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The Antiochene Wars by Walter the Chancellor

Background and Biography
Background and Biography

Excerpts
English from Asbridge and Edgington (2019)

Prologue and I.1 - The great earthquake in Antioch and its effect on the inhabitants



Book One - The First War



Prologue

... Nevertheless, having looked into the necessary aspects of the battle, and having selected the material which is equal to my powers,10 it seems to me essential, before the account of the battle, first to outline the evils which happened earlier, so that by an examination of the previous reasons for the events which follow, our achievement may more easily be appreciated.11

First, therefore, hordes of locusts, stirred up far and wide by way of a metaphor for the enemy, stole nearly all the things necessary to feed the farmers of Syria. Then they were dispersed partly by crawling along the ground, partly through the air, and they afflicted almost the whole region of the eastern Christians to the same devastating effect;12

... Since these people did not lament the evil deeds they had done and they did lamentable deeds willingly and openly, the originator of supreme justice allowed them to be afflicted with signs, prodigies, plagues, trouble and even enemy peoples for the duration of many years, not to destroy them but to save them.17 For while the Greeks ruled they were persuaded to be enslaved to their empire.18 When those same people had been driven forth from Asia they had yielded to the dominion of the ruling Persians; eventually, God willing, they succumbed to the irresistible power of the Gauls.19 When their behaviour was set right neither by the Persians nor the Gauls, the aforesaid Syrians and their rulers20 suffered so great a destruction and ruin from the earthquake21 which befell them as no previous history has ever told.22



I.1 The great earthquake in Antioch and its effect on the inhabitants.23

Therefore in the 1115th year from the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, on the eve of the feast of St Andrew the apostle24 and in the silence at the dead of night,25 when human frailty26 was accustomed more suitably and more sweetly to sleep, there was an immense and terrible earthquake in Antioch and its region. And as a matter of fact, in that same unexpected earthquake men were horribly knocked around, and they felt, saw, heard the collapse of walls, towers and different buildings deeply threatening themselves and others; some thought to escape the collapse by running away, some to slide down from the walls, certain men gave themselves up and threw themselves down from high houses. More, indeed, were caught piecemeal in their sleep by the collapse, in such a way that even if a part of the wall remained intact, they were nowhere to be seen. Others, indeed, were terrified; they abandoned their homes, scorned their wealth, left everything, and behaved as if demented in the streets and squares of the town. They stretched their hands towards the heavens because of their manifold fear and powerlessness, and cried tearfully without ceasing in different languages: `Spare us, Lord, spare your people.27

When morning came, and the vast scale of the wretched disaster was clear beneath the ruin both of men and of other things, everyone of one accord Latins, Greeks, Syrians, Armenians,28 strangers and pilgrims - claimed the earthquake had happened because of their own sins.29 At once they took advantage of good advice and had recourse to the very church of St Peter the apostle,30 seeking the protection of his eternal patronage. And so that that very same saint whom they had failed to appreciate when things were going well, in bad times they recognized as omnipotent and merciful, his utter goodness performing with justice, and those same men confessed that they had grievously sinned and, renouncing their past and present pleasures to Lord Bernard, the first Latin patriarch,31 they promised most devoutly to mend their ways, and by his faith, merits and prayers, with his own clergy and the rest of the faithful very humbly entreating God, so we truly believe, the Lord took pity on the rest of his Antiochene people.

When the divine office had been celebrated, a sermon delivered and some instructions imposed as to how they should behave or what they ought to do, just as they were thinking nothing very serious had happened, they were suddenly frightened by terrible news. For certain people who had escaped by God's favour in the town of Marash32 testified that that same town had been entirely destroyed with its lord33 and bishop,34 also the clergy and all the people.35 And not long afterwards testimony from the town of Mamistra,36 previously ruined with its citizens and the greater part of the town on the feast of St Brice,37 increased their fear. What of al-Atharib?38 What of the other Antiochene lands? A comparable torment was imagined happening in quite disparate places. Therefore fear was mingled with terror and thus redoubled for the wretched masses, because they absolutely did not know where they should stay or where they should flee. For each day, the earthquake threatened for hopeless hours; and for this reason they said this to one another: `Oh the wretched necessity of being born, the miserable need to die, our hard necessity to live!' Although these people knew that the power of God could nowhere and never be escaped, yet they decided it was easier to cohabit with the animals outside than to live inside in constant fear of the impending collapse of the buildings. For this reason they adopted tents for homes in the streets, in the squares, in gardens, in thickets, with other dwellings abandoned. More, indeed, left the towns and took their huts from place to place, staying on the plains.

And yet the patriarch, most experienced of all men of the place and time,39 drawing discursively on the necessary divisions of philosophical teaching, pacified the hearts of the desolate people, who were now almost despairing of life, by means of the encouraging sweetness of holy preaching. And then finally he proclaimed a three-day fast for all the people,40 with sighing and in a spirit of contrition, adding also that they should avoid evil works and pay attention to all good things. What, therefore, of the result? The people who had been brought back into the Lord's service were described in this manner: they flee feasting; they abhor drunkenness; they shun the baths;41 they curse immorality; having laid aside everything, even care of the body, they have changed their style of dress into sackcloth and ashes;42 they roam from street to street, from church to church, first the men, then the women, with bare feet, with loosened hair, beating their breasts, copiously watering their faces with tears; from day to day43 with all their heart they repeat litanies to God; even by night they have time for vehement prayers, in churches as well as in their bedrooms. They call back the scattered citizens, they reform those in error, they are fully occupied bringing comfort to orphans and widows and remedying their need. Their hospitality also suffices: they strive with happy expressions to refresh the bodies of the poor, the needy and the destitute and to give them cheer by presenting them with gifts once they are refreshed. What more? Reformed by the benefit of penance, adorned by good works, they were kept safe from the danger of threatening earthquake for five months44 and more not because of their own merits but through God's grace, and they gladly gave thanks to the Almighty in His church.
Footnotes

10 Vergil, Aeneid, 12.230: ‘viribus aequi’. Ovid, Trist. 5, 7, 47: ‘viribus aequum’.

11 In this first section Walter explores some of the central themes of his narrative: the idea that God inspired both the Latin successes of 1115 and Walter’s own desire to write about them; his interest in recording a chronological record of events; and the fact that this account is designed to act as an exemplar to future generations. He also seems to suggest that he will be presenting only a selection of the evidence available to him. See: Walter’s purpose in writing The Antiochene Wars, pp. 11-12.

