Secunda pars historiae Iherosolimitane often attributed to Lisiard of Tours
Background and Biography Background and Biography
Excerpts English translated from from Recueil des Historiens des Croisades
- Chapter 27, 28, and 29
- from Recueil des historiens des croisades Historiens occidentaux Vol. III (1866:571-573)
- Machine translated (Google) with minor cleaning by JW
Chapter 27
A.D. 1113. In the month of March, the sun was seen in the fourth part of its form, as if horned, first from above and then from below; from morning until three. Yet, it was not entirely deprived of its brightness. It is uncertain whether it was due to its encounter with the moon at that time -, the 28a, whether the sun had suffered an eclipse, or whether some prodigy has appeared. In the summerb next time the Turks assembled, having crossed the river Euphrates, passed through Syria between Damascus and Antioch, and thence through the Phoenician region between Tyre and Panaeada, which is also Caesarea Philippi. It is said that they wandered around the sea of Galilee and passed through the land of Naphtali and Zebulun toward the south; at last between two rivers Jor, of course, and Dan, enclosed in a small island indeed, but surrounded by a circuit of rivers, and fortified by two bridges on either side, pitching their camp. This place was comfortable and convenient. They could escape from wherever they wanted, and yet the attacks1 or they could not easily be narrowed down, being protected by the passageways of the art of bridges. Which place the king and his men, hearing of the approach of the enemy, were to preemptively occupy they hastened, the army being moved by Ptolemais, they ran into an ambush prepared for them by their enemies, so dangerously that the king, having lost the standard and the best tent, was forced to flee together with the patriarch while nearly 30 soldiers and 1200 footmen (alas, for pain!) dead and this happened to the kings with a totally uncontrolled and unconscionable haste; those who do not have their military service expected, he had proceeded too imprudently and inconsiderately, and neither the consul of Tripoli nor Roger, the prince of Antioch, had yet allied himself with him. When they had come, hearing what had happened, blaming the kings for their immodesty, they pitched their camp on the mountain of the pre-eminence, and they themselves they rented Maledoctusc was said to be the leader of those islanders, who, in association with King Tuldequinus of Damascusd, took the island he kept her to himself longer; nor did they afford the Christians any opportunity of conversing with them. The islanders, however, could not be controlled from the mountaineers, without proceeding in groups, and ravaging the lands of the Christians, and bringing provisions to the island for themselves. Tune and those who the Muslims having been subdued, withdrew from the Christians, narrowing them down on every side, and not allowing the message to be conveyed from one to another. Napoli (Nablus) itself, anciently called Sichem or Sichima, was in the meantime occupied by the enemy and completely sacked. n reaching Jerusalem, Ascalonites and Arabs took possession of the ante-mural (wall?) of the city, setting fire to the many harvests accumulated there, and the following night, the Jerusalemites rejoicing, they went away Neither those who were in the cities or towns, nor those in the camp, could tell anything about each other. The possessions of the Christians were so narrowly placed, that not even the harvest, which was the most abundant that year, could be gathered, but in the fields it would perish if left behind. The sea is disturbed even more than usual, and even denies the possibility of fishing in the seas; and the earth is shaken twice A terrible earthquake, and the overthrow of the buildings, withering away, threatens mortals with fear. They besieged all the Christians places of deep silence; a kind of image of death had covered those who were stunned and nearly bled out of fear4 Christians It was evidently understood by all who had any sane sense, that this was the vengeance of God, who was angry with them. And so for two afflicted for whole months, at last, taking pity on God and turning his wrath into grace, the Christians breathed a sigh of relief. For the newcomers When the islanders saw that the army of the Christians was increasing day by day with foreign forces from overseas parts, God terrified them. they retired after two months to the parts of Damascus, and the king with his men had the opportunity to return to Ptolemais. Where the countess found that the king of Sicily had applied, to Roger, the brother of Robert Guiscard, formerly the spouse of afterwards you will rule over his future wife. But Maledoctus, having entered Damascus with the king of Tuldecinus, did not delay, judging God he was killed there by a certain assassin, and lost the ability to care for the Christians and to live: once a man of riches and the most powerful in arms among all the Turks, and the most cunning in all his acts.
Chapter 28
A.D. 1114, and before an infinite number of locusts swarmed from parts of Arabia and for several days the territory of the Jerusalemites was violently ravaged. In April or in May and the following (months?), a horrible earthquake struck Some parts of the city of Mamistria was overturned and many towns were affected in the region of Antioch, some partially destroyed and some fully destroyed with some of the people killed. Also in the city of Mariscum, the entire populace was overwhelmed by the sudden collapse of the buildings. Alas! - how terribly and miserably they perished. Also in the Euphrates a town called Thihalet was completely overthrown..
Chapter 29
A.D. 1115. The Turks returned as usual, and camped where they used to, between Antioch and Damascus, and Jerusalem and they forced the Antiochenes to meet again against each other; Toldequinum2 also, king of the Damascenes, by the death of Maledoctus, by him deceitfully When they were destroyed, they forced themselves to make peace with the Christians, fearing that they would not be able to withstand their attacks alone. The truth is that and they found that the Damascenes, allied with the Christians, had assembled against them to war they concealed themselves, until they found that both the Christians, