewhat in shape. The first one, D153, appears to have two small and narrow openings protruding towards the north. The opening was wider for the second installation, but for the third installation appeared blocked. These openings appeared to shift slightly northward with each new building phase. Stones were incorporated into the walls of the chambers of the first installation. These stones had split from heat exposure, and were coloured dark red. The consistency of the floors was hard, and they'd burnt to a depth of ca 5 cm. Burnt clay made up the fill beneath the installations, and the soil around them contained burnt clay particles and "many tiny drops of metal" (Franken 1969, 36-38). Franken was quite brief in discussing the actual stratigraphy of the phase, and doesn't explain on what basis the sub-phases were divided.

Franken makes an interesting side-note in his publication, which is relevant for later interpretation of the installations. As it is part of his initial interpretations and described the archaeological deposits, it should be mentioned here:

It is however a curious fact, that slag was only found in large quantities from phase E onward. And this is not slag from melting metals but from the burnt walls of kilns or furnaces. It can be found in masses near the kilns of the modern potters village of Kerami. From the present evidence the accumulation of deposits on the tell in this period h as to be explained mainly by the destruction of furnaces and moulds, and this is possible as these deposits contain a large amount of burnt clay particles, and ash in patches or large stretches in abundant. Slag and stones were probably systematically removed from the surface by the smiths and thrown down the slope so as not to get mixed in the clay used for moulds. The villagers from phase E on brought it back while quarrying fortheir houses (Franken 1969, 38).
Franken published a list of deposits relating to Phase B in the 1969 publication, which is summarised below for Trench D.
Table 3 Table 3

Subdivision of phases with corresponding field-numbers from Trench D100 and D500

(after Franken 1969, 39-40).

Halbertsma (2019)

Re-evaluating Phase B's stratigraphy

4.2.3 — Re-evaluating Phase B's stratigraphy

With the data gathered from the archive the chronology of Phase B could be re-evaluated. The cross-sections proved a reliable starting point for analysing the stratigraphy, as it was clear that they were complete and relatively detailed. All the sections were joined together to see if Franken's sub-phases could be recognised, and if reinterpreting the stratigraphy could elaborate his analyses. Fortunately, all the sections could be connected neatly to one another. This made interpreting phases in the stratigraphy possible, and thus also re-evaluating Franken's subdivisions. However, as mentioned above, large cracks in the sections do very much complicate this stratigraphic picture, as deposits appeared to indeed have shifted over 20 cm at certain places.

While several top-plans were made for the different phases of the installations, these did not appear to connect well to the sections. On the top-plans several height-measurements were indicated. However, in various cases the areas connected to the sections were left blank, or the planned deposits and features simply did not correspond to those indicated on the sections. As such, it often remained unclear where exactly a wall was supposed to enter- the section, or which deposit in the section connected to which deposit in the top-plan. In short, while containing valuable information, horizontally the documentation, especially with regards to the top-plans, is less than ideal.

Another complicating factor was the observation that several layers had shifted and subsided throughout time. Apart from the obvious consequences of large earthquake cracks, it appears that the pressure of the top of the tell caused layers to shift downward in the centre, and outward towards the edges, as attested by the light curve of the various interfaces. By consistently measuring the lowest point of the sub-phases, the relative differences in elevation will provide an idea of the thickness of the layers, and how quick building events follow one another. For that purpose, in the analysis of the stratigraphy a rough estimation of the elevation relative to the fixed point on the mound will be provided, consistently measured from the lowest point of the deposit. These heights will be used to connect the top-plans to the sections where possible.

The reinterpreted chronology

The reinterpreted chronology

The stratigraphy of the Phase B is clearest in section DI lb (see figure 22), of which Franken also published aversion in his 1969 publication (Franken 1969, 38). As mentioned above, this is actually the south-section of Trench D500, and as such should be taken as an inverted north section for Trench D100. Here the sequence of the successive Phase A wash layers is very clear, as are the changes that occur at the start of Phase B. The south-section of the installations, an unnamed section, does not show this transition, as south of the installations the situation does not appear to change much in comparison to Phase A. Unfortunately, this section does not cut the southern part of the installations, resulting in a lack of coverage for the installations' building sequence on the southern part. Instead it covers the are a just south of the southern walls, where it shows a sequence of accumulated layers covering Phase B. The west-section, section DIII (see figure 25), also shows the chronology very well, with Phase A represented by an accumulation of wash layers, and construction events marking the beginning of Phase B. However, the area of the installations is represented here by a single mudbrick wall, marked as D7, with numerous cracks through the middle, complicating distinguishing separate building phases. The east-section, Section DI (see figure 24), is more helpful in this regard. It also shows the transition from Phase A to Phase B, and clearly contains several construction events regarding a mudbrick wall. Numerous layers run up against this east-west oriented wall, which is marked on the section as walls D7 and D9.

From these sections, most clearly exemplified through section Dllb of which a Harris Matrix and section drawing is provided (figures 22 and 23), the sequence of events outlined below was reconstructed. The finds from Phase B were traced back to their original sub-phase, and listed below. As the pottery is already published in the 1969 publication, only their registry numbers and category are added. For the other find categories a small description of the object is added, and where known, their approximate find location.

Sub-phase 1

After numerous wash layers, a mudbrick wall was built in an east-west orientation (unit 2), roughly at 13.70m. This wall is clearly visible in section Dllb (see figure 22), and might be visible in section DI (wall D7 cuts a smaller wall with wide flat bricks, which might be the same feature, see figure 24). Layers associated with this sub-phase are described in the fieldnotes as burnt, containing a lot of charcoal.

Unfortunately no top-plan was made for this sub-phase. Also, no detailed information exists regarding to the find-locations of the associating objects. ...

Sub-phase 2

The area was completely levelled (unit 4 and 30), as is visible in section DIIb, at roughly 13.50. Afterwards a substantial wall was constructed on the western side (wall D7 on DIII) which likely connected to the bricks seen in Section DIIb (unit 6). These walls belonged to the first installation, of D153. The opening which is visible from D154 in section DIIb appears cut into the wall, indicating the wall was likely opened at a certain moment in time. Subsequently the opening in the oven filled up (unit 7 and 8), as did an area just east of the installation (unit 9). Most of this sub-phase was then covered by another fill, possibly to even out the surface once more (unit 11). Though visible in the sections, the layers from this sub-phase are not described in the fieldnotes.

This sub-phase includes the earliest of the recognised installation floors, which is depicted in top-plan D3 (see figure 26). The centre of the floor was measured at 12.90 height in the top-plan drawing, but at the opening in the wall of the installation it is noted that the surface dropped 35 cm downward, placing it at approximately 13.25. The top-plan for this sub-phase of the installations shows a square feature, with a demarcated surface area (D153). This surface is described as heavily burnt in the fieldnotes. It has an inner dimension of ca. 2.20 by 2.20 meters, but the outer walls are not clearly drawn. Several stones can be observed on the outerwalls of the installation, as well as specifically drawn mudbricks. These stones were described in the fieldnotes as "wall-reinforcements". Furthermore, there appear to be two narrow gullies toward the northern edge, which are described in the drawings as 'air-ducts', which were apparently heavily burnt. These gullies are not visible in the Dllb section, which instead shows an uninterrupted fill of ca. 27 cm thick. The top-plan shows that in the inner south-eastern corner of the installation a 'test trench' was excavated, as D155. The fieldnote entry for D155 states that a cross-section was made for this test-trench, but unfortunately this drawing was not encountered in the archive. Again, no clear descriptions exist as to the original locations of the finds from this sub-phase. ...

Sub-phase 3

At the start of Sub-phase 3, the entire area was levelled again (units 12 and 13; possibly D149 on DI), at roughly 13.20m. This event also took down part of the large western wall (unit 5; wall D7 in DIII), and possibly also part of the eastern wall (wall D7 in DI). Another western wall was then built, again north-south in orientation (unit 16; possibly D148 on DIII). Mudbricks can be observed in east-west orientation along section DIIb, suggesting that another wall was built enclosing the northern part (unit 14 and 15). The eastern section here is quite unclear, due to the levelling activities of the next sub-phase (possibly DI 149?). According to the fieldnotes, this sub-phase contained the charred remains of a large 'tree-trunk' or 'roof-beam', which yielded a lot of charcoal.

No top-plan was made for this sub-phase, and the find location of only one item belonging to this sub-phase was described. ...

Sub-phase 4

Most of the area was again levelled (interface 17 and 18), at roughly 12.90m. Wall 16 was left in place, and likely reused in this sub-phase.A new substantial east-west oriented wall was built in the east, visible as wall D9 in section-drawing DI. In the north section, DIIb, two newly built 'air-ducts' were constructed (unit 19). It appears that after these were constructed, another east-west wall was built over or around these, possibly incorporating them into a larger structure (unit 28 and 29). This wall was eventually broken down in the same place as the openings of the other installations, and the surface filled with debris (unit 21 and 22; D148).

The 'airducts' are visible in top-plan D3 (see figure 27), but no separate top-plan was drawn for this sub-phase. The 'air-ducts' can be seen as protruding slightly in comparison to the other installations. According to the fieldnotes, they contained a small layer of ash on the inside, and the edges of the bricks had been baked to a very hard consistency. Furthermore, the fieldnotes mention a lot of charcoal was encountered in this sub-phase, as well as several "chunks of lime". ...

Sub-phase 5

While the situation on the western side is quite unclear for this phase, as it reaches top-soil, the eastern side shows that the area was levelled for a final time (unit 25), at roughly 12.70m. Wall D9 appears not to have been affected by this event, and remained in place as attested by various layers running up against it (DI D147, see figure 24). What these layers are is not explained in the fieldnotes. From section DIIb (see figure 22) it would appear that yet another east-west oriented wall was then constructed (unit 25 and 26), which ran into wall D7 in the east section. This gives an estimation of its thickness, averaging around 1 meter. This east-west wall was eventually broken down, although the part in the section appears to have remained intact. The area between the ruins of the wall was filled with debris (DIIb D502), after which a sequence of layers covered the entire area (unit 31). These layers contain several stones, and the fieldnotes mention that the fill contained charcoal and ochre. Layer D502 runs up against this wall, as seen in section-drawing DI, indicating that this is most likely a debris layer washing down from the decaying mudbrick architecture. An interesting observation done by Brunsting in his fieldnotes, is that he thinks he might have removed part of another structure, similar to the latest installation. This installation would have been located just north-east of the other one, sharing the southern wall. This is questioned by Franken in the fieldnotes, however. No mention was made of a possible second installation in the 1969 publication.

Sub-phase 5 is reflected in top-plan DI. This top-plan shows the latest of the installations. The elevation of the centre of the floor is 12.60. On the plan it was noted that the surface towards the northern edge sloped down 12 cm, fitting neatly with the 12.70m read from section DIIb. This sub-phase of the installations appears to have included a wide opening in the north, which is not visible in the section. This installation contained two upright mudbricks against the western wall (see figure 31), which create three separate niches. Its surface showed dark patches of charcoal and ash (see figure 18). The surface was apparently heavily burnt, resulting in a hard-baked surface. None of the objects belonging to this sub-phase have been provided with any precise spatial information. ....

The end of Phase B

After Sub-phase 5 section DIIb portrays only top-soil (see figure 22), and section DI shows that while the large wall remains standing for a while, numerous small layers are slowly deposited up against it (see figure 24). No new building phases are recognised in Trench D following the installations, indicating that either Phase B came to an end after the final installation was covered, or continued in an area not yet excavated.

Discussion of stratigraphy

4.2.4 Discussion of stratigraphy

Based on this re-evaluation of Phase B's stratigraphy in Trench D, a slightly more complicated picture emerges than was published by Franken. It is important to state here, however, that only Trench D was researched for this thesis. As Phase B was also encountered in a number of other excavation squares (to be specific Trenches E, F, G, L and M), several of his phases relate to stratigraphic events occurring elsewhere. That said, the stratigraphy of Phase B is most clearly represented in Trench D, and could already be refined just on the basis of analysing this area. This research has recognised five sub-phases in Trench D, which are associated with Franken's sub-phases 1 to 3. While Franken mentions the presence of his sub-phase 4 in trench D100, during the current re-evaluation of the original documentation no stratigraphic units could be linked to this phase. This suggests that two of Franken's sub-phases were not visible in the stratigraphy of this area, and the preceding three sub-phases actually consisted of five.

The sub-phases proposed above likely begin already in the end of Franken's Phase A, when the first mudbrick feature was constructed. While the exact dimensions of this feature are difficult to establish, as it remains only visible in the north section and possibly in the east section, it is proposed by Franken that this was the earliest installation. This is something that is also mentioned in the fieldnotes. Brunsting wrote an entry in the fieldnotes (10/03/1960) discussing the stratigraphy, which mentions that the ovens had 3 or 4 phases, each with its own floor. Only three floors were recognised in the field (D153, D150, and D148), and only two provided with a top-plan (D153 and D148). It is not unlikely that, due to the close superimposition of these layers and the complicated stratigraphic situation caused by the large cracks in the soil, one or two separate floor levels were missed while excavating. Another possibility is that two floor levels were largely erased already in antiquity, possibly during the extensive levelling activities demonstrated above.

Summarising the sequence of events, it appears that there were five building events (all clearly recognisable in section DIIb) which were all initiated after a levelling event. While these building events appear to follow one after the other relatively quickly, the associated wall in the west section remains largely untouched throughout all five sub-phases, with the exception of one levelling event in Sub-phase 3. This indicates that the general outline of the installations remained the same throughout all five building events, which is reflected in the top-plans. While the installations' east and south walls can only be recognised on the top-plans, the substantial walls visible in the east section, walls D7 and D9, also show continuation of construction in the same location. The first installation was likely rebuilt 4 times after its initial construction, in more or less the same configuration.

The emerging picture shows a rather large mudbrick installation, measuring around 5.5 by 4 meters, oriented at a slight north-east angle, which was enclosed by four walls. The northern wall did not only cover the northern face of the installations, but continued in an eastward orientation into the section. Sometime after this wall was constructed it was opened in the western half of the trench, in front of the installation, as attested by clear cuts in the walls. The remaining debris then was covered with what is described in the fieldnotes and publication as a "clay fill" (Franken 1969, 36). This process was recognised in the stratigraphy 5 times. While the north wall appears to have been often de- and reconstructed, the east, west, and south walls likely remained more or less in the same position.

This leaves two 'anomalies' to investigate, however. The first of these two are the 'air-ducts' from sub-phase 3. These protrude slightly from the northern wall, as attested by top-plan D3. From the top-plans and section DI it would seem that the area to the south of these 'air-ducts' would not contain any architecture, instead consisting of numerous sequential layers. This might indicate they formed part of a different structure, perhaps located directly north of them. As mentioned above, the trench supervisor noted that he might have removed a similar structure to the Phase B installations to their north, and sketched the outline of this structure in his fieldnotes (see figure 33). This situation, however, would require a north-south wall in the section, which was not recognised.

The other anomaly is the large wall continuing in the east section, walls D7 and D9. These two walls, built one atop the other, appear not to have a clearly recognisable function from the top-plans and sections. There are layers running up against the walls on the north and south sides, but no architecture can be connected to these walls. As they do not appear to have perpendicular adjoining walls in the section, it is likely they continued further into the section, into the unexcavated area east of trench D100. The area east of D500, which is sub-square M200, was excavated by Franken in the 1964 season. Remains from this area mostly belonged to the Late Bronze Age sanctuary, which were published in the 1992 publication (Franken 1992). However, also Iron Age I material was excavated in this sub-square, which was later published by Van der Steen (2008c). This study shows that walls D7 and D9 did not have an adjoining wall to their north, as no such wall was recognised in the stratigraphy (see Van der Steen 2008c, 72). The west-section for this area was not published, however. The results from Van der Steen's publication will be further discussed below.

Franken (1976)

I have already mentioned that the site was shaken by earthquake round 1200 B.C.
Franken (1976)

Raphael and Agnon (2018)

Iron IIA (1000-900 BCE)

Iron Age or later (no details). Landslides (Franken 1969: 31-32).

JW: There is some confusion between Franken's stratigraphy, difficult to follow prose, and the references to different Quakes in Raphael and Agnon (2018) that I need to sort out.

Ferry et. al. (2011)

Deir ’Alla
Field Name Field Data
Archaeological Period Early twelfth century B.C.
Date of Event (inferred) 1150–1100 B.C.
Proposed Cause of Destruction Earthquake
Probability of an Earthquake not reported
Indication of Surface Rupture
Description form Archeological Source “There is little doubt that the entire complex was destroyed early in the 12th c. BC and that an earthquake caused the destruction.” (Franken (1989) p.203)
References

Franken, H. J. (1989). Deir' Alla (Tell) in Archaeology of Jordan, Vol. III.- H2. Field Reports, Surveys and Sites, D. Homès-Fredericq and J. Hennessy (eds), Peeters, Leuven, Belgium. - available at the Getty Museum

Phase C Earthquake - Iron Age I - 2nd half of the 12th century BCE

Ferry et. al. (2011), while citing Franken, H. J. (1989:203), dated this earthquake to the 12th century BCE (1200–1100 B.C.). However, since Phase C succeeds Phase B and the Phase B earthquake was dated to the 2nd half of the 12th century BCE, the Phase C earthquake should also be dated to the 2nd half of the 12th century BCE - that is if Ferry et. al. (2011) are reliable for this date. Ferry et. al. (2011) quoted Franken, H. J. (1989:203) as follows:

This period ended again with an earthquake and a victim was found completely squashed in a crack in the earth.
References
Franken (1969)

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 8 - Plan of Phase C from Franken (1969)
  • List of Deposits of Phase C from Franken (1969)

Discussion

Phase C

Phase C shows walls built after the final destruction of the furnace walls. The stumps of walls B5 and B6 were still visible above the surface when a new wall, C1, was built on top of the remains of wall B2, running in the same direction. This is a comparatively heavy wall, of which very little survived in the excavated area. Wall C2 runs right across the ruined furnace.