12 The sins and retribution described in this section seem to be focused upon the indigenous eastern Christian population of northern Syria, rather than the Latins who had settled in the Levant. See: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, pp. 67-8.

17 The concept of adversity as a means to salvation gained considerable currency during the twelfth century. It was used, for example, by St Bernard to explain the failure of the Second Crusade. See: E. Siberry, Criticism of Crusading, p. 78; G. Constable, ‘The Second Crusade as seen by Contemporaries’, Traditio, vol. 9 (1953), pp. 213-79.

18 The Byzantine empire had held the city of Antioch until 1084. Walter’s use of the word ‘enslaved* to characterize Greek rule suggests that he subscribed to the general antipathy towards Byzantium which was prevalent amongst the Latins of Antioch in this period. The Greeks disputed possession of the city and had, in the first decade of the principality’s existence, constantly contested control of the fertile region of Cilician Armenia and the port of Latakia. See: R.J. Lilie, Byzantium and the Crusader States 1096-1204, trans. J.C. Morris & J.E. Ridings (Oxford, 1993), pp. 61-87.

19 For discussion of B.Z. Kedar’s alternative views on this phrase see: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, p. 68.

20 Walter seems to suggest that the Latins also deserved to be punished because they had failed to reform the eastern Christian population of the principality. See: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, p. 68.

21 In common with many medieval writers, Walter here interprets a natural disaster as a punishment or sign of God’s displeasure. Northern Syria was, however, prone to consistent tectonic activity in this period.

22 Walter seems to have believed himself to be writing a unique historical account. See: Our knowledge of Walter, p. 6.

23 These italicized chapter headings do not appear in the manuscripts of Walter's text. Chapter breaks and titles were introduced by Riant in his edition of 1895 and the headings used here roughly follow his.

24 29 November 1114. Galterii cancellarii, Bella Antiochena, ed. H. Hagenmeyer, p. 126, n. 1, translating this date as 1115, wrongly suggested that Walter followed the Pisan calendar, which dates the start of the year from 25 March. Other sources confirm that by the standard dating system this earthquake occurred in 1114. Fulcher of Chartres, 11.52, pp. 578-80; Matthew of Edessa, 1II.67, p. 216, place the earthquake earlier in the year; Kemal ed-Din, p. 607; Ibn al-Athir, p. 295; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 149. See: Our knowledge of Walter, p. 7.

25 Vergilian, e.g Georgics, 1.247: 'intempesta silet nox'.

26 Cicero, Tusc. 5.4: `fragilitas humani generis'.

27 Joel, 2.17: `Parse, Domine, parce populo tuo'.

28 Walter provides a number of insights into the religious and ethnic diversity of the inhabitants of Antioch. Note his above comment on the number of different languages spoken in the city. See: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, p. 67.

29 In spite of Walter's earlier concentration upon the sins of the Eastern Christians, he here seems to admit that the Latin population was also guilty of sinfulness.

30 The Basilica of St Peter, the main Christian church of the city of Antioch. During the First Crusade the Latins discovered the Holy Lance, believed to be a relic of the spear which pierced the side of Christ, buried within this building. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 68-75; Gesta Francorum, pp. 59-60. Walter provides a number of insights into the close association between Antioch and St Peter, who according to tradition had chosen the site to found the first Christian church. See: Walter's attitude to religion and piety, pp. 69-70.

31 Bernard of Valence, the first Latin Patriarch of Antioch (1100-1135). Bernard had previously held the new episcopal see of Artah for approximately six months in 1100. Ralph of Caen, p. 704. See: Bernard of Valence, patriarch of Antioch, pp. 34-42, for a discussion of Bernard's career and his portrayal in Walter's account. See also: B. Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States, pp. 21-30.

32 Marash, from the Latin `Miragium', a large town to the far north of Antioch which had originally been part of the county of Edessa, being held by Joscelin of Courtenay in 1104. Ralph of Caen, 148, p. 710. By 1111 it seems, however, to have become more closely associated with the principality of Antioch. Albert of Aachen, XI.47. See also: G.T. Beech, `The crusader lordship of Marash in Armenian Cilicia, 1104-1149', pp. 35-52.

33 This may be a reference to Richard of Salerno. He had been appointed as ruler of Marash in 1108. Michael the Syrian, XV.10, p. 195. Albert of Aachen noted that in 1111 a man named Richard was `prefect (praefectus) of the town of Marash'. Albert of Aachen, XI.40. It is, however, strange that Walter makes no further comment on the death of the `lord' of Marash if the town were still held by the same Richard in 1114, given the fact that he was Roger of Salemo's father. G.T. Beech, `The crusader lordship of Marash in Armenian Cilicia, 1104-1149', pp. 40-42, argues that Richard must have already been dead in 1112.

34 The name of the Latin bishop of Marash is unknown.

35 Fulcher of Chartres also recorded that an earthquake affected Marash in this period. Fulcher of Chartres, II.52, pp. 579-80.

36 A town to the north-west of Antioch, on the Cilician Plain. Sometimes also referred to as Misis or Mistra. Occupied by the First Crusaders in 1097. Ralph of Caen, pp. 636-9; Albert of Aachen, III.15-16.

37 13 November 1114.

38 From the Latin `quid de Cerepo?' This town, which was in 1114 on the border between the principality and Aleppo, seems to have been known by the Latins as Cerep. It was first conquered by Tancred in 1111. Albert of Aachen, XI.44; Kemal ed-Din, pp. 597-8.

39 This phrase is a perfect example of Walter's laudatory attitude to Patriarch Bernard. See: Bernard of Valence, patriarch of Antioch, pp. 34-6.

40 The First Crusaders had also followed this form of ritualized purification through three days of fasting during the sieges of Antioch and Jerusalem. J.S.C. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the idea of crusading, p. 85.

41 The idea that bath houses were places of sin may be related to their connection to Eastern culture or because they encouraged baring of the flesh. See: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, pp. 67-8.

42 Matt. 11.21: 'in cilicio et cinere poenitentiam egissent'.

43 This phrase is common in ecclesiastical Latin. Psalm 60 (61).89; 2 Cor. 4.16.44 From this comment we can assume that northern Syria experienced tremors and aftershocks until March 1115.

44 From this comment we can assume that northern Syria experienced tremors and aftershocks until March 1115.

I.2 The Antiochenes repair their defences and prepare for war against the Persians

Therefore the aforementioned Prince Roger visited his own demolished buildings in his castles and elsewhere and, having carefully sought out necessary supplies, he hastened to repair and fortify those which he knew to be most useful for the defence of his land and nearest to the enemy, even if he could not do it fully, nevertheless he would do it sufficiently for immediate protection.45 When this was accomplished, as the summer weather returned, as is the custom of that region he made for the borderlands, where he would be able more swiftly to hear of the approach of the Persians and whence he might more swiftly meet the hordes of the enemy.46 So they came to the bridge on the river Far, where he ordered in advance his army to meet him,47 and in that place he discussed with his men matters of common utility,48 and resolved to send scouts of different races49 into those regions belonging to the Persians, the rulers of which, never deceived by rumours, were accustomed also through their own messengers to harass the garrisons of the Christian militia. The prince disbanded his army there, and returned with a few men to Antioch, where the Antiochene duke, Ralph of Acre, was summoned, a man experienced in council, and the prince decided with him above all what was to be done about putting the city to rights and about its entire condition; he also consulted him about those things which ought to be done with the lord and his warriors for the exigencies of war.50

Therefore the duke commanded the viscount51 to be called before him, the viscount the magistrate,52 the magistrate the herald, the herald the judge. When they had been summoned the matter was examined before them. The more important men were summoned by the lord prince’s authorized command; the lesser were summoned too.53 They assembled without delay. And so the duke addressed them eloquently and referred to the cause of the matter in hand and to his lord’s decree; moreover, he told them what was to be done, if he were not to be displeased by their advice. When they had heard the cause of the matter and received the prince’s orders, they were all of the same opinion.54 The extent of the destruction of the walls and towers was calculated and restoration works were offered to those who held lands and honours, more responsibility or less according to the size of their tenancy.55

Meanwhile the prince was very careful to place garrisons both in the citadel and in the city, with watchmen whom he knew were loyal to him, so that he could go forth to war. Then, having sent ahead weapons and other necessities of war and provisioning, he heard divine office, prayed in the churches of the blessed intercessors St Mary the Virgin, Peter and Paul, George and very many others,56 received permission and patriarchal blessing, commending to God and the lord patriarch himself the city and all his possessions, then he bade farewell to all and set out on the expedition.57

From one direction the lord arrived in the army, from the other the scouts arrived. When questioned, they replied that there was official rejoicing in Persia on account of the ruin and destruction of Syria, and they reported that the sultan of Khorasan58 had consulted the auguries of sun and moon59 and taken command of the army of all Persia,60 asserting that Syria itself - deserted by God, as shown by the earthquake - along with whatever tiny remnant there was of its inhabitants, could really be easily subjected to his rule.61 Moreover, once the scouts had been admitted they hastened to reveal new and more secret information to the prince alone, with his interpreter, in his privy apartments.62

When the envoys of the people had been heard, those who needed to be got rid of from the curtained apartment were sent away, so that they would not make a noise, while those who should be admitted for their wise counsel were admitted.63 The prince, therefore, thought things over, and since javelins seen in advance do less harm and wise men have no regrets after taking advice,64 he disclosed to his men in due order the envoys and the reasons for the envoys, and he consulted them as to what best should be done.65 When the necessary reason for the council had been revealed, they led off in haste to worthy al-Atharib. For they had heard, by way of rumour, that the king of Damascans, Tughtegin,66 had arrived at Aleppo with Il-ghazi, emir of the Turcomans,67 accompanied by ten thousand soldiers,68 on account of the fealty of Ridwan’s son;69 however, the fact of the matter was that, having made peace for the murder of Maudud,70 they would strive to hand Aleppo over to the sultan, if they could.71 For this reason our men had hurried, being eager to change utterly their fate by provoking trial by battle.

When the Turks heard that our men had reached their frontiers, they were brought low by fear and they concealed their state of mind by falsifying the evidence of their voice. For they said, by way of go-betweens sent to the prince, that they had come for the sake of confirming a treaty of friendship with him and against the conquered Persian enemy. Tughtegin, moreover, although he feared the formidable power of both of them, Christians and Persians, yet he preferred to be united with the Christians in a pretended peace, so that he might lead them to disaster, rather than to make an agreement with the Persians, whom he knew to be much more cruel towards him in peace than in war.72

So they assembled in the designated place, and there they confirmed agreements and became as if they were friends.73 They arranged how they should best proceed against the hordes of the enemy, but in different ways. For the Damascene ordained that it was more advantageous for him and his men to go to places of both sorts of fortune, while the Antiochene ordered his men to those places from which he could sooner attack the enemy head on. To cut a long story short: the opinion of the prince prevailed, to whom it had already been predicted that an army of barbarians would come through Salamyah74 to Shaizar, which had formerly been tributary and served our men, but now had turned against us,75 relying for approval on the Persians, by whose later action it suffered losses from both sides.
Footnotes

45 Roger appears, at this point, to have visited sites outside the city of Antioch which had suffered earthquake damage. These probably included both fortified and un-fortified sites, but it is clear that Roger concentrated repairs at frontier settlements. Walter’s use of the phrase ‘his castles and elsewhere* may suggest that Roger was primarily concerned with lands within the princely domain at this point.

46 Walter provides the interesting revelation that it was customary for the rulers of Antioch to make an annual tour of the frontiers of the principality in the early summer, on this occasion probably in May or June 1115. No other source from this period makes explicit mention of this custom in northern Syria, and it is not clear whether Walter refers to the customs of Latin settlers in the East or pre-existing Levantine customs.