The only other walls in this phase are walls C3 and C4. In none of these cases has sufficient evidence been uncovered to interpret these walls. The end of phase B is marked by a great fire on the surface which burnt over a large area and scorched the surface to a depth of 5-10 cms. in places. In phase C this is followed again by long stretches of occupation levels alternating with deposits of partly burnt clay and interrupted by pits. A curious oblong pit was discovered in sq.F. (F 449) It belongs to the end of the period. Its depth is c. 1.25 m. It was originally lined with bricks, and on the north side a brick pillar, still 7 courses high was found.

The end of phase C is marked by an earthquake. Here we find one of the very few cracks that can be dated to a phase. A deep, wide crack was discovered in sq.F 400. In it were found the scattered remains of a human skeleton. These are the only human bones found in the I.A. [Iron Age] occupation.

Phase C deposits have been divided into three sub-phases.

Raphael and Agnon (2018)

Iron I (1200-1000 BCE)

buildings, pits and courtyards (phase C) were destroyed by an earthquake ( Petit 2009: 26).

JW: There is some confusion between Franken's stratigraphy, difficult to follow prose, and the references to different Quakes in Raphael and Agnon (2018) that I need to sort out.

Ferry et. al. (2011)

Deir ’Alla
Field Name Field Data
Archaeological Period Late first Iron Age
Date of Event (inferred) 1200–1100 B.C.
Proposed Cause of Destruction Earthquake, fire
Probability of an Earthquake not reported
Indication of Surface Rupture Yes
Description form Archeological Source “This period ended again with an earthquake and a victim was found completely squashed in a crack in the earth.” (Franken (1989) p.203)
References

Franken, H. J. (1989). Deir' Alla (Tell) in Archaeology of Jordan, Vol. III.- H2. Field Reports, Surveys and Sites, D. Homès-Fredericq and J. Hennessy (eds), Peeters, Leuven, Belgium. - available at the Getty Museum

Phase M/IX Earthquakes - 8th or 9th century BCE

Extensive archaeoseismic evidence was uncovered at Deir 'Alla in Phase M (aka Phase IX), particularly in Area B. The mud brick walls of the damaged structures were built on top of existing surfaces, and occasionally on reed layers or wooden beams (Franken, 1976). They lacked a true foundation and the walls were only one mudbrick thick (Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1986:135-142). They were not seismically resistant. Some of the archaeoseismic evidence looks like what one would see in a paleoseismic trench with some vertical mostly E-W cracks extending through the top of the stratigraphic layer (M/IX) and ending where other deposits began. One crack was described as being 10 cm. wide and extensional (Franken, 1976). Some of the mudbrick walls broke away at floor level while others broke above the floor but after the whole wall had shifted (Franken, 1976). Complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms of Area B (Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1986:138).

The stratigraphically confined cracks were caused by the second earthquake as this location recorded two earthquakes in the 8th century BCE (Franken, 1976). The first earthquake led to a fire and, apparently, some type of abandonment ( Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1991). The second earthquake occurred after some time, because the new surface had been used a bit ( Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1991). Franken and Ibrahim (1978:60-68) suggested that it was raining when the second earthquake struck. Dating from radiocarbon, pottery (not wheel thrown), palaeography of an inscription found in the rubble left by the second earthquake, and cultural relations (i.e. before Assyrian influence was visible) suggest an 8th or 9th century BCE date.

References

Dating Specifics

Radiocarbon

Franken (1976:16) reports that only one relevant radiocarbon date of Phase M exists. The sample consisted of charred grain from deposit BB 303 [GrN-5633], which was part of the burnt layer of Phase M [aka Phase IX]. Vogel and Waterbolk (1972:53) dated this sample to ~650 BCE [2600 ± 50 BP] which after calibration using techniques of the time (a correction based on dendrochronology) was estimated to have been burned in ca. 800 BCE. Franken (1976:16) reported a 2σ (66%) uncertainty of 800 B.C. ± 70. Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:142) reported that another 14C sample (GrN 8119) dated to 2590 ± 70 BP, which, after calibration, led to a date of 770-880 BCE when combined with sample GrN-5633. Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:142) also report that this date range is corroborated by 14C datings of older (phase L) and later (phase VI) deposits. Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) report that two carbon-14 dates from Phase VI point to the second half of the 8th century BC. Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) report that three 14C samples from Phase M/IX point to a time between 770 and 880 BC, with a high probability of the date being at the end of the 9th century BC. (see Mook, 1989).

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) A carbon-14 analysis of a sample from an earlier collapse of Phase IX gives a century older result; one from the preceding phase, two centuries older. Two carbon-14 dates from Phase VI point to the second half of the 8th century BC.

Palaeography

Naveh (1967) dated the writing on the Deir 'Alla Inscription found with the Phase IX (aka Phase M) earthquake rubble to the middle of the 8th century BCE based on Palaeography. Lemaire in Meyers et. al. (1997:139) noted that most commentators now agree that the paleography fits the dating of the archaeological context: about 800 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1991) or the first half of the eighth century BCE.

Cultural Stratigraphy and Comparison

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) noted that the cultural relations of Deir 'Alla IX [aka Phase M] with other sites in the region and further afield [] indicate the 9th and 8th century BC and before any Assyrian cultural influence is visible. They noted that Assyrian cultural influence could have been present up to a few decades before the Assyrian conquest (c. 730 BCE). They report that a terminus ante quem is provided by younger Phase VI1 which is to be dated in the 7th century or perhaps the end of the 8th century BC.

Footnotes

1 They noted that Phases VIII and VII are only locally preserved and existed for a short period only (certainly Phase VIII).

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986)

Figures
Figures

Discussion

Phase IX

The excavation of phase IX ( = Iron Age phase M of the definitive Deir 'Alla publications ) started in the 1960s, especially in 1967. That season an area of about 400 m2 of this phase was uncovered to the SE of the step trench excavated by Franken on the N slope of the tell some years earlier (cf. the elevation map of the site in ADAJ XXII, 1977-78, p. 58) . A small part of these excavations (square EE300) has been published in J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alla, Leiden 1976, in connection with the plaster inscriptions. Some further digging in EE300 (now labelled B/C5) was done in 1976, supplying a clearer picture of the immediate stratigraphic context of this plaster ( see ADAJ XXII pp. 60-71). In the programme for extending the excavations of this phase further to the SE (at the E top of the tell), small parts were excavated in 1979 (ADAJ XXIII pp. 48-50) and 1982 (ADAJ XXVII pp. 583f). In 1984 the excavations of phase IX took place on a larger scale, adding another 450 m2 to the area excavated. More than 20 `rooms' were discovered and added to those found in 1967 (see plan Fig. 1; Pl. XII shows a vertical photograph of a large part of the area, made near the end of the season by the Yarmouk University photographer Henry Cowherd with his camera attached to the top of a high pole). Some rooms, especially in the E part of the area, have not yet been excavated down to their floors. Less of the accumulated deposits of IX were left than had been expected. Digging activities during later periods (e. g. phase V/VI) had removed some of the IX deposits and levelling for phase VIII, and probably phase VI had also destroyed remains of IX which was built in a slightly terraced way (see the levels of floors indicated in plan Fig. 1). Sometimes nothing or only a few decimeters were left of the walls and debris, but often about half a meter and in the NW part walls more than one meter high were found.

Some aspects of the remains are briefly discussed below.
Architecture

Fig. 1 is a preliminary plan of the architectural remains found this season, including those remains partly unearthed in previous seasons. The 1967 excavations lay further to the W/NW; only the remains in square B/C5 excavated at that time are included in this drawing. Pl. XII also shows about half of the digging area. Some of the wall fragments drawn in the E part of the area cannot yet be definitely attributed to phase IX — they may belong to X.

The mudbricks of the walls had been placed directly on the surface; no stone foundation was made, but a layer of reed was used instead (a reed foundation was also used for walls of phases VIII and V and partly VI). The mudbricks used mostly measured 47 x 11 x 35cms, but several walls were made of a slightly larger type; other slight differences do occur as well. Almost all the walls were only as thick as the length of a brick, some even as thin as a brick's width. The material used for most of the bricks came from the banded clay beds of the low natural hills nearby, but often different clay/ mud was used for bricks employed in one wall (e. g. the EW wall B/B6.127 had three layers of grey and three of ochre coloured bricks; cf. also ADAJ XXII p. 65). Stones and bricks were only used for square platform-like structures made at some walls, facing each other (e.g. in squares B/A & B8).

The function of these structures is not known but in one case a basin-like construction was made on top of the structure (see below). Most of the rooms/spaces enclosed by walls measure ca. 3 x 3.5m, but some are up to 10m in length. Half of them had a solid roof (roof debris found on the floor), but at least two of the other spaces had been covered by reed matting (in squares B/C6 and B/C7). The connections between the walls dividing spaces are not always clear, because doorways have not always been recognisably preserved, perhaps because of the low level of the wall stumps left. In any case courtyards or alleys between the "house complexes" form a small part of the plan (in squares B/D6 and possibly B/C7) in the area excavated. Several rooms, roofed and unroofed, have floors paved with unworked small boulders (ca. 25 cm.s diameter), with whitish clay plaster filling the holes in between. The small space, originally covered with reed matting, which gave access to the plastered wall with the Bala'am inscriptions ( squares B/C5 & 6, cf. ADAJ XXII pp. 65f and ADAJ XXIII pp. 48f), had a 'bench' on the S and E sides, and maybe on the N side as well, with a shallow depression sloping towards the plastered wall in between; (see Pl. XVI, 2 which shows the remains of the mat as fallen on this ' floor') . At five other spots the same type of ca. 7mm thick lime plaster has been found, embedded in wall debris, nowhere still attached to a wall fragment (the rooms are in squares B/A5, B/A8 - each side of the NS wall -, B/C6 and B/C7, also covered with reed). In each case the amount of plaster exposed covers a surface of about 1/2 m2, but in several rooms much of the original plaster may have been burnt. None of the plaster fragments had any writing or drawing visible on the surface. If this was the original case it also has to be concluded that the smooth plaster, including that with the inscriptions, had not been applied with the specific purpose of being inscribed. Several of the rooms have very thin (ca. 15cms) clay plastered brick walls, dividing the room into different compartments (very clear in B/C8), apparently for storage purposes.

The walls of the rooms were not very solidly constructed. Right angles between connected walls were not employed very often. On the other hand, the finishing off of several of the walls and floors has been done with special care. Several of the walls show repair or even rebuilding, and roof collapse during the use of the rooms, giving a new, higher floor, has been noticed at places as well.

The final destruction of the complete building complex occurred suddenly, and was, according to data found in 1967 (long EW cracks stopping at the lower edge of the debris of phase IX), caused by earthquakes. In most places fire had broken out as well, causing severe burning of the roofs and wall faces, as well as of the contents of the rooms concerned.

The Installations

The 'tawabeen' in B/ D6 are to be connected with phase IX, but most of their stratigraphical context had already been excavated in 1967. The size of two of these ovens is exceptionally small (the diameters at their base are ca. 40, 50, as opposed to 75cms for the third one).

Most conspicuous are two installations uncovered in the W room in square B/A8. One is a kind of basin constructed against the W wall, partly on the floor and partly on one of the low platforms mentioned above. It had been made in situ from the broken body section of a large jar, the rather low sides being constructed of straw-mixed `clay' (now fired, size about 90 x 130cms; see Pl. XVII, 2). A small juglet (reg. no. 2867) was found at its base, but this does not explain its function; some store jars were found standing by the basin, and many loomweights and a lot of carbonised plant material (including wheat) were found in a slight depression in the floor to the S of it. At the opposite wall the other installation was set partly in the floor: a large stone, with a hole for grinding in its rather flat top surface (see Pl. XVII, 1). To the E some more stones had been laid to extend the flat surface, which was surrounded by a row of small flat vertically standing stones, so as to separate it from the surroundings (this complex measures ca. 95 x 70cms). A jug, a store jar and two craters were standing very close to it. The burnt wheat found nearby suggests a mortar for pounding wheat, but any other kind of material could have been ground in this installation.

A large amount of charred wood was found on the plastered stone floor of E room in square B/B8 (for part of it see Pl. XVI,2). The amount represents more wood than could come from a roof, and suggests some kind of furniture or installation there. Although some joints of beams now visible are certainly original, it is not yet certain what the original constructions looked like. The wood remains are being analysed, and two of the groups of beams have been preserved by glueing the soil with the charcoal on cloth.

The Objects

A large number of moveable artefacts have been found, especially pottery and loomweights, as well as stone objects, and small artefacts of metal and bone. Some of these objects are mentioned below, without discussing their relations inside rooms for this report.

Complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms. High concentrations are found in the S room of square B/B5, the SE room of B/C6, the NW room in B/C8, the NE room in B/A6, the S part of the room in B/B8 and the W and S parts of the rooms in B/A8; smaller groups were found elsewhere. A small selection of pottery shapes is shown in Figs. 3 & 4 . None of the different collections of pottery mentioned had one type of pot only (e. g. store jars). All of the larger groups had (storage) jars, as well as jugs; several had one or two cooking pots (B/C6, B/C7, B/B5, B/A6). Others had numbers of craters (B/A6 and B/B7 — see Pl. XVIII,1 in particular). Bowls occurred in the B/A8 and B/C8 groups (in B/A6 and B/B7 the " strainer" type on three legs). Plates were also rare (B/C6, B/B8, with little other pottery, and B/A8) and only one lamp was found (B/C8). Many of the type shapes of the pottery can be found W of the Jordan as well, dating from the Iron Age II (especially B) period.

Loomweights have been found in five large groups (about 30 weights each, sometimes more) and several smaller ones. The large groups were found in rooms in B/C6 (SE), B/C8 (NW), B/A6 (NE), B/A8 (SW corner and SE part), often among pottery and carbonised plant material. Most of these weights had been fired during the destruction, but some are still unfired. The groups show quite a variation in shape. For example, the group from B/C8 (already illustrated in ADAJ XXVII, Pl. CXXXII, 2) has seven types, six of which are circular with a hole perpendicular to the circle, and one is conical in shape, with a somewhat rounded base and a horizontal hole (this type occurs once or twice in the larger groups). It is interesting to note that more or less the same set of shape types has been recorded from Tell Qasile (see B. Maisler, IEJ I, 1950, Pl. 39B). This season again several of the loomweights (mainly those from B/C6 and B/C8) were found with pieces of string/thread still in the holes. This material has to be further analysed, but their existence makes it most probable that the weights will indeed have to be connected with weaving or making mats.

Different sorts of objects made of stone have been found on the floors and in the debris of this phase. Examples are grinding stones, found in a position that indicates their use during phase IX. The few lower grinding stones found were made of sandstone or basalt, and almost all the upper ones were made of sandstone. They were found in different rooms: several in B/C6 (different spots), B/C7 (N part), B/B5 (SE part), and B/A8 in different places. Also quite a number of pestles (see Pl. XIX, 2) were uncovered, mainly made of basalt, but some are hardly worked pebbles. Some of the pestles were found on floors in B/ A8 (NE room) and B/B5 (SE room). Several pebbles have been found with a high polish on several sides, and sometimes with other types of wearing. Their precise use is uncertain, but they too were found on the floors of the rooms in e.g. B/A8 and B/B5. Several other types of objects made of stone have been found, e.g. alabaster spindle-whorls in the E room in B/B5. There were some rather small fragments of basalt bowls (mortars) as well, which were most probably no longer in use at the end of phase IX. However, one basalt bowl on three interconnected high feet was incomplete, but still in use: the object was found in a working area of the W room in B/A8, and extra traces of wearing are visible at the centre of what was left of the bowl's bottom. The shape of the bowl (Pl. XIX, 1) is close to that of the type illustrated by Buchholz in Fig. 20d in his "Steinerne Dreifussschalen des agaischen Kulturkreises and ihre Beziehungen zum Osten" in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archdologische Instituts 78, 1963, pp. 1-77.

Almost all the metal objects found are made of iron. They include seven leaf-shaped arrowheads, four of which were found in the W and NE rooms in B/A8. Several objects of bone are preserved rather well. This season again some examples of the flat oblong pointed and polished bone tool were found (see Pl. XIX, 3) , some are fragmentary, but the others were apparently ready for use. Of the objects rarely found earlier are small tubes made of bone; three single tubes were found (Pl. XX, 1 shows one of them), plus one double tube (perhaps made of ivory), with incised decoration and filled with black material. This double tube, stored in a jug found in the S end of the room in B/B7 (see Pl. XX, 2), is clearly a kohl tube like those found elsewhere in Palestine, (though rarely, see examples in E. Stern, Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period 538-332 BC, 1982, p. 269 note 18). Kohl tubes are quite common in Egypt throughout a long period (communication G. van den Boorn, Leiden). Also the discovery of small bone or ivory panels Pl. XX, 3) found on the stone-paved floor in B/B7 is quite exceptional. The surface of the panels was decorated densely with small drilled holes, each surrounded by two small concentric circles.