47 The ‘Iron Bridge* crossed the Orontes River approximately 10 kilometres to the north east of Antioch. It probably derives its name from a corruption of the local Arabic name for the Orontes ‘Farfar’ to ‘Pons Ferreus’. Albert of Aachen, III.33, did, however, record that ‘on each side of the bridge two towers overhung, indestructible by iron and perfectly adapted for defence*. The bridge was known in Arabic as Jisr al-Hadid. It was captured by the First Crusaders on 20 October 1097, during their approach on Antioch. Gesta Francorum, p. 28; Albert of Aachen, III.33-5. The relatively flat plains around the Iron Bridge would have made a suitable muster-point for the Antiochene forces.

48 This example of the prince’s consultation with his vassals correlates with other examples amongst Roger’s predecessors. Bohemond I received advice about Melitene in 1100, while Tancred took ‘advice from his men* about Apamea in 1106 and about the king of Jerusalem’s summons in 1110. Ralph of Caen, p. 705; Albert of Aachen, X.22; XI.21.

49 This explicit reference to the use of eastern Christian and perhaps even Muslim scouts is unusual in this period. See; The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, p. 68.

50 The title duke was probably derived from the Byzantine office ‘dux*. See: Walter and the early history of the principality of Antioch, p. 47.

51 This may refer to ‘Toroid the viscount’, who appeared in a charter issued by Roger of Salerno between 1113 and 1118. Italia Sacra, vol. 4, ed. Ughelli, pp. 847-8.

52 From the Latin ‘praetor*. This specific pattern of summoning implies a descending order of importance amongst these offices. The office described as ‘judge* may have been derived from the Greek krites. The title of praetor certainly appears to have come from a Byzantine template.

53 It seems that although the duke had the authority to initiate this call to council his power may have been derived from the prince.

54 Walter’s two references to the ‘orders’ of the prince bring into the question the actual ability of this civil council to formulate policy.

55 It appears that repairs were only organized within the city of Antioch itself.

56 Those saints mentioned here are of course all universal, but the cults of St Peter, who was believed to have founded the Christian church in the city and St George, who was an important saint of the eastern church, were of particular importance in Antioch. M. Rheinheimer, ‘Tankred und das Siegel Boemunds’, pp. 75-93. See: Walter’s attitude to religion and piety, pp. 69-70.

57 The phrase ‘permission and patriarchal blessing’ is of particular interest as it suggests that Patriarch Bernard gave some form of licence to the forthcoming expedition. This might imply that he had the ability to either condone or condemn the military activities of the prince. It is also probable that Roger left Patriarch Bernard in control of Antioch as some form of regent. See: Bernard of Valence, patriarch of Antioch, pp. 36-7.

58 The sultan of Baghdad, Ghiyah ad-Din Muhammad Shah, brother of Barkuraq. Ibn al- Athir, p. 217.

59 Walter may here demonstrate his misunderstanding of Islam, suggesting that the Muslims revered solar and lunar portents, perhaps conflating ideas of astrology and religion. It is interesting that Walter goes on to suggest that the Muslim’s consultation of auguries had led him to reach the same conclusion as the Christians, namely that the recent earthquakes indicated God’s displeasure. See: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, p. 61.

60 In fact, as Walter subsequently related, the sultan’s forces were commanded by Bursuq of Hamadan. Walter the Chancellor, 1.3, p. 90.

61 Walter seems to have believed that Bursuq’s invasion of the principality was designed to completely expel the Latin presence in northern Syria.

62 This passage confirms that these scouts were not Latins and indicates that Roger could not speak their foreign tongue, be it Arabic, Armenian or another eastern language.

63 Walter may be indicating that Roger dismissed the scouts and perhaps also his interpreter before receiving his advisors.

64 This may be a play on Cicero, Tusc. 5.117.

65 Walter again portrays Roger asking the advice of his vassals, on this occasion making it clear that he views such consultation as shrewd.

66 Tughtegin, atabeg to Dukak of Damascus, and ruler of the city after Dukak’s death in 1104 until his own demise in 1128. Walter’s use of the title of king may result from his misunderstanding of the title of atabeg, which actually meant a Mamluk military chief and regent. For a discussion of Walter’s knowledge of the Muslim world see: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, pp. 59-61.

67 Il-ghazi ibn Artuk, brother of Soqman, ruler of Mardin, d. 1122.

68 This is the first example of Walter’s tendency to report Muslim numbers in multiples of 10,000. See: Walter as a military source, pp. 55-7.

69 Ridwan ibn Tutush, emir of Aleppo (1095-1113) was succeeded by his two sons, first by Alp Arslan until his assassination in 1114 and then by Sultan-shah, whom Walter refers to here. Kemal ed-Din, p. 602.

70 Maudud, atabeg of Mosul (1108-1113). This former commander of the sultan of Baghdad’s armies and ally of Tughtegin was assassinated in Damascus in 1113. Public opinion suspected Tughtegin of being involved. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 137-42.

71 In this passage Walter draws a distinction between the ‘rumour’ which Roger and his advisors believed - namely that Tughtegin and Il-ghazi travelled to Aleppo because of their allegiance to Sultan-shah - and what he believed to be ‘the fact of the matter’: that they intended to hand over the city to Ghiyah ad-Din, the Seldjuk Sultan of Baghdad. In fact the Arab sources record that Tughtegin and Il-ghazi brought their forces to Aleppo precisely because they hoped to prevent the city falling into the hands of the Sultan, probably in an attempt to preserve the existing balance of power in northern Syria. Ibn al-Athir, p. 296; Kemal ed-Din, p. 608. See: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, p. 60.

72 Walter is probably right to state that Tughtegin was prompted to seek an alliance by fear for his political future if the sultan of Baghdad gained a foothold in northern Syria. However, Walter uses the phrases ‘pretended peace’ and ‘lead them to disaster’ to make it clear from the start that he does not approve of this Latin-Muslim alliance. For a discussion of his attitudes and the other sources for these events see: The depiction of Islam and eastern Christendom, pp. 66-7. It is interesting that he focuses his attacks upon Tughtegin and not Il- ghazi, given the fact that it was the latter who led the subsequent attacks against the principality in 1119. For a discussion of how this affects the possible dating of composition of Books One and Two see: Our knowledge of Walter, p. 8.

73 From subsequent events it would seem that an alliance between Roger, Tughtegin and Il-ghazi was arranged for the duration of the summer of 1115.

74 A Muslim held town to the south east of Shaizar and Hamah..

75 Shaizar lies on the banks of the Orontes, to the south of Apamea. Its formidable citadel survives to this day. The Banu Munqidh, the ruling family of Shaizar at this time, had begun paying tribute to Antioch in 1111, and had renewed this payment to Roger, upon his accession, in 1113. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 99, p. 132; Ibn al-Athir, p. 279. Shaizar had, however, co-operated with the sultan of Baghdad’s armies, under the command of Maudud of Mosul, in 1111. Kemal ed-Din, pp. 600-1; Ibn al-Athir, pp. 282-3. The predicted course of the Persian approach, which was presumably made by Roger’s advisors, proved to be accurate. It was perhaps based on the fact that in recent years Shaizar had been the sultan’s main ally in northern Syria. The Muslim writer Usamah ibn Munqidh, a member of the Banu Munqidh, also recorded their participation in this campaign, pp. 101-5.

I.3 Bursuq, the Persian general, invades Syria and Prince Roger summons his allies to resist.

At length76 our men, having sent out scouts against the enemy,77 set out for Apamea78 where they seemed to meet with a welcome, even a bond of complete love, like sons and parents in companionship, although they might differ in number or military worth.79 For on the side of the prince no more than two thousand warriors were to be found, while the side of his counterpart was reckoned by many to equal ten thousand. Yet this side, which was greater in number, was indeed less in worth. They camped before Apamea and stayed there two months, before the certain approach of the Persians was announced to them. In August it was reported that Bursuq, general of the Persians,80 had massed his very powerful ranks of warriors beyond the Euphrates and now he had invaded and fiercely attacked the regions of Syria. When the prince realized this was true he notified, by means of messengers with sealed letters, the king of Jerusalem81 and the count of Tripoli,82 and he revealed the enemy’s approach and that the place named was not far from our men at Salinas,83 where, having taken drink and other pleasures, they were awaiting the augury of the crescent moon, and he urged them for the sake of his own forces to march towards the position of the Christian army with all speed.84

The king, therefore, who was always intent on valour, did not respond sluggishly, he sent ahead messengers to the count of Tripoli that very same day so that he would make no delay, and he himself followed as swiftly as possible.85 Yet he warned the prince with an oath of Christianity and by the bond of brotherly affection, wherever they should go or wherever they stood firm, not to venture to attack the Persians now without the assistance of themselves.86 Meanwhile the enemy, as rumour foretold, set out through Salamyah, taking on provisions there, and arrived at Hamah.87 Since the had demanded on behalf of the sultan that this town be handed over to him, and they had been unable to take it by threats or by entreaties, they surrounded it with a very powerful force of armed men and launched a vigorous assault, and after the assault from all sides, when many had been slaughtered, the enemy boldly forced an entry; this deed causing no slight terror to the inhabitants. Once in the town they immediately expelled its lord88 and certain of the more powerful of the townspeople; some they killed and distributed their wealth among themselves, and they installed their own garrison there.89

When these things had been achieved, relying on the friendship of the emir of Shaizar90 and wishing to billet themselves upon him, they marched on Shaizar. He, however, was not unmindful of the injury done to the people of Hamah, and he considered it more advantageous to offer them provisions while stationed outside, rather than to put up with the inconveniences of their entering Shaizar. For he was afraid that the enemy’s savagery would overflow among his possessions, but much more he feared that he himself would be murdered. Therefore he sent out his brother,91 so rumour reports, accompanied by horses bearing exotic gifts, by means of whom he might endow Bursuq in advance with the precious gifts, and the other magnates with other things, and they might make themselves agreeable to him, and with the brother as mediator a treaty of friendship might be confirmed between them, yet in this way, that while the lord of Shaizar stayed in the citadel of the town, his brother, as a native knowing the advances and retreats of their native land that were necessary for devastation in time of war, would set out with them as leader of their march and be of service to them;92 but as I shall tell in the following chapters, with God’s help, contrary to their hope the affair turned out against them. The brother, obeying his brother’s orders, gladly undertook the business enjoined on him; however the army pitched camp in the caves of Shaizar, and they once again took to drinking day after day, having posted the watch at a distance, tempting our men to join battle. The prince, indeed, who was joined with the king by a sacred Christian oath and by brotherly love, forbade all his men generally either to skirmish or even to wage war on pain of having their eyes tom out.93 Hearing this, a part of the enemy army unexpectedly laid claim to Kafartab, a castle three leagues distant from our men,94 and they reached it and attacked it again and again, but although the army inside was assaulted by frequent blows of arrows and stones95 and by awful wounds, yet it could not be taken on that account, but, after one of their emirs was killed and many wounded, they returned to the main army, claiming that their own grief could be lessened by revenge.96

While they were doing their best to attack our men dreadfully, a rumour reached their ears announcing that the king’s approach was very close. They, indeed, had confidence not in the power of the Holy Ghost but in the great numbers of the army,97 so before the king came near they drew up marching columns and ordered those who were more skilled in skirmishing to the tents of our men. They determined the battle-lines, ordered according to their custom to follow one another at intervals,98 while Bursuq, their general, assigned them a place, remaining with the greatest force of warriors in the camp. What more? They shook their spears, loosed their arrows and charged almost into our camp. When he saw this, the renowned prince, riding a swift horse, unsheathed his sword and rode around his men’s encampment, declaiming: ‘God’s faith, by which we live, if anyone dares to ride out now, he will perish by my sword.’ Indeed, on the contrary, he warned every one of them to stand before his camp, weapons in hand and mind alert, and yet not to venture in any way or to signal the start of the battle for themselves. Therefore the Persians marvelled that a race so ready for war and always intolerant of injury, who had been provoked so often by arrows, afflicted so often by jeers, was so long-suffering, because the Christians did not signal the start of battle and were already submitting as if conquered by fear of them.99 Some of our men even considered it an act of cowardice; however some of greater perspicacity interpreted it as the purpose of the prince so that, when he was sure the time was right, they would be stronger to attack, not at the enemy’s summoning, nor in anticipation of their forces, but by the prudent disposition and enormous experience of himself and the king,100 whose arrival was very near. For, as experience shows, a handful of warriors with boldness and ingenuity will more often prevail in war than an ill-disciplined and unreliable multitude of armed men.101
Footnotes

76 The departure of the Latin army can be dated to June 1115 on the basis of Walter’s subsequent statement that the army camped at Apamea for two months up to August.