Two other artefacts, of Egyptian origin, are: a small game piece, perhaps made of faience, but painted white (reg. no. 2794), and a faience wadjet eye (reg. no. 2890). Both were found in mixed debris, so perhaps have to be taken as isolated objects not specifically connected with the culture of phase IX.

Apart from the artefacts a large amount of biological remains have been found. This includes small animal bones, e. g. from the floor of the room in B/C7, and a burnt but complete large antler of the Mesopotamian Fallow Deer, placed against the W wall of the NE room in B/A8 (Pl. XXI, 1). In 1979 and 1982 two other antlers of the same type were found in the SE room in B/C6 and the E room in B/B6. The use of the antlers in this context is still obscure, and the study of the animal bones has not yet proceeded far enough to know if more remains of this animal have been found.

Large quantities of carbonised plant material have been found on room floors, inside jars and jugs and in debris and wash layers. The botanists Mr. R. Neef and Professor W. van Zeist were able to give some preliminary results of their studies. A large variety of seeds was found, for example those of flax (apparently for the production of linseed oil), barley, wheat, lentils, bitter vetch and olives. Grapes were found together with cummin in a jug with a sieved mouth in the S B/B7 room. (For previous results of the study of botanical material, see W. van Zeist and J.A. H. Heeres, Paleobotanical studies of Deir `An, Jordan, in Paleorient 1, 1973, pp. 21-37).

Conclusions concerning Phase IX

Quite a lot of information about the culture of phase IX (M) has been found. A careful study of the remains has to follow. At this early stage of investigation it is difficult to get a clear picture, yet the following may be tentatively said.

The group of rooms/houses do not show a purely domestic function. The deducible number of weaving installations makes this improbable, as does the number and variety of pots in so many of the rooms. A combination of trade and living quarters is conceivable. No clear indication of a sanctuary or religious connotation is found, although the religious plaster texts found in 1967 may suggest this (no further inscriptions have been found this season), and although the " bench" room with this inscription at one end, could be interpreted as such. On the other hand, it is still possible that the quarters excavated so far belonged to a central sanctuary complex, with the deduced trading activities being part of it. However, it is also possible that the quarters belonged to a village or small town community (city walls have not been found, but it is sure that the edges of the settlement have been eroded away).

The people living and working in the rooms had rather poorly built, though well finished, brick houses. On the other hand, their pottery and other objects show some very special items. As far as cultural relations are concerned, it is clear that many of the artefacts are rather widely spread, though sometimes rare, in the S Levant during parts of Iron Age II.

A date for the destruction of phase IX is indicated by 14C analyses of carbonised seed and leaf material from the burnt debris: sample GrN 5633 gave 2690 ± 60 BP and GrN 8119 gave 2590 ± 70 BP, both when calibrated indicate a date of 770-880 B.C. This information has been published before, but it should be added here that this rough date has been statistically corroborated by 14C datings of older (phase L) and later (phase VI) deposits. Additional 14C tests will be made.

Franken (1976)

CHAPTER ONE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE RELATING TO THE INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT (Excerpts)

INTERPRETATION OF THE STRATIGRAPHY

... The destruction of the buildings of Phase M, the phase to which the Aramaic text belongs, was also caused by an earthquake. Deir Alla has suffered more earthquakes, not only during the time of habitation but also afterwards. These earthquakes and tremors caused vertical cracks which in the excavated area run mostly in east-west direction. When tracing the frequency of these cracks along a north-south line we find at least one every twenty cms. The tell is thus cut into vertical slices and these slices may have sunken for instance from a few cms. to several cms. and sometimes shifted sideways, whereas most of them apparently under the pressure from higher parts of the tell are inclined to lean out to the north. Expressed in geological terms we have found, be it in miniature size normal faults, reverse faults and even pivot faults. Cracks reaching the present surface must have been caused after the tell had reached that height and cannot therefore be dated to the stratigraphy.

... unless all the cracks that run through the deposits overlying Phase M and their exact position had been recorded, we would not be able to say whether any cracks seen in Phase L stop at the floor levels of Phase M. However we had several other indications. We have recorded cracks and shifts of material that run through the ruined buildings but stop at the point where erosion began to level off the debris. These were caused by a second shock which followed the first one after the buildings collapsed and the fire caused by the earthquake had burned itself out. I shall have to refer to the second shock in relation to the position of the text.

However, the first shock was also recorded. There is a long crack about 10 cms. wide running through the deposits of a little lane which formed during Phase M and is almost 60 cms. high. This crack is closed further to the east but here a horizontal shift could be seen because the crack runs lengthwise through the low stump of a mud brick wall. The clay mortar between the bricks on both sides of the crack does not fit together any longer. The horizontal shift was about 10 ems. Such cracks have not only been recorded on paper but also on "pull offs", a method used in agriculture to take a thin slice of earth to the laboratory (Franken 1965b), in order to keep an authentic record of the accumulation of deposits. The slice is thick enough to make samples from it for microscopic analysis. Incidentally horizontal shifts of more than 30 cms. were recorded. It was the second shock which brought the preserved fragments of the Aramaic text down from their support.

THE LOCATION OF THE TEXT

... It should be added that at Deir 'Alla no stone foundations were found. Mud brick walls were built on top of existing surfaces, and occasionally on reed layers or wooden beams. However, as far as they were not buried in debris that accumulated against them (like the lane mentioned already had accumulated 60 cms. against two Phase M walls) they sometimes broke away at floor level during the earthquake. This had happened in the area where the text was found. A large portion of the east wall and the north wall of a room were cut off at floor level. Others broke well above floor level but after the whole wall had shifted. As a result standing remains of walls do not link properly any more.

The small room [where the Balaam inscription was found] measured roughly 2.75 m. x 3.25m. but the corner that was formed by the two walls that broke away at floor level was not rectangular but measured ca 115° as found by us. It did not have a normal floor. In the middle was a pit and all round the floor sloped down toward this pit or basin. The pit is slightly oval, ca 1.50 m. in diameter and ca 40 cms. deep. The floor had been dug into an existing clay deposit and was not lined with plaster. The southern half from the south wall to the middle of the basin was filled with burned clay from mud bricks, pieces of charcoal, sherds and some clay loom weights, all of which did not come from floor level hut had fallen down several meters while still burning. It scorched the walls against which it piled up and burned black the surface underneath. In this fill no fragments of plaster were found and if there had been plaster it had been burned in the fire. From which direction this burning material fell down could not be established. Nor could the walls that broke off at floor level or what broke away from the remaining wall stumps be traced. There were no traces of a burned roof. The fill of the room on the north side and beyond to the north consisted of broken mud brick wall fragments. Here no traces of fire were found, the fall was not so heavy as was the Cast with the burned debris. There were clearly large wall fragments which after their fall left open spaces between the fragments. These holes were filled up afterwards with clay wash. In this clay wash the plaster fragments with the Aramaic text were found. They had fallen between the wall fragments. Three main groups were located by G. VAN DER KOOIJ, one of the co-authors of this volume.

It would seem that the fragments came from a short distance and from the north-east. It is possible that the fall was checked by the layer of wall rubble. No fragments were found still attached to mud brick. In this case the bricks to which the plaster had been attached formed the upper level. The plaster fragments were found on both sides of the original position of the north and cast walls and they came down when a shock hit the site after the fire had subsided. They did not suffer from this fire. We assume therefore that the support of the plaster split during the first shock and that the missing parts fell down and probably burned away, whereas the surviving fragments remained in position until the second shock came. In the passage way northeast of the room there may have been a mud brick built stele with the text or there may have been a small gate inside of which the text was written on the south wall. On top of these wall fragments deposits were found to a height of 1 m. none of which had regularly been walked over after the disaster. On top of that thick destruction deposit there are erosion deposits. We have to assume that some of these erosion levels reflect the return of human activities on the site. But the ruins were not levelled off to form a new horizontal and flat surface. In the excavated area there is an undulating surface over the whole area, consisting of light coloured dusty material which is used as the basis for new building activities. This we have termed Phase N. Between these activities and Phase M the large pit was dug and used as a refuse pit, whatever its original purpose may have been. If it was meant to collect water it was a complete failure. The many earthquake cracks had damaged the subsoil so much that as soon as the pit had been dug to the required depth these cracks opened up because the clay started to dry out as soon as it was exposed. A crack may widen in a few days from a few centimeters to two decimeters. But it was used as a refuse pit and it did not fill up or break down from erosion. This points to a short period of existence. This pit does not yet contain wheel-thrown pottery, but the following period, Phase N, does have such pottery with new shapes.

THE EVIDENCE FROM THE POTTERY

It has been argued already that there is an intermediate M—N Phase. It is also clear that pottery from that intermediate period must be found on the surfaces that stratigraphically belong to Phase N. Phase N has wheel-thrown pottery and for the introduction of that pottery in Palestine we have at the moment only one site where it has been recognized: tell es-Sultan, which is traditionally identified with Old Testament Jericho (FRANKEN 1974). If we assume that the Jericho Iron Age II buildings belong to the 7th century B.C. we may also assume that the lower possible time limit of Phase M is also to be fixed in the 7th century B.C. This is possible because the erosion went on unchecked. Nevertheless there may have been a period of more than one generation before building activities were resumed on the site.

Pottery attributed to the phase of the Aramaic text is not wheel-thrown. From this great mass of broken pottery we have isolated the pieces that could be restored to the extent that it seems safe to assume that they were unbroken and in daily use at the time of the earthquake. When surveying this group of mended pottery we find few thin-walled vessels with shapes that may be called rare but all seem to come from one tradition stream of potmaking, which may be called the Iron I tradition found in Trans Jordan and Palestine. This tradition did not originate in Palestine. It is not a continuation of the Late Bronze Age methods of pot-making as found in Palestine, although it may have been related to that tradition originally, that is, sometime during the Bronze Age. ...

INTERPRETATION OF PHASE M

We have seen that Phase M consists of traces of a situation that must have existed one day in the past when an earthquake hit the site and traces of the impact of the first and the second earthquake shock. We must now consider the value of the interpretation of Phase M as a sanctuary. The earthquake has nothing to do with this interpretation, but had it not been for the earthquake the text might not have been preserved. Also thanks to the earthquake many objects were found which otherwise might have disappeared for ever. The plan of the buildings has to be partly hypothetically reconstructed since some walls were dislocated at floor level leaving barely any traces of where they stood before the destruction. Also a number of objects like the text were knocked about when the shocks hit the site. In contrast to two earlier earthquake phases we did not find human victims in the ruins. This may indicate that the disaster took place during daylight but it seems more likely that the destruction happened at night when there was nobody in these rooms. Somewhere there was a fire burning in a breadoven or otherwise, because the first shock was followed by a conflagration, wooden objects burned away like the looms, of which we found the clay weights in several rooms, and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture. But what was left, the less perishable objects, was found and reconstructed as far as possible. The combination of the plan and the objects in their reconstructed form give rise to the interpretation of ca twenty workrooms, courtyards and lanes as having been immediately connected with a sanctuary. ...

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

It may be clear by now that there is no simple and straightforward archaeological answer to a number of relevant questions. Since the claim is made that the stratigraphical position of the text and the association with an archaeological level and the objects found in it is fairly exactly known, the question is why things can be so uncertain. The answer can be constructed empirically in the following way. Fora theoretic answer, see CLARKE 1968 and BINFORD 1972.

According to current interpretations of the literary historical sources the area of the Zerqa delta in the Jordan Valley was occupied by the Israelite tribes by the end of the 13th century B.C., when the Late Bronze sanctuary was still in full use. For centuries after there is no mention of a change of population. In other words, tell Deir 'Alla is situated in an area which, according to written historical sources, was inhabited from the beginning of the Iron Age by one or more tribes that were traditionally related to the Israelite tribes, which, according to the same sources, were then living in Palestine. There are some things we would like to know but do not know in relation with the excavations at tell Deir 'Alla. Exactly when did the Israel related tribes settle in the Zerqa delta? I refute the "solution" that a change in cultural assemblage which took place at Deir 'Alla sometime in the 13th century indicates the coming of these tribes (BINFORD 1972). Unless I have a cultural identity of such tribes I cannot compare, let alone identify, them with the assemblages before or after the change. And since after the change at Deir ' Alla in the 13th century the sanctuary was rebuilt and became again the largest one ever found in Palestine and Jordan in that period, the only question that can be raised is, do the written sources which we know refer to such a situation? I can state, however, that neither assemblage which can be dated to the 13th century at Deir 'Alla is derived from cultures known to have existed in Palestine in the 13th century B.C. or before. Moreover, we have two types of inscriptions from the second cultural assemblage: the Taousert cartouche (YOYOTTE 1962) and the Deir 'Alla clay tablets. They cannot be explained as yet when we follow the type of reasoning that is found in archaeological reconstructions of the Israelite conquest. That is to say, if one thinks fit to follow those arguments, then these inscriptions are prohibitive for the conclusion that we are dealing with such tribes. But if we take the earlier assemblage which seems to go back to the 16th century B.C., then there is equally no sense in attempting to establish a tribal identity. When the fallacies in the archaeological reasoning are clear then there remain two possibilities. Both cultures or one of them may have belonged to Israelite tribes or to non-Israelite tribes, but as long as we stick to existing cultural definitions of early Israelite tribes, they were not Israelite tribes.

It seems now that the following cultural assemblages, the one in the first half of the 12th century B.C. (Phases A-D) and the later ones including Phase M are equally not derived from those found in Palestine. In order not to confuse the argument (as is often done) I am not referring to the contents of the Aramaic text. I remind the readers, however, that we found in Phase L, preceding Phase M, an inscription consisting of a hitherto unknown script, scratched on a potter's tool (FRANKEN 1968). The question is then, how to establish archaeologically tribal identity. This question is even more important than that of the identity of tell Deir 'Alla. But neither can be solved on the basis of our present evidence. Discarding the interpretation of the Aramaic text for the moment, the archaeological interpretation of the situation in its totality does not in the least remind us of anything related to the West Bank in those times, apart from those pieces of pottery that we can now isolate from the main group and that show characteristics of Palestinian pottery. ...

THE STRATIGRAPHIC POSITION OF THE INSCRIPTIONS ON STONE AND POTTERY

The stratigraphic position of the inscribed stone (R. no. 2000) was simple, and the association with other finds and its location is remarkable. Pl. 16a shows the plan of four rooms. On this plan the entrance to room GG205 from the south is located between walls BB 320 and BB 427. When found this entrance was blocked by a wall fragment. The blockage may have been caused by the earthquake. In the corner formed by wall BB 320 and the blocked doorway eighteen burned clay loom weights were found lying on the floor. Eighty cms. north of the corner and lying against wall BB 320 inside room GG 205 three remarkable objects were found in the debris on the floor:

  • the inscribed stone
  • a goblet on a high foot with a spout (R. no. 1990)
  • an outsize loom weight (R. no. 2006).

A large piece of charred wood lay beside these objects in front of the passage between rooms GG 205 and GG 102. The goblet (Pl. 16b) was only slightly damaged near the rim; the stone and loom weight were complete. The stone is like a flint nodule, and most likely it is a kind of flint. As a rule, when these flint nodules have been in a fire, they are fractured in many pieces by the heat. Also they change into a reddish colour from the heat. This one had changed colour on part of the surface but otherwise survived undamaged. It is unlikely that any of the three objects were knocked about by the earthquake. Above the inscription the stone is shiny. This is not from polishing, but, like flint tools used for harvesting, from having been wetted with moisture of organic origin. Frequent kissing or touching the stone with a hand would create this shiny surface.

These four rooms contained a lot of pottery but each one must also have had a loom. In the excavated area hundreds of loom weights were found, but only one of this large size. So it may not have been one, unless it was a votive one.

Only two goblets of this type were found. The second one came from room BB 418. On the floor of this room BB 418 was also found an inscribed jar (R. no. 1818) of which the handle and part of neck and rim are missing.

NOTE

Only one relevant radiocarbon date of Phase M exists. The sample consisted of charred grain from deposit BB 303, which was part of the burnt layer of Phase M. The date is 2600 ± 50 years Before Present (Present = 1950). The "conventional" half-life of C14, i.e. 5568 years, was used for this date. By applying a correction based on dendrochronology, the "true age" of this sample "can be estimated at ca 800 B.C.". See the official publication: J. C. VOGEL and H. T. WATERBOLK, Groningen Radiocarbon Dates X, Radiocarbon 14, 1972, pp. 6-110; this sample GrN-5633 discussed on p. 53.

To understand this date some explanatory notes arc necessary (literature: generally J. W. MICHELS, Dating Methods in Archaeology, New York and London. 1973, pp. 148.167; for the problems involved see especially J.O.D. JOHNSTON, The problems of radiocarbon dating. Palestine Exploration Quarterly, 105, 1973, pp. 13-26).

  1. 650 B.C. ± 50 means, statistically, that there is a chance of 66% that the "true age" of the sample falls somewhere between 700 and 600 B.C. If this standard deviation is doubled. the chance would be 93% that the "true age" falls somewhere between 750 and 550 B.C. More C14 dates would give a clearer indication.