77 Even within the borders of the principality it seems to have been accepted practice to utilize scouts ahead of a marching army.

78 The town of Apamea lies on the south western fringes of the Jabal as-Summaq. Also known as Femia, Afamyah or, in Arabic, QaTat al-Mudiq. It was captured from the Muslim Abu 1-Fath by Tancred in 1106. It was probably still part of the princely domain in 1115, perhaps held in castellany by Engelrand, who was named prefect of Apamea in 1111 by Albert of Aachen, XI.40.

79 Again Walter reflects on the apparent friendship between Roger of Salerno and Tughtegin of Damascus. It is clear, however, that he believed Latin and Muslim forces joined in co-operation at Apamea as early as June 1115.

80 Bursuq ibn Bursuq of Hamadan, commander of the sultan of Baghdad’s army.

81 Baldwin I king of Jerusalem (1100-1118). Also styled as Baldwin of Boulogne, count of Rethel. Baldwin had participated in the First Crusade and was count of Edessa (1098-1100). He succeeded his brother, Godfrey of Bouillon, as ruler of Jerusalem.

82 Pons, count of Tripoli (1112-1137), son of Bertrand of Toulouse.

83 This site is unidentifiable.

84 In spite of frequent bickering, the Latin rulers of the Levant frequently cooperated in times of military crisis. The princes of Antioch had both given and received military assistance on a number of previous occasions. Fulcher of Chartres, 11.27, p. 475; Albert of Aachen, XII.9.

85 Although separate messages were sent by Roger to both Jerusalem and Tripoli, Walter records that King Baldwin sent word to Pons. This may be because the count of Tripoli was the king’s vassal.

86 There were precedents for Baldwin I’s suggestion that Roger should perform a holding manoeuvre at Apamea. The combined armies of Antioch, Edessa, Tripoli and Jerusalem had forced a stalemate with Maudud of Mosul’s army, camped at Shaizar, in 1111 by holding their position at Apamea. Albert of Aachen, XI.42; Fulcher of Chartres, 11.45, pp. 557. See: Walter as a military source, p. 50.

87 A town, to the south east of Shaizar, held by dependants of Tughtegin of Damascus at this point.

88 Ali the Kurd. Ibn al-Athir, p. 279.

89 Hamah was given into the possession of Kirkhan of Homs at this point. Sibt ibn al- Jauzi, ‘Mir’at ez-Zeman’, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens orientaux, vol. 3 (Paris, 1884), p. 354; Kemal ed-Din, p. 608.

90 Abu’l Asakir ibn-Munqidh, emir of Shaizar.

91 Abu Salama Murschid ibn-Munqidh.

92 Apparently Murschid ibn-Munqidh was to act both as a mediator and a military advisor to Bursuq’s army, offering his superior knowledge of local geography in order to give him a strategic advantage against the Latins.

93 This harsh threat has parallels, particularly in the Byzantine empire, where blinding was a traditional method of removing someone from power or a punishment for treason. Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, ed. & trans. S.J. Leib (Paris, 1945), XII.6, p. 385.

94 Kafartab, a fortified town in the Jabal as-Summaq. Occupied by the First Crusaders in 1099. Raymond of Aguilers, pp. 101-2. It was probably held by Bonable of Sarmin in 1115. See charter (b), p. 207.

95 This suggests 'that the Muslims used catapults against Kafartab at this point. See: Walter as a military source, p. 58.

96 This attack upon Kafartab was probably designed to lure Roger from the safety of Apamea. Although severely harried, however, Kafartab remained in Latin hands at this point. 97 Walter is keen to highlight the differences between the Latins, who maintain their bravery by trusting in God, and the Muslims, who trusted not their faith but their military manpower.

98 Walter suggests that it was Muslim practice to attack in successive waves of troops.

English from Guidoboni and Comastri (2005)

In the one thousand one hundred and fifteenth year since the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ, on the eve of the feast of St.Andrew the Apostle [29 November], deep in the silence of the night, when human frailty can most sweetly enjoy the calm of sleep, an immense and terrible earthquake struck the city of Antioch and its territory. Men are taken by surprise. They feel, see and hear that they and others are in danger from collapsing walls, towers and other buildings; and so they leap down from the fortifications and even throw themselves from tall houses. Many, however, are taken by surprise in their sleep, and are crushed in their collapsing homes, so that although some walls of their houses remained standing, they were never found. Others abandoned their homes and all their possessions and belongings in terror, and wandered through the streets and squares of the city in a daze. And as all were torn between fear and a sense of impotence, they raised their hands to heaven, and each in his own tongue cried out incessantly with tearful voice: '0 Lord, have mercy on your people!' When morning came, and it was clear what slaughter of men and animals was concealed beneath the ruins, everyone together, whether Greeks, Latins, Syrians, Armenians, strangers or pilgrims, agreed that what had happened was a result of their sins. [...] When church services had been held, the sermon delivered and men had decided where to go and what to do [the Antiochenes] who thought that nothing worse could happen to them, were suddenly horrified by a terrible piece of news. For some people, who by the grace of God had escaped the destruction of the town of Maresia, told how that town had been razed to the ground [by the earthquake] and its lord and bishop with all his clergy and the whole population had met their deaths. And shortly afterwards, their terror was increased by the memory of what had happened at the town of Mamistra, where, on the feast of St.Brice in the previous year [13 November 1114], the townspeople and most of the town itself had been swept away in the disaster. And what could have happened to the town of Cerepum? And what to the rest of the Antioch region? Everyone felt a torment of this kind. This mixture of fear and apprehension so increased in the wretched population [of the town] that no-one knew whether to stay or flee. Fear of an earthquake so weighed upon these wretches every day and at any time that they all said to one another: 'Oh cursed fate to be born, unhappy fate to die, and intolerable fate to be alive!'. Although they had all seen that there is no place or way to avoid the power of God, yet they preferred to live in the open with the animals rather than suffer the continual fear that the buildings in which they found themselves would collapse. And so they abandoned their homes and went to live in the streets, squares, gardens and thickets, using tents as homes. Yet others left the towns and travelled from place to place with their makeshift camps.