  2. Radiocarbon chronology differs from historical chronology:

    1. The half-life of C14 is not yet precisely known. Nowadays preference is given to 5730 ± 40 years over the conventional 5568 ± 30 years. Consequently the C14 date based on the old value has to be multiplied by a factor of 1.03 to get the date based on the new value (i.e. ca 2678 years B.P. — ca 728 B.C.)
    2. Other uncertainties and difficulties concerning C14 exist.
To be able to use radiocarbon to find absolute data, the radiocarbon chronology is (being) compared with chronologies of other absolute dating methods and with known historical chronologies. Good results have come from comparisons with dendrochronology (however applied mainly to trees from California). A rough correction curve has been proposed. By this curve radiocarbon dates (either based on the old or the new half-life value) can be adjusted to calendrical dates, but with an increased deviation on each side because the curve is only an approximation. (The best way to compensate for the new error is to multiply the standard deviation with l/2 (= 1.4). according to Dr. W. G. MOOK. mentioned in H. T. WATERBOLK. C14 en de Archeologie. in "Spiegel Historiael". June 1970. p.7. In our case the date would become 800 B.C. ± 70, with, again, a chance of 66%.)

This date has its own independent value compared with possible chronological conclusions drawn from archaeological, palaeographical and philological evidence.
Deir 'Alla Radiocarbon Dating Results from Vogel and Waterbolk (1972)

References
CHAPTER ONE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE RELATING TO THE INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT - Embedded
Ambraseys (2009) excerpts of Franken (1976)

`I have already mentioned that the site was shaken by earthquake round 1200 B.C. The destruction of the buildings of Phase M, the phase to which the Aramaic text belongs, was also caused by an earthquake. Deir Alla has suffered more earthquakes, not only during the time of habitation but also afterwards. These earthquakes and tremors caused vertical cracks which in the excavated area run mostly in east-west direction. When tracing the frequency of these cracks along a north-south line we find at least one every twenty cms. The tell is thus cut into vertical slices and these slices may have sunken for instance from a few cms. to several cms. and sometimes shifted sideways, whereas most of them apparently under the pressure from higher parts of the tell are inclined to lean out to the north. Expressed in geological terms we have found, be it in miniature size normal faults and even pivot faults. Cracks reaching the present surface must have been caused after the tell had reached that height and cannot therefore be dated to the stratigraphy ... Moreover, unless all the cracks that run through the deposits overlying Phase M and their exact position had been recorded, we would not be able to say whether any cracks seen in Phase L stop at the floor levels of Phase M. However we had several other indications. We have recorded cracks and shifts of material that run through the ruined buildings but stop at the point where erosion began to level off the debris. These were caused by a second shock which followed the first one after the buildings collapsed and the fire caused by the earthquake had burned itself out. I shall have to refer to the second shock in relation to the position of the text.

However, the first shock was also recorded. There is a long crack about 10 cms. wide running through the deposits of a little lane which formed during Phase M and is almost 60 cms. high. This crack is closed further to the east but here a horizontal shift could be seen because the crack runs lengthwise through the low stump of a mud brick wall. The clay mortar between the bricks on both sides of the crack does not fit together any longer. The horizontal shift was about 10 ems. Such cracks have not only been recorded on paper but also on "pull offs", a method used in agriculture to take a thin slice of earth to the laboratory (Franken 1965b), in order to keep an authentic record of the accumulation of deposits. The slice is thick enough to make samples from it for microscopic analysis. Incidentally horizontal shifts of more than 30 ems. were recorded. It was the second shock which brought the preserved fragments of the Aramaic text down from their support' (Franken 1976, 7-8).

`We have seen that Phase M consists of traces of a situation that must have existed one day in the past when an earthquake hit the site and traces of the impact of the first and the second earthquake shock. We must now consider the value of the interpretation of Phase M as a sanctuary. The earthquake has nothing to do with this interpretation, but had it not been for the earthquake the text might not have been preserved. Also thanks to the earthquake many objects were found which otherwise might have disappeared for ever. The plan of the buildings has to be partly hypothetically reconstructed since some walls were dislocated at floor level leaving barely any traces of where they stood before the destruction. Also a number of objects like the text were knocked about when the shocks hit the site. In contrast to two earlier earthquake phases we did not find human victims in the ruins. This may indicate that the disaster took place during daylight but it seems more likely that the destruction happened at night when there was nobody in these rooms. Somewhere there was a fire burning in a breadoven or otherwise, because the first shock was followed by a conflagration, wooden objects burned away like the looms, of which we found the clay weights in several rooms, and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture. But what was left, the less perishable objects, was found and reconstructed as far as possible' (Franken 1976, 12).

'Pl. 16a shows the plan of four rooms. On this plan the entrance to room GG205 from the south is located between walls BB 320 and BB 427. When found this entrance was blocked by a wall fragment. The blockage may have been caused by the earthquake. In the corner formed by wall BB 320 and the blocked doorway eighteen burned clay loom weights were found lying on the floor. Eighty cms. north of the corner and lying against wall BB 320 inside room GG 205 three remarkable objects were found [in the debris on the floor: the inscribed stone, a goblet on a 18]

high foot with a spout (R. no. 1990) and an outsize loom weight (R. no. 2006). A large piece of charred wood lay beside these objects in front of the passage between rooms GG 205 and GG 102. The goblet (pl. 16b) was only slightly damaged near the rim; the stone and loom weight were complete . (Franken 1976, 15).

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991)

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 1 - Top plan of the recovered architectural remains of the last stage of Phase IX (Area B) from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991)

Discussion

The excavations at Deir “Alla were resumed in 1976 by a joint expedition of the Department of Antiquities in Amman, Leiden University, as well as Yarmouk University in Irbid, since 1980. Main preliminary reports have been published in ADA/ (FRANKEN, Torani, 1978, Isnaini, VAN DER Kooyj, 1979, 1983, 1986). The stratum called Phase M has been labelled Phase IX in these reports. The continuation of the excavations of Phase IX occurred in a minor way in 1976 (B/C5, the plaster text area), 1979 (B/C6) and 1982 (B/C8), but the main work was in 1984 and 1987.

... The study of most of the material remains is still in its initial stages, This means that the subjects referred to can only be dealt with provisionally here.

1. The Character of the Settlement

It is possible to study the character of the settlement rather well Although only a small part of the remains has been uncovered (c 800 m2, probably about 1/3 of what is left of the settlement) the quality of the remains is relatively good, for two reasons:
  • The settlement had been destroyed suddenly, accompanied by fire at many places. This was apparently caused by an earthquake, as was concluded in 1967 from long cracks found immediately below the debris (Franken, 1976, pp. 7f.)
  • The debris, had been relatively little affected by erosion and pit digging of later inhabitants except for the part in the E. squares, There erosion and egalisation for Phase VI has almost completely removed the remains of Phase IX.

The Stratigraphy

The total process of building up, use, modification and destruction of the phase is rather complicated. At many places the walls have been rebuilt and in several rooms walls have been added and removed, doorways closed and roofs fallen in. Also the final destruction went in stages. At first the roofs came down and parts of walls, Then the other parts of walls collapsed by a second earthshock, probably, and by man levelling the ruins. This second stage occurred after some time, because the new surface had been used a bit. The first destruction apparently was sudden enough for the inhabitants to leave probably all their chattels behind, but remains of victims caught by the collapse have not been found.

The Architecture

The excavated architectural complex shows a series of small rooms (Fig. 1). Most of them had been roofed, some by a reed mat only, but a few courtyards (some having one or more bread ovens) were open or only partially covered. The yard floors were often originally cobbled, but mud had washed over them and this was covered with reed layers, apparently during the rainy seasons. All the walls were made of mud-brick (size 46 x 32 x 11 cm). No stone foundation was used, but only reed layers to build the walls on. Most of the walls were as wide as one brick’s length, some of one brick’s width, and a few both length and width wide. It is difficult to combine rooms into larger units, because very often doorways are not clear: many of the walls do not have indications of expected door openings. Apparently the thresholds were high and constructed of mud bricks. In one case (the room in square B/B4, mainly used for storage) all the walls had been preserved 1 m high, but there were no doorways. Clearly the room had to be entered via the mud brick steps found at both sides of the W wall.

... 3. Dating Phase IX

Dating the remains of Deir 'Alla Phase IX is preliminarily being accomplished by two methods:
  1. Cultural Stratigraphy and Comparison - Comparative studies of cultural assemblages from different sites can not yet offer a very precise date, for two reasons. Well established only in one, but rather in two or more successive strata/phases of a site (supposing a correct archaeological stratigraphy is established) so for a precise comparison frequency studies have to be included and relevant factors, such as the possibilities of cultural contact, have to be evaluated. This information for other sites is hardly available. The second reason is the margin for absolute dates of different strata. For many Iron Age strata absolute dates have been proposed, often based on textual information only, but often alternative dates are possible.

    This means for our subject, that the cultural relations of Deir 'Alla IX with other sites in the region and further afield, as discussed briefly above, indicate the 9th and 8th century BC. In any case before any Assyrian cultural influence is visible. This influence, however, may have started decades before the actual military-political incorporation of the region into the Assyrian empire (from c. 730 BC), but at some places it may also have become visible only decades after the Assyrian conquest.

    On the other hand a terminus ante quem is given by the cultural identity of Deir 'Alla Phase VI, which has a close connection with Ammonite sites referred to above, to be dated in the 7th century or perhaps the end of the 8th century BC.

  2. 14C Analysis - Some Carbon-14 analyses have been done with carbonized plant remains (grain and leaves) from the final destruction of Phase IX.

    All three point to a time between 770 and 880 BC, with a high probability of the date being at the end of the 9th century BC. (see Mook, 1989).

    A carbon-14 analysis of a sample from an earlier collapse of Phase IX gives a century older result; one from the preceding phase, two centuries older. Two carbon-14 dates from Phase VI point to the second half of the 8th century BC.8

Conclusion

A date for the destruction of Phase IX has to be looked for in the 9th and 8th centuries BC, but the statistic probability lies around 800 BC, and the last quarter of the 8th century is not really possible. Comparative cultural stratigraphy cannot yet add much to this. The date of c.760 BC for the destruction, suggested by an identification (LEMAIRE, 1985, p. 272) of the destructive earthquake with the one mentioned in the Old Testament for that time (e.g. Amos 1:1) is quite possible, but another earthquake may as well have been responsible for the destruction in this earthquake-rich region.
Footnotes

8 Phases VIII and VII are only locally preserved and existed for a short period only (certainly Phase VIII).

Naveh (1967)

Dr. H. J. Franken has published recently a preliminary note and photograph of one of the 'texts from the Persian Period from Tell Deir 'Alla', a fragment of wall plaster on which a text had been written in Aramaic script1

Since Dr. J. Hoftijzer has been charged with the publication of these texts, we shall not presume to deal with the reading. From the announcements in the daily press it appears that the language is perhaps not Aramaic, but some dialect spoken in Gilead.2 Dr. Franken in his short note dates these texts to the Persian period, while we believe that the text illustrated in the photograph attached to the note is to be dated much earlier.

Below we shall attempt to show that the Deir 'Alia wall inscription in the photograph is the earliest example of Aramaic script written in ink known up till now. It is earlier than the Nimrud ostracon,3 which is to be dated in the late 8th century B.C.,4 the Assur ostracon (mid-7th century)5 and the Saqqarah papyrus (ca. 604 B.C.).6 All these were written in ink. Moreover, some of the characters of the Deir 'Alia inscription are less developed than those on the inscribed bricks from Hama,7 which are to be dated in the middle of the 8th century,8 and the Aramaic inscriptions incised on the lion-shaped weights from Nineveh (CIS II, 1-14) which belong mainly to the time of Shalmaneser V [r. 727-722 BCE] (CIS II, 2-7, 11-12) and Sargon [II? r. 722-705 BCE] (CIS II, 8 and 13).

... The head of the mem seems to be closer to the classical zigzag shape than to the more developed form which is common in the 7th century inscriptions, and which occurs once in the Nimrud ostracon.10

Besides the above listed characters, waw, lamed, qof (if we are not mistaken in the reading) and shin are written in a form considerably earlier than that in vogue in the Persian period, and fit a date within the 8th century B.C.

We suggest, therefore, that this wall inscription from Deir 'Alia be dated to the middle of the 8th century or even earlier (by one or two decades). Its script represents an early stage in the development of the Aramaic cursive. Most of the letters still have their classical Phoenician shape. It is only the he which has an Aramaic form.

Though it is most interesting to find the beginning of the Aramaic cursive in this region, the fact is not surprising. Several 7th century Ammonite seals are written in Aramaic script, although their language seems to be closer to Hebrew than to Aramaic.11 Moabites and Edomites in the 9th century used the Hebrew script, witness the Mesha inscription, but in the last third of the 8th century, with the appearance of Assyrian influences, Aramaic elements began to infiltrate their scripts.12 However, the Ammonites and the people living north of Ammon and south of Damascus, along the King's Highway, adopted the Aramaic and not the Hebrew script. Such an explanation would fit the suggestion that the language is not Aramaic. But this point will remain open until Dr. Hoftijzer publishes his decipherment of the texts. We eagerly look forward to this event.
Footnotes

1 VT 17 (1967), pp. 480-1.

2 The Jerusalem Post of 24th March 1967.

3 J. B. Segal: Iraq 19 (1957), pp. 139-145, Pl. 34.

4 This date has been suggested to me by Prof. F. M. Cross, Jr.

5 M. Lidzbarski: Altaramaische Urkunden aus Assur, Leipzig, 1921, pp. 5-15; A. Dupont-Sommer: Syria 24 (1944/45), pp. 24-61.

6 A. Dupont-Sommer: Semitica 1 (1948), pp. 43-68.

7 H. Ingholt: Rapport preliminaire sur sept campagnes de fouilles a Hama en Syrie, Copenhagen, 1940, pp. 115-117, Pl. 39:1-5.

8 J. Naveh: The Development of the Aramaic Script (to be published shortly)

10 Segal, op. at (above, . 3), convex side, last letter in 1.6.

11 See . Avigad: IEJ 15 (1965), p. 227.

12 J.Naveh: BASOR 183 (1966), pp. 28-30.

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997)

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 1 - Site Plan from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997)
  • Fig. 7 - from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997)

Discussion

Phase IX

The 1987 season (partly continued in 1994) was aimed at extending the knowledge of the plan and use of space of this phase. The relationship with the remains excavated in 1967 had to be made clear further to the north and west and in general the excavated area of the phase had to be enlarged so as to get a better picture of the character of the settlement, also in relation to the Balaam inscription and its role in a room in square B/C6. Furthermore some details of the sub-phasing of IX had to be studied, as well as its relation to the preceding phases, especially in the eastern squares.

.... The following results of these excavations concerning phase IX have to be mentioned in this report. See also the information presented in Picking up the threads..., especially pp.82-89 and 94-103; see also the authors (1991). See also the discussion in Wenning and Zenger 1991.

  1. Phase IX has a complicated building history, but it is not yet clear whether originally the set of adjoining rooms was planned and built as a whole. Several of the walls followed walls of a preceding phase. During the use of the complex of rooms at many places rebuilding, for example after roof collapse, and change of use of a room took place. After the destruction by earthquake and fire some levelling of the ruins took place, especially before, or for, phases VII and VI: the remains of phase IX were completely removed by these later human activities and by erosion in the eastern squares. Consequently the walls and rooms found in these squares B/A-C10 (see ADAJ 30 esp. 132, 136) belonged to a phase preceding phase IX (see below).

  2. The extension to the north till now revealed remains of phase IX in squares B/D-F7-9.

  3. The extension to the west revealed remains of phase IX in all three squares (B/A4 and B/B4+3, mainly in 1987: Fig. 7, with additions in 1994) that match with the architectural remains of "phase M" excavated in 1967 (see Vilders 1992). However, later pit digging had removed the remains at the western end.

  4. Some of the remains and objects have to be mentioned here. Cultivated plant remains show a large variety of crops. Apart from wheat and barley, flax had been very important, as well as a number of legumes. Also sesame was attested and several culinary herbs, some of them very rare, like black cummin, garden cress and basil (for details see Neef 1989). Weaving was represented by several groups of loomweights and tiny remains of cloth, with the threads made of hemp fibres (see Vogelsang-Eastwood, 1989). The pottery includes a number of "Phoenician" red slipped and burnished types, especially jugs with a double loop handle, trefoil-mouthed (Fig. 7; see also the authors 1991: 25) and an askos. Remarkable objects found in 1994 included a storage jar filled with plant-rich lime, apparently to be used for plaster work, as well as a bulla, going originally around a papyrus scroll.

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1979)

Figures
Figures

Discussion

This phase IX is the same as phase M in previous countings. Much of it had been excavated in 1967 in an area of c. 25 x 25 m NW of the trenches dug during the last three seasons. Much of the architecture had been revealed, and some of it has been published preliminarily in J. Hoftijzer, G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, Leiden, 1976, (Pls. 16-19) and in A.D.A.J. op. cit. 1978, p. 64, fig. 6 (square B/C5). During this season excavations of phase M were done in one square only, namely in B/C6, to the E of B/C5, labeled EE 400 and EE 300 respectively in 1967. In 1967 it became clear that all the phase M architecture excavated had been destroyed by earthshock and fire. The room found in B/C6 was destroyed by fire too.

The walls are partly still standing up to 1.25 m high, and the room is found filled with burnt roof and wall debris. For a plan of the walls combined with those of B/C5 see plan drawing (fig. 5). The height of the debris (deposits 61 and 63) is shown on (Pl. XX, 2) where the floor is visible as well as the E most part of the burnt debris. Note also the lower course of mudbricks 57 going N-S at the top of the photograph. To the left is a doorway with a quern at the threshold. See also (Pl. XXI, 1) for a photograph of one stage in the removal of the debris inside the room. In the NW corner the floor of the room is visible. An especially interesting feature is the antler found as fallen almost directly on the floor of the room (Pl. XXI, 2). Some of the artifacts found may be mentioned here. Plates (XXVIII, 2- XXIX, 2) show some of the pottery found. A sealed jar handle (see Pl. XXX, 1). A shard with graffiti writing and drawing (PL XXX, 2). Phase IX probably has to be dated in the 8th century B.C. (PL XXXI).

Franken and Ibrahim (1978)

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 1 -                     Plan of Excavation Trenches of the 1977-1978 seasons from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
  • Fig. 2 -                     Square A/C1,S section with earthquake cracks from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
  • Fig. 3 -                     Square A/C4,S section from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
  • Fig. 4 -                     Square B/C5, plan phase "L" from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
  • Fig. 5 -                     Square B/C5, plan phase M from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
  • Fig. 6 -                     Squares B/C and D5, main part of E section from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)
  • Fig. 7 -                     Square B/C5: reconstruction of the position of the plaster texts from Franken and Ibrahim (1978)

Discussion
Squares A/C1, 2 (site supervisor A. van As)

Parts of the newly made section drawing are reproduced here (fig.2), namely the section in A/C1, parallel to the old section at 15-20m, The NS walls, H18 and H17 (see Franken, op. cit., 1969, fig.81), as well as H15 (mistaken called H19 on section fig. 81) to the E of them still exist, but a connecting EW wall appeared. Also E of wall K4 there seems to be an EW wall. The water hole between walls K3/L2 and K4/L3 still exists, with a continuous sedimentation at its bottom. An EW wall also appeared in the section to the W of the given drawing, W of the NS wall H14. It goes through the new section at a slightly oblique angle; it has a plastered face to the S, connected with a plastered floor. A nicely rounded small oven (ca 60 cm) was built against this EW wall close to NS. wall H14.

Close to it a horse head figurine was found (see pl. XXVI, 2)

Squares A/C3,4 (site supervisor M.E.Martin)

The excavated area lies between the old lines O.37 m and 10m. The NS walls H13/J5/K1 and II1/J1 are still clear and a wall on top of J1 in phase K also appeared. It is interesting that these walls have a thin layer of reed at their base visible at several places. The thick deposits of street layers between these accumulations of walls still extended as far as the new S section. Part of an EW wall appeared in section W of the NS wall H1 (see fig. 3). Wall 4 (see fig.3) probably belongs to phases H and J, and wall 3 to phase K. A thick rusty coloured floor (level c.-209.60m) was found; it stopped just before the new S section against mud-brick debris. It probably belonged to phase J. The thick deposits of rubble and ashy layers between the walls belong to phase K or L. Wall 1 (phase L?) seems to have been dug into the contemporary surface of the tell and was based first on a row of flat stones, which were also lying more to the SW. It was connected with an EW wall running about lm N of the new S section. Stones had also been put obliquely against the base of these walls (cf. Pl.XXVII.1). On top of the stone pavement, clay debris had fallen and the fill was continuously used for pits (e.g. graves). (P1-XXVII.1) shows the pavement consisting of flat stones, with stones standing against and partly inside the base of two walls that are forming a corner. The complex is-in the process of being unearthed-looking towards the WSW.)

Square B/C5 and surrounding (site supervisor G. van der Kooij)

B/C5 equals the 1967 square EE300, in which the Aramaic plaster texts were found (cf. especially Hoftijzer, Van der Kooij, op. cit., 1976). In the following paragraphs frequent reference will be made to this publication, using the abbreviation Aramaic Texts). Many obscurities in the stratigraphy immediately connected with this find made it necessary to do some additional digging without really extending the excavation area. The 1976 dig gave some suggestions which seem to be important for the interpretation of the texts. This is reason enough to report rather extensively about the excavations in this area.

Firstly, a general presentation of the stratigraphy of the area.

In 1967 excavations were carried out in the area reaching the earthquake and fire destroyed phase M - the top of it being c. 2.25m below the tell surface at that spot: The stratigraphy has not yet been published, but some of it has been described in Aramaic Texts, pp.8-10, and 26-27. (A full report of it can be expected after more of this phase has been unearthed). This season work concentrated on the stratigraphy in the immediate surroundings of the plaster texts find spot. In '67 the plans of the walls in the area had many lacunae - no time was left for a thorough study then. What was known was published - provisionally - in Aramaic Texts, cf. Pl. 17b (N.B.: The NS grid-lines of the '67 excavations 40.50 and 45.50 m about equal the new grid-lines 20 and 25 m from c.d.p. The EW lines-4.50 and O.50 m equal 11.50 and 16.50m from the base line). This 1976 season excavations penetrated somewhat deeper at a few places than what is labelled phase M (in '67 too digging had gone deeper than this phase at a few small spots). it seems useful to give a short description of the chronological order of the excavated deposits and the phases. (Date from '67 combined with those from '76)

  1. The earliest deposits touched are charred wash layers, which presumably have to be attributed to phase L.

  2. Some structures were built; provisionally they are also taken as belonging to phase L ("L"). Their walls have been excavated, but their floors generally not (see figs.4 and 6-plan and section). The S extension of wall B/D5.51 is uncertain. In '67 a few bricks had been seen at the place indicated by two short parallel lines. There was, however, another indication of this extension: the mat of reed leaves (see below) was seen and described in '67 as going upwards at that spot. Wall B/C5.55 was, apparently, built against the stump of a still older wall (B/C5.70); the same may be true for wall B/C5.56 (still to be excavated). Wall B/C5.63/64 consists of a row of stones with mud-bricks on top of them.

    The building was burnt and destroyed.

  3. After the destruction much weathering had taken place, which may indicate several years' exposure. Pit 13/D5.65 was constructed (a hole was dug, and the pit was constructed of clay bricks and lined with three layers of clay plaster, coloured grey, yellow and red-B/D5.64; the room outside this structure was filled in again).

    Then this well made pit was filled with a wall of mud-bricks, some brick rubble, and vegetable material, which shrunk considerably after some time (no traces of another function for the pit were found). Then the heavily charred earth of B/D5.52 was deposited together with some stones.

  4. After an apparently short time new buildings were erected (taken as belonging to phase M). The surface, however, still bore traces of the old walls. A glance at figs. 4 and 5 shows that at least parts of the old "L" plans were used. It became clear in '76 that the joint between walls B/C5.39 and 38 was made with differently coloured mud-bricks than had been used for the walls themselves. (The bricks of the walls contained much of the locally found banded clay; the bricks of the joint did not have this clay at all, but a lot of straw temper; they were grey, the others yellow) A crack in the W extension of this wall 38 had been penetrated by fire, which proves that the fire and crack existed at the same time - probably both caused by an earthquake. In the plan of fig. 5 the same difference in brick type is presumed to have been used at the joint between walls B/C5.39 and 42. The N extension of B/C5.36 is unclear. Its existence is probably testified by bricks seen and drawn (in '67) at the point where it crosses the 16.50 m line, and is strongly suggested by the sloping position of the fallen mat of reed leaves seen and photographed in '67. Very little was seen of B/C5.42 in '67. B/D5.53 probably (not certainly) was a row of fallen bricks. Wall B/C5.52 was built on a layer of reed stems (not leaves).

    B/C5.69 is a structure made of mud-brick clay on top of the stump of "L" wall B/C5.55. Two "floors" should be mentioned: the one of room B/C5.34 with a rounded pit with a graduated sloping edge (see Aramaic Texts, P1.17a), and floor B/C5.58 which is clearly visible. Judging from the rubble on top of floor 58 there certainly was no permanent roof above it. There was, however, a large mat woven from reed leaves, at least five layers thick. The size of the mat was roughly 3.5 m (NS) to 5.5m (EW) (a small EW trench had been made, supervised by A. van As, in B/D6, NE of B/C5, which produced this evidence).

    Then some destruction occurred, with fire. In B/C5.34 burning rubble (with brick clay and wood) tumbled down, possibly the roof or something coming from a higher place (so Franken). The heat penetrated into the unplastered floor and the wall bases. Burning rubble also fell into the room SW of this room 34, but NE of it very little burning rubble fell on floor B/C5.58. Brick rubble (unburnt) fell on B/ C5.69, and probably by now the B/D5.53 bricks had been deposited. Very little weathering took place, and then a complete destruction followed. At first the mat of reed leaves came down, but it was immediately followed by the chalk plaster with (and without) writing and whatever object it adhered to, and parts of the walls. No burning occurred, but some of the bricks were still charred, apparently by the previous small scale destruction. The main rubble deposits are B/C5.30 (on top of 34) with combination 1 of the plaster texts and B/C5.57 with combination 2.

    Cracks inside the deposits indicate earthquake shocks. The destruction was complete, though some of the walls were still standing 1 m high; rubble engulfed them. Erosion and wash affected the surface and this made phase M clearly distinguishable from layers deposited later.

Reconstruction of the Original Position of the Plaster Texts

A special paragraph has to be devoted to a reconstruction of the original position of the plaster texts, deduced from the data from '67 and'76 (see fig.7).

The direction in which the pieces had fallen has been reconstructed already (see Aramaic Texts, pp.26f.) by indications given by the positions of the different fragments. The result was that the original position must have been around the NE "corner" of room B/C5.34 (=EE334 of the old grid) The plaster of Comb. 1, the upper part of a column, and some other pieces, had fallen inside room 34, together with unburnt brick rubble on top of the previously fallen burnt rubble. The pieces of Comb.2, the lower part of a column, had fallen together with rubble B/C5.57 on top of the NW corner Of floor B/C5.58 (slightly more to the E than indicated on P1.17b in Aramaic Texts). Most probably there was a continuous wall between 34 and 57, namely wall B/C5.36 (see above), although a doorway cannot be excluded for certain.

Combination 2 must have been fallen from a very short distance (this can be deduced from the arrangement of the fragments in situ). Comb.l. came from a greater distance (the fragments were lying together quite unrelated). Comb.2 was apparently lying against the slope of the stump of old wall B/D5.51 and the new wall B/C5.36 (some rubble had fallen in between).

Consequently it most probably had been attached to something flat standing against the E face of this wall (The flat object may have been solidly connected with the wall, e.g. just projecting a little bit out of it; there are reasons enough to maintain the idea that the plaster was attached to something else than just a wall, see Aramaic Texts, pp.25ff.). It is reasonable to assume that all the writing and reading was done at one side only as the texts with related contents are close together. This would mean, that Comb.l. had been originally rather high up on the object against the E side of wall 36, and had fallen, together with parts of the wall, towards the W or SW inside room 34. The conclusion from this would be that the texts were written on plaster applied to something flat standing high up against the E face of wall 36. The wall (this part being c.3m long) formed the W end of an area which was bordered to the S by wall B/ C5.52 and structure B/C5.69 along the base of this wall; to the N it was bordered in one way or another by the bricks of B/D5.53 and /or a wall standing .there or slightly more to the N. The area stretched about 5 m towards the E. Its floor B/C5.58 had clearly often been used (indicated by numerous thin floor layers; in the NW part some large sherds and a complete lamp were found). The woven matting cover has been described above. Only the W end and the N edge of this area has been excavated. Doorways have not yet been found.

The surroundings of the area are partly clear: rooms border it to the W (34, with a strange pit-floor) and S (probably a room, with some useful finds - see below) and at a greater distance, at 5m from bricks B/D5.53, also to the N (the complex of four rooms excavated in '67; see Aramaic Texts, P1.16a); the area in between is unclear.

It is not clear how long the plaster with text had been in existence. However, it can be taken for certain that it was there already before the first small scale destruction with fire took place, by which room 34 got the burnt rubble on its floor, and the few pieces of burnt and some unburnt rubble fell on floor 58 and structure 69. The weathering of the rubble on or close to floor 58 was negligible and less than that of rubble 34. Probably no roof covered 34 after the first destruction (this is indicated by the fact that there was very little or no rubble between the lowest pieces of plaster and the surface of the burnt rubble). So rain could do its work in 34. Above 58, however, a new woven matting cover was quickly placed (it is possible also that the old matting cover was not destroyed at all). The writing on the plaster of Comb.2 had a lot of damage, probably caused by water. Most or all of this damage was done during the time before the collapse (the places on the different fragments where this damage occurs indicate this). Comb 1 also had water damage, but very little, and this may have happened after the collapse, as the fragments were lying in the apparently wet rubble, or during the destruction (the matting cover had fallen just before the plaster came down). This would mean that it was raining during the final destruction.

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1983)

Plans
Plans

Discussion

Phase IX

Phase IX is identical with the heavily burnt phase M., much of which was excavated in 1967 (cf. also ADAJ, XXIII, p. 48f.). Further excavations and study of this phase is a major aim of the Deir research project. This season only a little digging was done in IX — just to see the character of its continuation to the S. (B/B6) and E. (B/C7-8) of the previously cleared parts of it. Next season excavation of a great deal of this phase is planned to be accomplished.

In B/B6 phase IX was just touched: a small part of the debris in presumably a room was excavated. Surprisingly no fire had occurred there, but the collapse apparently was as sudden there as in the fire destroyed rooms. (It may be useful to remember that an earthquake was the first cause of destruction to the buildings of this phase. Cf. p. 48.)

Two complete jars were laying together with a complete, about 0.65 m. long, antler of the Mesopotamian Fallow Deer (see Pls. CXXX,1; CXXX, 2). Interestingly the same type of antler was found, burnt, in a bordering room last season (Pl. XXI, 2). In square B/C7 the top of phase IX was uncovered in the N.E. part. The top of a N.-S. wall and of the burnt rubble inside a room became visible (see Pl. CXXIX, 1), which is part of the room excavated in B/C8. The E. wall of this room (B/C8.72) became visible up to square B/8 where part of the top of a cross wall was uncovered. A thin E.-W. wall forms the S. end of the room. The N. side is N. of square B/C8 and unexcavated. The mudbricks of the walls have the size common to the IX walls of the previous excavations (ca. 0.33 x 0.50 m.), many of them made of the yellow clay, others of grey soil. The walls still stand 1.00-1.50 m. high and, like elsewhere, had little width (one brick wide lying side by side, or even head to head). Mixed with the burnt roof and wall debris (see Pls. CXXXI, 12; CXXXII, 1;); with to the right two of the complete bricks, with marks on the surface) were the contents of the room: several jars and more than thirty loom-weights. The position of the loomweights suggests that they were in use in the room. Unexpectedly seven different types of weights were used together (see Pl. CXXXII, 2). It is noteworthy that one loomweight had clear remnants of thread (twisted vegetable fibres) inside the hole, others had different seeds. More interesting information may be added: an example of the commonly known pointed and polished flat bone tool (see Pl. CXXXIII, 1; two more examples were found this season) was found inside one of the pots lying among the debris and loomweights. This is another indication of the often suggested function of weaving.

Franken (1969)

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 3 -                      from Franken (1969)

Discussion

The earthquake cracks

Something has already been said, in conjunction with the methods of excavating, about the earthquake cracks that run through the tell.

Four observations on these cracks have to be taken into consideration before an attempt to explain them can be made.
  1. The excavated area in which the cracks occur is sited alongside and in the middle of the northern slope of the mound.
  2. All the cracks run more or less parallel to the line of the northern slope, or, to be more exact, to what is supposedly its original direction: i.e. slightly more to the northwest. There are no cracks running north-south.
  3. The frequency of these cracks becomes denser and the cracks deeper the farther they lie to the north.
  4. The slices of earth between the cracks all tend to topple forward to the north and some of them have sunk down considerably (cf. fig. 3) or even slightly turned round a horizontal north-south axis.

It is not yet known how these cracks run on the east and west sides of the tell. If these cracks are really caused by earthquakes then they will continue down into the natural soil under the tell itself. It has not yet been possible to establish this point one way or the other. There are, however, many cracks running through the banded clay outside the tell area. It seems best to consider a combination of two factors as the cause of these cracks. There is the weight of the deposits with no strong walls, no glacis or revetment wall to check the settling and shifting of the material; and there is the geological fact that the Jordan valley lies in a well-known seismic area; so that earth tremors strong enough to dislodge the material of which the tell is composed would have been present on and off through the ages.

In two cases, however, this type of crack can be assigned to a phase in the Iron Age. Cf. Plate IV, phase C.

Phase M

The pottery from phase M has not been used in the following pottery study. It is possible that there was a period after phase L in which the tell was hardly occupied. There are various indications for this supposition. There is an accumulation of washed material over the phase L buildings. Phase M shows a new lay-out of the village, but this could also be the case if a large part of phase L were destroyed on any one occasion. More important is, however, the fact that the large "cistern" which is attributed to phase M, contains some pottery shapes, which do not belong to the village repertoire, nor to that of period III. There must have been a much shorter gap in time between phases L and M (plus N) than there is between phases M-N and the new occupation of period III. The bulk of the phase M pottery comes from the "cistern", as the period III pits and the cemetery have largely destroyed the surface of phase M, and the plan of phase N has been entirely reconstructed from wall fragments found between pits and graves. The publication of the pottery from these phases will follow after the excavation has been extended.