But the patriarch, who was a man capable of dealing with the situation and all eventualities, by calling upon all the resources of his wisdom, managed to soothe the hearts of the stricken and of those who had no further hope in life, succouring them with the sweetness of holy preaching [...]. Those who had fled were called back, sinners were led back to the path of righteousness, comfort was given to orphans and widows, by pro viding what was necessary in their indigence. Efforts were made, with suitable help and joyous countenance, to restore the bodily health of the poor, the sick and the indigent, and to cheer those who had already recovered. What more needs to be said? Men were reformed through penitence, ennobled by good works, and freed from the fear of the earthquake, though it continued to threaten them for more than five months, not by their own merits but by the will of God; and so they joyfully gave thanks to the Omnipotent in His church".

English from Ambraseys (2009)

Thus in the 1115th year after the Incarnation of Our Lord Jesus Christ, on the vigil of the Feast of the blessed Apostle Andrew, in the silence of an untimely night...there was a massive and terrible earthquake in Antioch and the surrounding area. Men were agitated by this unexpected phenomenon, feeling, seeing and hearing the walls collapsing and other things leaning over acutely. Some thought to flee, some fell from the walls and some others hurled themselves headlong from high houses. Still others were torn limb from limb in their sleep by the [collapsing] ruins; and since part of the wall remained intact, no one [in that part] could escape. Some were struck by terror, and abandoning their homes and possessions, and leaving everything, they rushed through the open spaces and neighbouring towns like madmen. Stretching out their hands to heaven on account of diverse fears and needs, they did not cease to cry out in various tongues and piteous lamentation, “Spare, O Lord, spare Thy people”.

When morning came, since so vast a mass of wretchedly slaughtered men and beasts lay under the ruins, all the Latins, Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, foreigners and pilgrims unanimously declared that this had happened because of their atrocious sins. And they did not delay: in obedience to saving counsel, they fled to the very church of the blessed Apostle Peter, seeking his advocacy in perpetual protection...

When the Divine Office had been celebrated and a sermon preached, and orders enjoined as to how they should behave and what they should do, they thought that nothing more serious had happened [than the events of the night], but were suddenly greeted with terrifying news. For certain men, who by God’s will had escaped the destruction of Miragium [Marash], claimed that their city, together with its seigneur and bishop, the clergy and all the people, had been razed to its foundations. Not long after, report came from the city of Mamistra, that the citizenry and the greater part of the city had previously been destroyed on the feast of St Bricius [13 November 1114], which only increased their fears: what about Cyprus? What about the rest of Antiochia? Other things equally tormented the people. Fear and terror made that wretched people groan, for in short they did not know where to stay or whither to flee. Each day and hour the earthquake oppressed them dreadfully. As God permitted them to know neither when to flee nor whither, they thought it easier to live with the beasts in the open, than inside in constant fear of the buildings’ collapse. And thus in the suburbs, on the plains, in gardens, thickets and deserts as well as other places, they dwelt in tents rather than houses. More of them, having left their cities and moving their huts from one place to another, remained on the plains. [The people do penance.] Corrected by the fruit of their penance, and adorned with good works, they were freed from the danger of the earthquake of five months and more, not by their own merits, but by the grace of God... Having visited the forts and other places, the prince [Roger] obtained what was needed as quickly as possible, then, noting the things which would be useful for the defence of his land and were closer to the enemy, he did not rush to do everything, but made whatever repairs and works were necessary for immediate safety. And thus, having dismissed his army, and returned to Antioch with a few of his men, he summoned the mayor (dux) of Antioch, Radulf of Acre, a man of sound judgment and discussed with him first what was to be done about repairs to and the condition of the whole city. ... (Walt. Chan. I. i–II. i/83–85/106)

Latin from Guidoboni and Comastri (2005)

I - Anno igitur millesimo centesimo quinto decimo ab Incarnatione Domini nostri Iesu Christi, in vigilia festivitatis beati Andreae apostoli, sub intempestate noctis silentio, qua humana fragilitas habilius atque dulcius quiescere consuevit, factus est terraemotus in Antiochiam et eius partes immensus et orribilis. Ipso etenim ex insperato homines terribiliter pulsi, sentiunt, vident, audiunt murorum, turrium, aedificiorumque diversorum ruinam sibi ac caeteris penitus imminere; quam nonnulli fugtendo putantes evadere, quidam elapsi a moenibus, quidam ab altis domibus in praecipitium se dedere. Plures equidem in somno cum ruina membratim ita sunt rapti, quod, manente etiam parte parietis integra, nusquam comparuere. Alii vero terrore percussi, dimissis domibus, spretis opibus, relictis omnibus, per plateas et oleos civitatis velut amentes se agebant. Expansis tamen ad coelum manibus, pro diversitate metus et impotentiae, pro diverso linguarum genere, voce lacrimabili: 'Three, Domine, puree populo tuo!' clamare non cessabant.