The only wall of phase L which still stood in phase M is wall M 1, not used as a house wall, but as part of a catchment area for water, a plaster floor to the n. of it running up against this wall. This is the only plastered floor found in the E.I.A. deposits. On the same absolute level further n. another plastered floor was found, which is a terrassed floor belonging to period III. This floor shows that a considerable amount of erosion took place between periods II and III.

The most striking and peculiar feature of phase M is the large "cistern", to which the plastered floor led the rainwater. This floor actually formed the rim of the pit along the s.e. side, sloping down into the pit. The diameter of this pit is slightly over 8 m. and its depth has not yet been established. It had destroyed underlying deposits at least down to phase G. The purpose of this pit or "cistern" is not clear. Nowhere were there any indications that it was plastered below the rim. It is also certain that no staircase went down into it. Had that been the case it could be supposed that it was dug in a desperate attempt of the villagers to reach ground water level during a siege. If it was meant to collect rainwater, as the "catchment floor" would suggest, it was equally a failure, even had there been a plaster lining. (Pl. XIb)

From the stratigraphy it is clear that the pit had a very short existence and in fact already served as a refuse pit during phase M. All the pottery fragments found in the pit are covered with iron oxide incrustation, suggesting that broken pots were thrown into thick layers of vegetable material that gradually filled the pit. In the next phase (N) a thick clay deposit was put down over the top on which a house was built (P1. XII). This clay "lid" subsequently sank more than a metre into the soft fill, breaking off around the edge of the pit. The problem of interpretation remains and is not elucidated by the fact that it was not the first pit of its kind, cf. phase J. The phase J pit must have been less wide, and the phase M pit took up more space. From the fact that the pit was already used as a refuse pit during phase M we can conclude that, whatever its original purpose, it soon lost this function.

All the walls of the phase were very fragmentarily preserved in this area. (see above). Walls M 2,3 formed a room. N. of wall M 3 was an open space, blocked by wall M 4. This courtyard shows an earthquake crack which dates from phase M or N. N. of wall M 3 and s. of wall M 5 (Pl. XIa) were found two stone benches, built against these walls, facing each other. Two n.-s. walls were built n. of wall M 5 and the floor space between them was covered by a stone platform.

As all possible links between walls M 6,7,8,9 were destroyed by the graves, no interpretation can be given until excavation further e. has revealed more of the plan of this phase.

Note. After this manuscript was finished the contents of the cistern were studied. Comparison with the phase M material, which definitely belongs to the village, and with material from phase N, has clearly shown that the cistern cannot belong to either of these phases, but to an intermediate period. We have to assume that whether phase M was followed by one or more phases of village occupation, erosion followed after the village was definitely abandoned. Then people dug a pit and made a "catchment floor" running up against the stump of a wall which they found standing, and after that the tell was again abandoned, now for a considerable length of time. This interpretation is based on the study of the pottery only. It is difficult to see why in the second period of erosion the rim of the pit did not erode away completely, unless, as we have reason to believe, buildings belonging to the village (period II) were standing on a much higher level east of the excavated area. In this case the lower parts which were more or less horizontal would be covered by eroded material before erosion started to denude these lower levels. The pottery of the cistern will be published after the excavation of phase N and subsequent phases has been finished.

Lemaire in Meyers et. al. (1997)

In level M/IX (c. 800 BCE) of H. J. Franken's excavations (1967), several inscriptions attest to the use of Aramaic script. Two incised inscriptions mention "the gate" (sir") and another contains the beginning of an abecedary. Inscriptions on plaster found at the site in 1967 are also written in Aramaic script, in black and red ink. These texts, probably originally written on wall plaster (wall no. 36), were found in many pieces among debris. The details of their language, restoration, script, reading, and interpretation are still under discussion; however, following a preliminary paleographic dating to the Persian period, and then in the editio princeps to about 700 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1976), most commentators now agree that the paleography fits the dating of the archaeological context: about 800 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1991) or the first half of the eighth century BCE. Indeed, the earthquake that destroyed level M/IX at Deir 'Alia could well be the one mentioned in Amos 1:1 (cf. also 4:11 , 6:8-11, 8:8, and 9:1; and Zee. 14:5), dated to about 760 BCE. Although some scholars prefer to describe this script as Ammonite, and others have attempted to classify it as Hebrew, Midianite, or North Arabic, the texts linguistic features seem to contradict these classifications.

Steiner (2019)

In the Jordan Valley, the most renowned cult place is at Tell Deir Alla. In 1967, a large text, painted on the plaster of a wall, was found in a small building. The text refers to the seer Balaam, son of Beor, known from the Bible (Numbers 22–24). The plaster was found in two heaps east and west of the wall on which the text was supposedly written, thrown there when an earthquake struck the village around 800 BC (Hoftijzer and van der Kooij 1976, 1991).

Roberts (2012)

10. Deir 'Alla

Located near the confluence of the Jabbok River and the Jordan, Deir ‘Alla is well known for the Balaam inscription discovered in 1967 but its close proximity to the Dead Sea Transform suggests it is susceptible to earthquakes. Further, since most of the building material was mud bricks on a foundation of Quaternary alluvium, buildings were even more susceptible to earthquake damage. Excavations in Area B located near the summit found that an earthquake destroyed Phase IX (=M) as well as evidence of fire resulting in contents of rooms left in situ.71 Franken stated, “These earthquakes and tremors caused vertical cracks which in the excavated area run mostly in east-west direction. When tracing the frequency of these cracks along a north-south line we find at least one every twenty cms.”72 While these cracks help demonstrate the high seismicity of the area which Deir ‘Alla sits, cracked foundations and fallen walls constitute the bulk of earthquake damage found in phase IX.

What is as interesting or even more interesting than the clear evidence of seismic damage at Deir ‘Alla is the detail provided by the excavators on the aftermath of the quake. Hence, in their view they believe they have identified a second shock in the archaeological record following the first earthquake. In the words of Franken, “We have recorded cracks and shifts of material that run through the ruined buildings but stop at the point where erosion began to level off the debris. These were caused by a second shock which followed the first one after the buildings collapsed and the fire caused by the earthquake had burned itself out.”73 Of interest to many scholars is Franken’s assertion that it is after the second shock that he believes the Balaam inscription fell down. Also, Franken notes how in contrast to evidence of earlier quakes at Deir ‘Alla where they found human victims, they did not find any human victims in this stratum. This discovery—or lack thereof—sheds light on the weight given to different archaeoseismic methodologies that are viable for investigating Iron Age sites. Regarding fire, Franken notes, “Somewhere there was a fire burning in a breadoven or otherwise, because the first shock was followed by a conflagration, wooden objects burned away like the looms, of which we found the clay weights in several rooms, and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture. But what was left, the less perishable objects, was found and reconstructed as far as possible.”74

The preservation of earthquake damage at Deir ‘Alla is among the best for the mid eighth century quake and invites new questions about the quake that few other sites can offer. Indeed, William Dever notes that the evidence found at Deir ‘Alla is stronger than most sites.75 Further, it represents, in my view, the best example of an Iron II Levantine site that preserves damage of the quake. In this way, there is much to learn from Deir ‘Alla regarding how its remains can inform an archaeoseismic methodology for earlier time periods in which many of the traditional markers of seismic damage cannot be found. There is no evidence of human remains even though other phases have evidence of human remains, there was a record of fire though fire did not completely overwhelm the excavated area, and some walls were physically dislocated at the floor level.76 The dating of Deir ‘Alla phase IX (phase M) is a rare example of how the date of a historical event can inform dating by radiocarbon and ceramic evidence. Carbon date analysis of grain and leaf material calibrated to around 800 ± 50 BCE and ceramic study has placed pottery around the same period.76 Based on the chronological pegs for the earthquake of which a date around 760 or 750 BCE is most likely, the calibration range of the C-14 dates demonstrates how these dates are at the very end of its range.

In sum, Deir ‘Alla provides the best evidence to date of seismic damage related to a mid eighth century earthquake. In the meantime, the excavated finds offer much to reflect on existing models of archaeoseismic methodology and how this can help provide more nuanced methods of study.
Footnotes

71 G. Van Der Kooij, “Deir ‘Alla, Tell,” NEAHL 1: 338-342.

72 H. J. Franken, “Archaeological Evidence relating to the Interpretation of the Text,” in Aramaic Texts from Deir ‘Alla, (ed. J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij; Leiden: Brill, 1976), 3–16. For Deir ‘Alla, see also, M. Ibrahim and Gerrit van der Kooij, “Two Seasons of Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla, 1976–1978,” ADAJ 22 (1977–1978): 56–79; H. J. Franken, “Texts from the Persian Period from Tell Deir ‘Alla,” VT 17 (1967): 480– 481; M. Ibrahim and Gerrit van der Kooij, “Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla, Season 1979,” ADAJ 23 (1979): 41–50; M. Ibrahim and Gerrit van der Kooij, “The Archaeology of Deir ‘Alla Phase IX” in The Balaam Text from Deir ‘Alla Re-Evaluated, Proceedings of the International Symposium, Leiden, 21–24 August 1989 (ed. J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij; Leiden: Brill, 1991), 16–29.

73 Franken, “Archaeological Evidence relating to the Interpretation of the Text,” 7-8.

74 Franken, “Archaeological Evidence,” 12.

75 Dever, “A Test Case,”35*. Dever notes that Lachish IV is “perhaps the strongest,” but as shown below, this assertion is extremely doubtful

76 The wall dislocation may be tempered by the foundation of Quanternary alluvium beneath the walls.

77 Van Der Kooij, “Deir ‘Alla, Tell,” NEAHL 1: 341. Given that over thirty years have elapsed since the dating of the grain and leaf material, if material remains, retesting will help confirm this dating.

Austin et. al. (2000)

Figures
Figures

  • Figure 3 -                      Time-stratigraphic correlation chart of Iron IIb excavations throughout an extensive region of Israel and Jordan from Austin et. al. (2000)

Discussion

Deir Alla was an Iron Age city located near the confluence of the Jabbok River with the Jordan River (Fig. 1). Architecture was primarily mud bricks on a foundation of Quaternary alluvium. Therefore, the constructions were very susceptible to earthquake damage. Cracked foundations and fallen walls characterize phase IX (also called phase M) at Deir Alla (Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1977, 1978, 1979). Walls constructed of mud bricks tended to fall in a southerly direction (Lemaire, 1985). The suddenness of the collapse is most vividly indicated by the extraordinary preservation of an ink-on-plaster inscription that was excavated from beneath the debris of one fallen wall. This famous inscription is called the Balaam Text and, ironically, foretells a cosmic disaster (Lemaire, 1985).

Deir Alla phase IX (= phase M) is dated by radiocarbon and ceramic evidence (Fig. 3). Carbon date GrN-14260 on grain and leaf material beneath earthquake rubble gave 2630 ± 50 years B.P. (van der Kooij, 1993), which calibrates to 800 ± 50 B.C. (Stuiver and Becker, 1993). The Balaam Text shows signs of wear, indicating that it stood for many years before being buried by an earthquake. One paleographer dates the inscription to the middle of the eighth century, or even a decade or two earlier than that (Naveh, 1967). The pottery analysis suggests that phase IX ended ~770 B.C. (Ibrahim and van der Kooij, 1977, 1978, 1991; Vilders, 1992). This is consistent with an earthquake dated at 770 B.C. ± 25 years.

Raphael and Agnon (2018)

Iron IIB (900-700 BCE)

domestic area, walls the width of a brick (Phase IX) were damaged in 760 BCE earthquake. 14C dates attributed to 800 BCE (van der Kooij 1993: 340-341). Second earthquake struck the walled village (Phase VII), at the end of the 8th century BCE. Site abandoned after this earthquake (Petit 2009: 28-29).

JW: The second earthquake they refer to is the seperate Phase VII earthquake. Raphael and Agnon (2018:776) did not seem to recognize that Franken (1969) was referring to 2 different earthquakes in Phase M (IX) and that yet another earthquake is referred to in Phase VII.

Ferry et. al. (2011)

Deir ’Alla
Field Name Field Data
Archaeological Period Eighth century B.C
Date of Event (inferred) 700–800 B.C.
Proposed Cause of Destruction Earthquake, fire
Probability of an Earthquake not reported
Indication of Surface Rupture
Description form Archeological Source “Phase M was destroyed by earthquake and fire.” (Franken (1989) p.204)
References

Franken, H. J. (1989). Deir' Alla (Tell) in Archaeology of Jordan, Vol. III.- H2. Field Reports, Surveys and Sites, D. Homès-Fredericq and J. Hennessy (eds), Peeters, Leuven, Belgium. - available at the Getty Museum

Phase VII Earthquake - 7th or late 8th century BCE

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997:100-101) uncovered a sudden collapse of buildings, with fire at places which they attributed to an earthquake. Some of the finds included pottery that represents types known from Neo-Assyrian palaces which suggests a date probably after the Assyrian conquest in 732 BCE. Since Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997:100) used radiocarbon and artifacts to date overlying Phase VI (substage ii) to end of the 8th through the 7th century BCE and underlying Phase IX was dated to the 9th or 8th centuries BCE, this suggests a 7th or late 8th century BCE date for this seismic event.

References

Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997)

Figures
Figures

  • Fig. 1 - Site Plan from Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997)

Discussion

Phase VII

One of the surprises of the 1994 season was the quality and quantity of data retrieved from phase VII. Some scattered remains of it (wall fragments, courtyard layers and pits) became known in 1984, including a fallen wall with many of the bricks still in original binding, but in a vertical position—identified as such in 1987. In the same year, remains were found in the western extension too (B/B4-3). However, the architectural remains were concentrated in square B/A6 and surroundings. In 1994 other concentrations of remains were found in squares D/A+B7, squares B/D+E9, and square B/F7.

The remains show a sudden collapse of buildings, with fire at places, all caused by an earthquake as probably shown by the crack and shift down in D/B7. After a process of erosion and levelling, the debris was preserved only up to a height of 10-20cm, often leaving just the lower parts of pots sitting on the floor. One of the walls (in square D/A7) had fallen down in the same way as mentioned before, with many of the bricks still bound together, but now in a vertical position.

The lay-out of the rooms is not clear (several of the walls are expected outside the squares) but the floors in square D/B7 (the "museum") and B/E9 (the "kitchen") were covered with all kinds of artifacts. They include (Fig. 4) bone-inlay, a stone object (3255) of uncertain use, an extraordinary dagger, a sheqel weight (3302), a cosmetic bowl of sandstone (3285), a potter's wheel as well as pottery (Fig. 5; thrown and well-fired) that represents types known from Neo-Assyrian palaces, apart from local types. These data show a rather strong change of cultural character after the phases IX and VIII. Possibly the seal no. 2307 (Fig. 6, inscribed lmlkwm) came from phase VII.

Seismic Effects
Phase B Earthquake - Iron Age I - 2nd half of the 12th century BCE

Effect Location Image Description
Flower Structure            Trench D100

Fig. 21
  • Flower Structure in Bottom Center of Photo
Vertical Cracks Trench D100

Plate Vb
  • Vertical cracks to the left and right of the flower structure
Fire Trench D100

Fig. 21
Fig. 18
  • Burnt surface
Collapsed Walls

Phase C Earthquake - Iron Age I - 2nd half of the 12th century BCE

Effect Location Image Description
Rubble                       Field Number D410
Crack                      
  • Field Number F466
  • Square F400
  • Presumably Square F400
Plate IVa Phase C Earthquake Crack
Plate IVb Phase C Earthquake Crack drawing from Franken (1969)
  • Earthquake Crack - List of Phase C Deposits from Franken (1969:41-42)
  • The end of phase C is marked by an earthquake. Here we find one of the very few cracks that can be dated to a phase. A deep, wide crack was discovered in sq. F 400. In it were found the scattered remains of a human skeleton. These are the only human bones found in the I.A. [Iron Age] occupation. - Franken (1969:41)
  • This period ended again with an earthquake and a victim was found completely squashed in a crack in the earth. - Franken (1989:203) as quoted by Ferry et. al. (2011)

Phase M/IX Earthquakes - 8th or 9th century BCE

Effect Location Image(s) Description
Broken Pottery found in fallen position Area B
  • Complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms. - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:138)
  • High concentrations are found in the S room of square B/B5, the SE room of B/C6, the NW room in B/C8, the NE room in B/A6, the S part of the room in B/B8, the W and S parts of the rooms in B/A8, and smaller groups were found elsewhere - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:138)
  • Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:138) noted that complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms of Area B
Collapsed and displaced walls, two seismic shocks, fractures, and fire Area B ?
Effects specific to the Phase M/IX Quake

  • 10 cm. wide extensional crack which is also horizontally shifted attributed to Phase M Quake
  • Some mudbrick walls broke away at floor level - this happened in the area where the Deir 'Alla inscription was found to a large portion of the east wall and the north wall. The corner where these two walls met was not rectangular but measured ca 115°.
  • Other mudbrick walls broke above floor level but after the whole wall had shifted
  • Fire after initial shock - wooden objects burned away like the looms and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture.
  • Burned debris found in the room where the Deir 'Alla inscription was found - burned clay from mud bricks, pieces of charcoal, sherds and some clay loom weights were thought to have fallen down several meters while still burning scorching the walls and burning black the surface underneath. No plaster or evidence of a burnt roof was found in this debris. The direction of fall could not be established.
  • Less extensive unburnt debris found in the room on the north side and beyond to the north consisting of broken mud brick wall fragments.
  • Unburned plaster fragments were found on both sides of the original position of the north and cast walls. Franken (1976) interpreted that the support of the plaster split during the first shock and that the missing parts fell down and probably burned away, whereas the surviving fragments remained in position until the second shock came. The unburned plaster fragments were accompanied by wall fragments deposits (mud bricks).
  • 1 meter of wall fragment deposits were found in the passage way northeast of the room where the Deir 'Alla inscription was found.
  • Two shocks interpreted. Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991) noted that this second stage occurred after some time, because the new surface had been used a bit.
  • Human victims not encountered - unlike previous earthquakes

Effects amalgamated from multiple seismic events

  • Vertical Cracks (mostly in E-W direction, at least one every 20 cm.
  • Micro Normal Faulting
  • Pivot Faults (strike-slip?)
  • Sinking of the Tell up to several cm.
  • Some sideways shifting of the Tell
  • Tilting to the north
  • Some horizontal shifts exceed 30 cm.

Descriptions

  • These earthquakes and tremors caused vertical cracks which in the excavated area run mostly in east-west direction. When tracing the frequency of these cracks along a north-south line we find at least one every twenty cms. The tell is thus cut into vertical slices and these slices may have sunken for instance from a few cms. to several cms. and sometimes shifted sideways, whereas most of them apparently under the pressure from higher parts of the tell are inclined to lean out to the north. Expressed in geological terms we have found, be it in miniature size normal faults and even pivot faults [JW: perhaps he is describing a strike-slip component in some of the normal faults]. - Franken (1976)
  • Something has already been said, in conjunction with the methods of excavating, about the earthquake cracks that run through the tell.

    Four observations on these cracks have to be taken into consideration before an attempt to explain them can be made.
    1. The excavated area in which the cracks occur is sited alongside and in the middle of the northern slope of the mound.
    2. All the cracks run more or less parallel to the line of the northern slope, or, to be more exact, to what is supposedly its original direction: i.e. slightly more to the northwest. There are no cracks running north-south.
    3. The frequency of these cracks becomes denser and the cracks deeper the farther they lie to the north.
    4. The slices of earth between the cracks all tend to topple forward to the north and some of them have sunk down considerably (cf. fig. 3) or even slightly turned round a horizontal north-south axis.

    It is not yet known how these cracks run on the east and west sides of the tell. If these cracks are really caused by earthquakes then they will continue down into the natural soil under the tell itself. It has not yet been possible to establish this point one way or the other. There are, however, many cracks running through the banded clay outside the tell area. It seems best to consider a combination of two factors as the cause of these cracks. There is the weight of the deposits with no strong walls, no glacis or revetment wall to check the settling and shifting of the material; and there is the geological fact that the Jordan valley lies in a well-known seismic area; so that earth tremors strong enough to dislodge the material of which the tell is composed would have been present on and off through the ages.

    In two cases, however, this type of crack can be assigned to a phase in the Iron Age. Cf. Plate IV, phase C.
    - Franken (1969)
  • There is a long crack about 10 cms. wide running through the deposits of a little lane which formed during Phase M and is almost 60 cms. high. This crack is closed further to the east but here a horizontal shift could be seen because the crack runs lengthwise through the low stump of a mud brick wall. The clay mortar between the bricks on both sides of the crack does not fit together any longer. The horizontal shift was about 10 cms. Such cracks have not only been recorded on paper but also on "pull offs", a method used in agriculture to take a thin slice of earth to the laboratory (Franken 1965b), in order to keep an authentic record of the accumulation of deposits. The slice is thick enough to make samples from it for microscopic analysis. Incidentally horizontal shifts of more than 30 cms. were recorded. - Franken (1976)
  • We have recorded cracks and shifts of material that run through the ruined buildings but stop at the point where erosion began to level off the debris. These were caused by a second shock which followed the first one after the buildings collapsed and the fire caused by the earthquake had burned itself out. - Franken (1976)
  • Mud brick walls were built on top of existing surfaces, and occasionally on reed layers or wooden beams. However, as far as they were not buried in debris that accumulated against them (like the lane mentioned already had accumulated 60 cms. against two Phase M walls) they sometimes broke away at floor level during the earthquake. This had happened in the area where the text was found. A large portion of the east wall and the north wall of a room were cut off at floor level. Others broke well above floor level but after the whole wall had shifted. As a result standing remains of walls do not link properly any more. - Franken (1976)
  • The small room [where the Balaam inscription was found] measured roughly 2.75 m. x 3.25m. but the corner that was formed by the two walls that broke away at floor level was not rectangular but measured ca 115° as found by us. It did not have a normal floor. In the middle was a pit and all round the floor sloped down toward this pit or basin. The pit is slightly oval, ca 1.50 m. in diameter and ca 40 cms. deep. The floor had been dug into an existing clay deposit and was not lined with plaster. The southern half from the south wall to the middle of the basin was filled with burned clay from mud bricks, pieces of charcoal, sherds and some clay loom weights, all of which did not come from floor level hut had fallen down several meters while still burning. It scorched the walls against which it piled up and burned black the surface underneath. In this fill no fragments of plaster were found and if there had been plaster it had been burned in the fire. From which direction this burning material fell down could not be established. Nor could the walls that broke off at floor level or what broke away from the remaining wall stumps be traced. There are no traces of a burned roof. The fill of the room on the north side and beyond to the north consisted of broken mud brick wall fragments. Here no traces of fire were found, the fall was not so heavy as was the Cast with the burned debris. There were clearly large wall fragments which after their fall left open spaces between the fragments. These holes were filled up afterwards with clay wash. In this clay wash the plaster fragments with the Aramaic text were found. They had fallen between the wall fragments.

    It would seem that the fragments came from a short distance and from the north-east. It is possible that the fall was checked by the layer of wall rubble. No fragments were found still attached to mud brick. In this case the bricks to which the plaster had been attached formed the upper level. The plaster fragments were found on both sides of the original position of the north and cast walls and they came down when a shock hit the site after the fire had subsided. They did not suffer from this fire. We assume therefore that the support of the plaster split during the first shock and that the missing parts fell down and probably burned away, whereas the surviving fragments remained in position until the second shock came. In the passage way northeast of the room there may have been a mud brick built stele with the text or there may have been a small gate inside of which the text was written on the south wall. On top of these wall fragments deposits were found to a height of 1 m. none of which had regularly been walked over after the disaster. On top of that thick destruction deposit there are erosion deposits. We have to assume that some of these erosion levels reflect the return of human activities on the site.
    - Franken (1976)
  • In contrast to two earlier earthquake phases we did not find human victims in the ruins. This may indicate that the disaster took place during daylight but it seems more likely that the destruction happened at night when there was nobody in these rooms. Somewhere there was a fire burning in a breadoven or otherwise, because the first shock was followed by a conflagration, wooden objects burned away like the looms, of which we found the clay weights in several rooms, and charred beams which may also partly have belonged to other wooden furniture. But what was left, the less perishable objects, was found and reconstructed as far as possible. The combination of the plan and the objects in their reconstructed form give rise to the interpretation of ca twenty workrooms, courtyards and lanes as having been immediately connected with a sanctuary. - Franken (1976)
  • This courtyard [N of Wall M3] shows an earthquake crack which dates from phase M or N. - Franken (1969)
  • Phase IX is identical with the heavily burnt phase M ... In B/B6 phase IX was just touched: a small part of the debris in presumably a room was excavated. Surprisingly no fire had occurred there, but the collapse apparently was as sudden there as in the fire destroyed rooms. ... The walls still stand 1.00-1.50 m. high and, like elsewhere, had little width (one brick wide lying side by side, or even head to head) - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1983:583-585)
  • The settlement had been destroyed suddenly, accompanied by fire at many places. This was apparently caused by an earthquake, as was concluded in 1967 from long cracks found immediately below the debris (Franken, 1976, pp. 7f.) ... the final destruction went in stages. At first the roofs came down and parts of walls, Then the other parts of walls collapsed by a second earthshock, probably, and by man levelling the ruins. This second stage occurred after some time, because the new surface had been used a bit. The first destruction apparently was sudden enough for the inhabitants to leave probably all their chattels behind, but remains of victims caught by the collapse have not been found. - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1991)

Both Earthquakes
Effect Location Image(s) Description
Fractures on pavement Area B plus perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Vertical cracks mostly in an E-W direction were observed at least every 20 cm in Area B and, it appears, in other parts of the Tell. Not all of these cracks were associated with the Phase M/IX earthquakes but may have been caused by several quakes that struck the site over the centuries. However some cracks in Area B terminated at the contact between Phase M/IX and an overlying "erosion" layer (their terminology) and this stratigraphic relationship dates these cracks to the Phase M/IX Earthquake(s); just like in a paleoseismic trench. Franken (1976) described a 10 cm. wide extensional crack which, by context, appears to be in Area B and associated with one of the Phase M/IX earthquakes. This extension crack suggests a high level of Intensity and that some normal stresses were associated with the causitive earthquake.
Anthropic compacted substratum "the excavated area" and perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Franken (1969) and Franken (1976) noted that parts of the Tell had sunk but did not seem to associate this with one specific earthquake of the several that struck the site over the centuries. Or maybe he did. Franken's prose is, at times, confusing.
Collapsed Walls Area B
Franken (1976) noted that some mudbrick walls broke away at floor level. Although this suggests very high levels of Intensity, these structures lacked a foundation and the walls were only one mudbrick thick. These were weak structures.
Displaced Masonry Blocks Area B
Franken (1976) noted that other mudbrick walls broke above floor level after the whole wall had shifted

Phase VII Earthquake - 7th or late 8th century BCE

Effect Location Image Description
Collapsed Walls          square D/B7 (the "museum") and ?
Displaced Masonry Blocks square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places"
Fracture - crack square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places"
Fire square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places"
Valuable Objects found under debris square D/B7 (the "museum") and B/E9 (the "kitchen")
  • the floors in square D/B7 (the "museum") and B/E9 (the "kitchen") were covered with all kinds of artifacts. They include (Fig. 4) bone-inlay, a stone object (3255) of uncertain use, an extraordinary dagger, a sheqel weight (3302), a cosmetic bowl of sandstone (3285), a potter's wheel as well as pottery (Fig. 5; thrown and well-fired) that represents types known from Neo-Assyrian palaces, apart from local types. - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1997:100-101)

Intensity Estimates
Phase B Earthquake - Iron Age I - 2nd half of the 12th century BCE

Effect Location Image Description Intensity
Flower Structure            Trench D100

Fig. 21
  • Flower Structure in Bottom Center of Photo
VII+
Vertical Cracks Trench D100

Plate Vb
  • Vertical cracks to the left and right of the flower structure
VII+
Collapsed Walls VIII+
Intensity estimates from the Flower Structure and Vertical Cracks are based on JW's Paleoseismic experience. The intensity estimate due to assumed collapsed walls comes from the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224). Thus, this archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8). The Intensity Estimate may need to be downgraded from a minimum of 8 to a minimum of 7 due to a construction related site effect - mudbrick structures built without foundations.

Phase C Earthquake - Iron Age I - 2nd half of the 12th century BCE

Effect Location Image Description Intensity
Collapsed Walls (?) inferred from Rubble Field Number D410 VIII+?
Crack                      
  • Field Number F466
  • Square F400
  • Presumably Square F400
Plate IVa Phase C Earthquake Crack
Plate IVb Phase C Earthquake Crack drawing from Franken (1969)
  • Earthquake Crack - List of Phase C Deposits from Franken (1969:41-42)
  • The end of phase C is marked by an earthquake. Here we find one of the very few cracks that can be dated to a phase. A deep, wide crack was discovered in sq. F 400. In it were found the scattered remains of a human skeleton. These are the only human bones found in the I.A. [Iron Age] occupation. - Franken (1969:41)
  • This period ended again with an earthquake and a victim was found completely squashed in a crack in the earth. - Franken (1989:203) as quoted by Ferry et. al. (2011)
VII+
The Intensity estimate for Cracks is based on JW's Paleoseismic experience. There may be a construction related site effect at Deir 'Alla in Phase C as it contained mudbrick structures built without foundations.

Phase M/IX Earthquakes - 8th or 9th century BCE

Both Earthquakes
Effect Location Image(s) Description Intensity
Fractures on pavement Area B plus perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Vertical cracks mostly in an E-W direction were observed at least every 20 cm in Area B and, it appears, in other parts of the Tell. Not all of these cracks were associated with the Phase M/IX earthquakes but may have been caused by several quakes that struck the site over the centuries. However some cracks in Area B terminated at the contact between Phase M/IX and an overlying "erosion" layer (their terminology) and this stratigraphic relationship dates these cracks to the Phase M/IX Earthquake(s); just like in a paleoseismic trench. Franken (1976) described a 10 cm. wide extensional crack which, by context, appears to be in Area B and associated with one of the Phase M/IX earthquakes. This extension crack suggests a high level of Intensity and that some normal stresses were associated with the causitive earthquake. VI+ according the EAE chart but the cracks terminated by stratigraphy suggest at least VII using rules of thumb from Paleoseismology.
Anthropic compacted substratum "the excavated area" and perhaps a significant part of the Tell
Franken (1969) and Franken (1976) noted that parts of the Tell had sunk but did not seem to associate this with one specific earthquake of the several that struck the site over the centuries. Or maybe he did. Franken's prose is, at times, confusing. VI-VII+
Collapsed Walls Area B
Franken (1976) noted that some mudbrick walls broke away at floor level. Although this suggests very high levels of Intensity, these structures lacked a foundation and the walls were only one mudbrick thick. These were weak structures. VIII+
Displaced Masonry Blocks Area B
Franken (1976) noted that other mudbrick walls broke above floor level after the whole wall had shifted VIII+
Broken Pottery found in fallen position Area B
  • Complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms. - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:138)
  • High concentrations are found in the S room of square B/B5, the SE room of B/C6, the NW room in B/C8, the NE room in B/A6, the S part of the room in B/B8, the W and S parts of the rooms in B/A8, and smaller groups were found elsewhere - Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:138)
  • Ibrahim and van der Kooij (1986:138) noted that complete pottery, though often broken by the destruction of the buildings, was found in almost all of the rooms of Area B
VII+
Although the archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224), the Intensity Estimate is downgraded from a minimum of 8 to to a minimum of 7 because this site in Phase IX (M) may have been subject to a construction related site effect. The buildings were constructed of mud bricks and lacked a foundation - laying atop what Franken (1976:9) described as clay. As of now, this Intensity Estimate applies to both earthquakes.

Phase VII Earthquake - 7th or late 8th century BCE

Effect Location Image Description Intensity
Collapsed Walls          square D/B7 (the "museum") and ? VIII+
Displaced Masonry Blocks square D/B7 (the "museum") and "places" VIII+
This archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224). The Intensity Estimate may need to be downgraded from a minimum of 8 to to a minimum of 7 if a construction related site effect was present in Phase VII as was the case for Phase M/IX.

Notes and Further Reading
References

Articles and Books

Austin, S. A., et al. (2000). "Amos's Earthquake: An Extraordinary Middle East Seismic Event of 750 B.C." International Geology Review 42(7): 657-671.

Ferry, M., et al. (2011). "Episodic Behavior of the Jordan Valley Section of the Dead Sea Fault Inferred from a 14-ka-Long Integrated Catalog of Large Earthquakes." Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America 101(1): 39-67.

Franken, H. J. “The Excavations at Deir ʿAllā in Jordan.” Vetus Testamentum 10, no. 4 (1960): 386–93.

Franken, H. J. “The Excavations at Deir ֝Allā in Jordan: 2nd Season.” Vetus Testamentum 11, no. 4 (1961): 361–72.

Franken, H. J. “The Excavations at Deir ʿAlla in Jordan: 3rd Season.” Vetus Testamentum 12, no. 4 (1962): 378–82.

Franken, H. J. “Excavations at Deir ’Allā, Season 1964: Preliminary Report.” Vetus Testamentum 14, no. 4 (1964): 417–22.

Franken, H. J., "The Stratigraphic Context of the Clay Tablets Found at Deir 'Alla," Palestine Exploration Quarterly 96, pp. 73-7, 1964

Franken, H. J., 1965a, A Note on how the Deir 'Alla Tablets were written; Vetus Testamentum, Vol. XV, p. 150; ibid. pp. 532-536.

Franken, H. J., 1965b, Taking the Baulks Home; Antiquity. Vol. 39, pp. 140.142.

Franken, H. J., 1968, For the Old Testament New Clues ?: London Illustrated News. July 20. p. 30.

Franken, H. J., 1971, Analysis of Methods of Potmaking in Archaeology; Harvard Theological Review 64, p. 253.

Franken, H. J., 1973, Ring Burnished Bowls from the 7th century B.C. in Palestine: Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Liagre Bohl dedicatae. Ed. Beck c.s.. Leiden, pp. 144-148.

Franken, H. J., 1974, In Search of the Jericho Potters; North-Holland Ceramic Studies in Archeology, Vol. I. Amsterdam.

Franken, H. J. and KALSBEEK, J.,1975, Potters of a Medieval Village in the Jordan Valley; North Holland Ceramic Studies in Archeology, Vol. 3, Amsterdam.