II — Mane autem facto, cum sub ruina tam hominum quam et aliorum animalium miserae cladis pateret immanitas, omnes unanimiter Latini, Graeci, Syri, Armeni, advenae et peregrini, suis peccatibus exigentibus id accidisse profitentur

III— Celebrato vero divino officio, facto sermone, iniuntisque mandatis quo modo se habeant, vel quid agere debeant, nihil gravius accidisse putantes, repente horribili terrentur nuntio. Quidam namque, a periculo ruinae oppidi Miragii divino nutu elapsi, ipsam civitatem cum eiusdem domino et episcopo, clero etiam et omni populo, funditus eversam fuisse protestantur. Nec multo post recordatio oppidi Mamistrae, cum oppidanis et maiore parte civitatis in festo sancti Bricii antea pessumdati, metum multiplicat. Quid de Cerepo? Quid de ceteris Antiochenis finibus? Par tormentum predicatur de disparibus. Metus ergo timori permixtus ita miserae plebi ingeminatur, quod ubi maneant aut quo fugiant prorsus ignorant. Quaque enim die, horis, desperatis instabat terraemotus; unde ad invicem haec pronuntiant: '0 necessitas abiecta nascendi, misera moriendi, dura vivendi nostra necessitas!' Hi, licet noverint Dei potentia nusquam et numquam posse aufugi, eligunt tamen facilius esse cohabitare cum bestiis extra, quam intus incessanter aedificia timere ruitura. Quocirca in vicis, in plateis, in hortis, in virgultis, desertis habitationibus aliis, tentoribus pro domibus potiebantur. Plures etiam, relictis civitatibus, de loco ad locum translatis mapalibus, in campis morabantur.

IV — Atqui patriarcha, loci, temporis, omnium peritissimus, per necessaria disciplinarum philosophiae membra discurrens, desolatorum et iam fere de vita desperantium corda, sanctae predicationis dulcedine fota, mitigavit. 1...] Dispersos revocant, devios corrigunt, orphanis, visuis ferre solatium, et eorum indigentium supplere satagunt. Sufficienti etiam hospitalitate, pauperum, inpoum et indigentium corpora vultu hilari nituntur recreare, ac recreates datis muneribus exhilarare. Quid ultra? Fructu poenitentiae correcti, bonis operibus adornati, a periculo terrae motus per quinque menses et ultra imminentis, non suis meritis, sed Dei gratia liberati, Cunctipotenti referunt gratiarum actiones in ecclesia sua laeti.

Latin from Recueil Des Historiens Des Croisades (1895, v. 5) - embedded



Chronology
Date Reference Corrections Notes
Nighttime 29 November 1114 CE or 1115 CE in the 1115th year from the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, on the eve of the feast of St Andrew the apostle, and in the silence at the dead of night ... there was an immense and terrible earthquake in Antioch and its region year may be 1114 CE - see Notes
  • The feast of St Andrew is held on 30 November dating the eve of the feast to 29 November

  • Asbridge and Edgington (2019:80 n.24) date this to 29 November 1114 CE While noting Galterii cancellarii, Bella Antiochena, ed. H. Hagenmeyer, p. 126, n. 1, translating this date as 1115, wrongly suggested that Walter followed the Pisan calendar, which dates the start of the year from 25 March. Other sources confirm that by the standard dating system this earthquake occurred in 1114. Fulcher of Chartres, 11.52, pp. 578-80; Matthew of Edessa, III.67, p. 216, place the earthquake earlier in the year; Kemal ed-Din, p. 607; Ibn al-Athir, p. 295; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 149. See: Our knowledge of Walter, p. 7.

  • Ambraseys (2009) dates this earthquake to 29 November 1114 CE while noting that strangely, Walter places this event in 1115, after the plague of locusts (presumably of 1114), but before the alliance between il-Ghazi and Tughtigin, which was made in 1114 (Grousset 1991, 484).

  • Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) date this to 29 November 1115 CE

  • The day of the week is not specified

  • 29 November 1114 CE fell on a Sunday (calculated using CHRONOS)

  • 29 November 1115 CE fell on a Monday (calculated using CHRONOS)

  • Walter alludes to an earlier earthquake when he states that and not long afterwards testimony from the town of Mamistra, previously ruined with its citizens and the greater part of the town on the feast of St Brice. The feast of St Brice is held on 13 November. Asbridge and Edgington (2019:82 n.37) date this earlier earthquake to 13 November 1114 CE. Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) also date this allusion to an earlier earthquake to 13 November 1114 CE. Ambraseys (2009) has an entry for a 13 November 1114 CE which struck on the southeastern part of the plain of Adana, in the Principality of Antioch. He relies on annals Genetic Braves, in Andrea Dandul. Chron. 265 (Dan dolo, 265; see also Alexander 1990, 146) for the date
Seismic Effects
  • there was an immense and terrible earthquake in Antioch and its region
  • men were horribly knocked around, and they felt, saw, heard the collapse of walls, towers and different buildings deeply threatening themselves and others
  • some thought to escape the collapse by running away, some to slide down from the walls, certain men gave themselves up and threw themselves down from high houses
  • More, indeed, were caught piecemeal in their sleep by the collapse, in such a way that even if a part of the wall remained intact, they were nowhere to be seen
  • Others, indeed, were terrified; they abandoned their homes, scorned their wealth, left everything, and behaved as if demented in the streets and squares of the town
  • When morning came, and the vast scale of the wretched disaster was clear beneath the ruin both of men and of other things
  • certain people who had escaped by God's favour in the town of Marash testified that that same town had been entirely destroyed with its lord and bishop, also the clergy and all the people
  • And not long afterwards testimony from the town of Mamistra, previously ruined with its citizens and the greater part of the town on the Feast of Saint Brice (13 November)
  • What of al-Atharib? What of the other Antiochene lands? A comparable torment was imagined happening in quite disparate places
  • aftershocks - each day, the earthquake threatened for hopeless hours
  • they [the people of Antioch and possibly elsewhere] decided it was easier to cohabit with the animals outside than to live inside in constant fear of the impending collapse of the buildings.
  • they adopted tents for homes in the streets, in the squares, in gardens, in thickets, with other dwellings abandoned
  • More, indeed, left the towns and took their huts from place to place, staying on the plains
  • Aftershocks - the danger of threatening earthquake for five months
Locations Sources
Sources

Online Versions and Further Reading
References