Franken, H. J. (1976), ‘Archaeological evidence relating to the interpretation of the text’, in J. Hoftijzer, C. Van der Kooij (eds.), Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, Leiden, pp. 3–16

Franken, H.J. and Ibrahim, M., 1978, Two seasons of excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla, 1976–1978: Ann. Dept. Antiquities Jordan, v. 22, p. 56–79.

Franken, H. J. (1989). Deir' Alla (Tell) in Archaeology of Jordan, Vol. III.- H2. Field Reports, Surveys and Sites, D. Homès-Fredericq and J. Hennessy (eds), Peeters, Leuven, Belgium. - available at the Getty Museum

Halbertsma, D.J. H. (2019) "Revisiting Tell Deir ‘Alla: A reinterpretation of the Early Iron Age deposits" Masters Thesis University of Liverpool - open access - concentrates on Iron Age I deposits

Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij. 1976. Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla. Leiden: Brill.

Hoftijzer, J., and van der Kooij, G., eds., The Balaam Text from Deir ‘Alla re-evaluated, Proceedings of the international symposium, Leiden, 21–24 August 1989: Leiden, Brill, p. 16–29. - open access at archive.org

Ibrahim, M., and van der Kooij, G., 1979, Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla, season 1979: Ann. Dept. Antiquities Jordan, v. 23, p. 41-50.

Ibrahim, M., and van der Kooij, G., 1991, The archaeology of Deir ‘Alla phase IX, in Hoftijzer, J., and van der Kooij, G., eds., The Balaam Text from Deir ‘Alla re-evaluated, Proceedings of the international symposium, Leiden, 21–24 August 1989: Leiden, Brill, p. 16–29. - open access at archive.org

Ibrahim, M., and van der Kooij, G., Excavations at Tell Deir ʻAlla, Season 1982, Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, vol. 27, pp. 577-585, 1983

Ibrahim, M., and van der Kooij, G.(1996) Excavations at Deir 'Alla, Season 1984, Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, vol. 30, pp. 131-143, 1986

Ibrahim, M. M., and G. Van der Kooij (1997) Excavations at Tall Dayr ‘Alla: Seasons 1987 and 1994, Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, vol. 41, pp. 95-114, 1997

Kafafi, Z.A.K., The Archaeological Context of the Tall Deir Alla Tablets

Kafafi, Zeidan A. (2009) Middle and Late Bronze Age Domestic Architecture from Deir Alla SHAJ 2009

Kafafi, Zeidan A., and Gerrit van der Kooij. (2013)“Tell Dēr ʿAllā during the Transition from Late Bronze Age to Iron Age.” Zeitschrift Des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins (1953-) 129, no. 2 (2013): 121–31.

Kafafi, Zeidan A. (2023) What Does This Have to Do with Archaeology Archaeological Excavations An Example from Jordan in Essays on the Occassion of the 65th birthday of Reinhard Bernbeck Editorial Collective

Lemaire, A., 1985, Fragments from the book of Balaam found at Deir ‘Alla, text foretells cosmic disaster: Biblical Archaeol. Rev., v. 11, no. 5, p. 26–39

NAVEH, J. (1967) “The Date of the Deir ’Allā Inscription in Aramaic Script.” Israel Exploration Journal 17, no. 4 (1967): 256–58.

Petit, L. P., 2009, Settlement Dynamics in the Middle Jordan Valley during the Iron Age II. British Archaeological Reports: International Series 2033. - accessible at the Getty

Shea, William H., 1989, The Inscribed Tablets from Tell Deir 'Alla Part I, Andrews University Seminary Studies, Spring 1989 Vol. 27 No.1, 21-37, Andrews University Press

Steiner, M. L. (2019). "Iron Age Cultic Sites in Transjordan." Religions 10(3): 145. - see page 3 for a one paragraph description of archaeoseismic evidence at Deir Alla

Van der Kooij, G., (2006), The Chronology of the Jordan Valley during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages: Pella, Tell Abu al-Kharaz and Tell Deir ‘Alla (Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean; ed. P. Fischer), Wien (2006).

Vogel, J.C. and Waterbolk, H.T. (1972), Groningen Radiocarbon Dates X, Radiocarbon 14, 1972, pp. 6-110 - open access - sample GrN-5633 from Deri 'Alla Phase M (aka Phase IX) discussed on p. 53

Wijngaarden, Gert Jan van. (2002) “Chapter 7. Tell Deir ‘Alla.” In Use and Appreciation of Mycenaean Pottery in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy: (Ca. 1600-1200 BC), 99–108. Amsterdam University Press, 2002. - open access at JSTOR

Bibliography from Meyers et. al. (1997)

Aufreeht, Walter E. A Bibliography of the Deir 'Alia Plaster Texts. Newsletter for Targumic and Cognate Studies, Supplement 2. Toronto, 1985.

Eph'al, Israel, and Joseph Naveh. "The Jar of the Gate." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 289 (1993): 59-65. Study of the Aramaic "gate" inscriptions.

Franken, H. J. "Clay Tablets from Deir 'Alia, Jordan." Velus Testamenturn 14 (1964): 377-379.

Franken, H. J., with contributions by J. Kalsbeek. Excavations al Tell Deir 'Alla, vol. 1 , A Stratigraphical and Analytical Study of the Early Iron Age Pottery. Leiden, 1969. - can be borrowed with a free archive.org account

Franken, H. J. Excavations at Tell Deir Alia, the Late Bronze Age Sanctuary. Louvain, 1992.

Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij. Aramaic Texts from Deir Alia. Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui, vol. 19. Leiden, 1976. Editio princeps of the Balaam text.

Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij, eds. The Balaam Text from Deir Alia Reevaluated: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden, 21-24 August 1989. Leiden, 1991.

Kooij, Gerrit van der, and M. H. Ibrahim. Picking Up the Threads . . .: A Continuing Review of Excavations at Deir Alia, Jordan. Leiden, 1989.

Sass, Benjamin. "The Beth Shemesh Tablet." Ugarit-Forschungen 23 (1991): 315-326.

Shea, William H. "The Inscribed Tablets from Tell Deir 'Alia." Andrews University Seminar Studies 27 (1989): 21-37.

Yoyotte, Jean. "Un souvenir du 'pharaon' Taousert en Jordanie." Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962): 464-469.

Bibliography from Stern et. al. (1993 v. 1) and Stern et. al. (2008)

Main Publications

H. J. Franken, Excavations at Tell Deir 'Alia 1: A Stratigraphical and Analytical Study of the Early Iron Age Pottery (Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui 16), Leiden 1969

H. J. Franken (and J. Kalsbeek), Potters of a Medieval Village in the Jordan Valley: Excavations at Tell Deir 'Alia, a Medieval Tell, Tell Abu Gourdan, Jordan, Amsterdam 1975

H. J. Franken, Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla: The Late Bronze Age Sanctuary, Leuven 1992; ibid. (Reviews) LA 42 (1992), 389–392. — PEQ 129 (1997), 79–81

Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alia (Documenta et Munumenta Orientis Antiqui 19, eds. J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij), Lei den 1976

J.-A. Hackett, The Balaam Text from Deir 'Alia (Harvard Semitic Monographs 31), Chico, Calif. 1984

H. Rouillard, La Pericope de Balaam (Nombres 22-24): La Prose et /es "oracles" (Etudes Bibliques, N.S. 4), Paris 1985

Picking up the Threads ... A Continuing Review of Excavations at Deir 'Alia, Jordan (eds. G. van der Kooij and M. M. Ibrahim), Leiden, 1989

The Balaam Text from Deir 'Alia Re-Evaluated-Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden, 21-24 August 1989 (eds. J. Hoftijzer and G. Vander Kooij), Leiden 1991.

The Chronology of the Jordan Valley during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages: Pella, Tell Abu al-Kharaz and Tell Deir ‘Alla (Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean; ed. P. Fischer), Wien (2006).

Studies

Stern et. al. (1993 v. 1)

W. F. Albright, AASOR 6 (1926), 46; id., RASOR 35 (1929), 13-14

Abel, GP 2, 470

N. Glueck, AASOR 25-28 (1951 ), 308f., 348f.

H. J. Franken, VTIO (1960), 386-393; II (1961 ), 361-372; 12 (1962), 378-382; 14 (1964), 377-379, 417-422; 15 (1965), 150-152, 535-536; 17 (1967), 480-481; id., PEQ 96 (1964), 73-78; id., ILN 6559 (1965), 34-35; 6560 (1965), 27; id., Deir 'Alia I (Review), VT 20 (1970), 243-256; id., ADAJ 15 (1970), 5-10; id. (and M. M. Ibrahim), ibid. 22 (1977-1978), 57-80; Franken-Kalsbeek (Review), RASOR 224 (1976), 91-94; id., Akkadica 14 (1979), 11-15; id., SHAJ I (1982), 141-144

H. Cazelles, Semitica 15 (1965), 5-21

A. Vanden Branden, VTI5 (1965), 129-150,532- 535

J. Naveh,IEJI7 (1967), 256-258

G. Sauer, ZAW81 (1969), 145-156; id., BA 42 (1979), 10

W. van ZeistandJ. A. H. Heeres, Pateorient I (1973), 21-37

E. Masson, Minos 15(1974), 7-33

Z. Mayani, VT24 (1974), 318-323

J. Hoftijzer, BA 39 (1976), 11-17

Hoftijzer-Van der Kooij (Reviews), Syria 54 (1977), 189-208. PEQ 110 (1978), 69.- IEJ 29 (1979), 133-136.- RASOR 239 (1980), 71-74.- Wiener Zeitschriftfiir die Kunde des Morgen/andes 72 (1980), 182-189.- Biblica 62 (1981), 124-127.- lAOS 101 (1981), 195-205

A. T. Clason, Journal of Archaeological Science 5 (1978), 91-93

H. P. Muller, ZDPV94 (1978), 56-67

S. Abbadi, ibid. 95 (1979), 36-38

M. M. Ibrahim and G. Vander Kooij, ADAJ 23 (1979), 41-50; 27 (I 983), 577-585; 30 (I 986), 131-144

P. K. McCarter, Jr., BASO R 239 (1980), 49-60

H. Weippert and M. Weippert, ZDPV 98 (1982), 77-103

J. Koonig, Semitica 33 (1983), 77-88

H. Ringgren, Essays on the Bible and the Ancient World 3 (I. L. Seeligmann vol., eds. A. Rofe and Y. Zakovitch), Jerusalem 1983, 93-98

J. A. Hackett (Reviews), ZDPV 101 (1985), 187-191.- RB 93 (1986), 285-287; id., Orientalia 53 (1984), 57-65; id., BA 49 (1986), 216-222

A. Lemaire, Syria 61 (1984), 254-255; id., BAR 11/5 (1985), 26-39; id., Biblical Archaeology Today, Jerusalem 1985, 313-325; id., Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici Sui Vicino Oriente Antico 3 (1986), 79-93; id., VT38 (1988), 220-230; B. A. Levine, Biblical Archaeology Today, Jerusalem 1985, 326-339

H. Rouillard, La Pericope de Balaam (Review), AlA 109 (1989), 678-679

V. Sasson, PEQ 117 (1985), 102-103; id., AUSS24(1986), 147-154

G. VanderKooij, MdB46(1986), 34-35;id.,AchaemenidHistory I, Leiden 1987, 97-102

E. Puech,MdB 46 (1986), 36-38

B. Halpern, Working with No Data (T. 0. Lanbdin Fest., ed. D. M. Golomb), Winona Lake, Ind. 1987, 119-139

J. W. Wesselius, Bibliotheca Orientalis44 (1987), 589-599

A. J. Frendo, PEQ 120 (1988), 108-129; Khouri, Antiquities, Amman 1988, 51-54

Weippert 1988 (Ortsregister)

A. Wolters, HUCA 59 (1988), 101-113; Akkadica Supplementum 7-8 (1989), 201-205

W. H. Shea, AUSS27 (1989), 21-37; 97-119

P. T. Crocker, Buried History 26 (1990), 16-20

M.S. Moore, RB 97 (1990), 359-378; id., The Balaam Traditions: Their Character and Development (SBL Dissertation Series 113), Atlanta 1990

P.R. S. Moorey, A Century of Biblical Archaeology, Cambridge 1991, 132-135

0. Negbi, TA 18 (1991), 205-243

E. J. Vander Steen, ADAJ 35 (1991), 135-153

R. Wenning and E. Zenger, Zeitschrift fiir Althebraistik4(199l), 171-193

A. Zeron, VT4l (1991), 186-191

H. J. Franken, Excavations at Tel/Deir 'Alia: The Late Bronze Age Samctuary, Leuven (in press)

M. E. Vilders, Levant 23 (in press).

Stern et. al. (2008)

D. Pardee, JNES 50 (1991), 139–142 (Review)

E. J. Van der Steen, PEQ 131 (1991), 176–192; id., BASOR 302 (1996), 51–74; id., ADAJ 41 (1997), 81–93; id., Tribes and Territories in Transition: The Central East Jordan Valley and Surrounding Regions in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages—A Study of the Sources (Ph.D. diss.), Groningen 2002; id., Tribes and Territories in Transition: The Central East Jordan Valley in Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages—A Study of the Sources (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 130), Leuven 2004

P. Bordreuil, SHAJ 4 (1992), 185–190

W. J. Fulco, BASOR 288 (1992), 92–93 (Review)

R. P. Gordon, The Society for the Old Testament Study Book List 33 (1992), 344 (Review)

J. A. Hackett, ABD, 2, New York 1992, 126–130

O. Negbi, AJA 96 (1992), 344 (Review); id., TA 25 (1998), 184–207

A. Schoors, Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 23 (1992), 329–330

M. M. E. Vilders, Levant 24 (1992), 187–200; id., PEQ 125 (1993), 149–156

I. Eph‘al & J. Naveh, BASOR 289 (1993), 59–66

M. S. Moore, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 55 (1993), 662–675

G. A. Rendsburg, Bibliotheca Orientalis 50 (1993), 309–328

R. W. Younker, BAR 19/2 (1993), 4–6 (Review)

E. Lipinski, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics, 2, Leuven 1994, 103–170

J. Naveh, IEJ 44 (1994), 255–256 (Review)

V. Sasson, UF 26 (1994), 435–442; id., ZAW 108 (1996), 258–263

P. C. Schmitz, Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 25 (1994), 81–87

W. Zwickel, Der Tempelkult in Kanaan und Israel (Forschungen zum Alten Testament 10), Tübingen 1994, 94–99, 256–257

M. Dijkstra, JBL 114 (1995), 43–64; id., ZAW 109 (1997), 272–274

S. Segert, Zeitschrift für Althebraistik 8 (1995), 71–77

W. C. Kaiser, Jr, “Go to the Land I Will Show You” (D. W. Young Fest.; eds. J. E. Coleson & V. H. Matthews), Winona Lake, IN 1996, 95–106br>
B. Margalit, Ugarit, Religion and Culture: Proceedings of the International Colloqium, Edinburgh, July 1994 (J. C. L. Gibson Fest.; Ugaritisch-biblische Literatur 12; eds. N. Wyatt et al.), Münster 1996, 179–203

R. Vuilleumier, Theologische Zeitschrift 52 (1996), 150–163

M. L. Barre, Interpretation 51 (1997), 254–266

M. M. Ibrahim (& G. Van der Kooij), ADAJ 41 (1997), 95–114; id., Adumatu 8 (2003), 21–32

A. Lemaire, OEANE, 2, New York 1997, 137–140; id., Prophetes et rois: Bible et Proche-Orient (Lectio divina. Hors serie; ed. A. Lemaire), Paris 2001, 85–118

B. MacDonald, ASOR Newsletter 47/2 (1997), 39

J. Renz, Schrift und Schreibertradition: Eine Paläographische Studie zum Kulturgeschichtlichen Verhältnis von Israelitischen Nordreich und Südreich (Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 23), Wiesbaden 1997

R. Khouri, Jordan Antiquity Annual, 1–2 (1997–1998)

H. Lutzky, VT 48 (1998), 15–36; 49 ( 1999), 421–425

J. M. Van Cangh, MdB 110 (1998), 36–41

G. Van der Kooij, Occident and Orient 3 (1998), 16–18; id., SHAJ 7 (2001), 295–303; id., Moving Matters: Ethnoarchaeology in the Near East (Centre for Non-Western Studies Publications 111; eds. W. Wendrich & G. Van der Kooij), Leiden 2002, 63–73; id., BAIAS 22 (2004), 69–72

S. Wimmer, Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology, Wiesbaden 1998, 87–123

F. Zayadine, NEAS Bulletin 43 (1998), 29–30

S. Ah ̣ituv, EI 26 (1999), 226*; H. Franken, Archaeology, History and Culture in Palestine and the Near East, Atlanta, GA 1999, 183–202

L. P. Petit, ADAJ 43 (1999), 145–167

P. M. Fischer & K. Kopetzky, Synchronisation, Wien 2000, 131–132

R. K. Gnuse, JBL 119 (2000), 201–220

T. L. Thompson, VT Suppl. 80, Leiden 2000, 322– 326

E. J. Van der Steen, Tribes and Territories in Transition: The Central East Jordan Valley and Surrounding Regions in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages—A Study of the Sources (Ph.D. diss.), Groningen 2002

G. J. Van Wijngaarden, Use and Appreciation of Mycenaean Pottery in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy (ca 1600–1200 BC), Amsterdam, 2002, 99–107.

Wikipedia pages

Deir Alla



Deir Alla Inscription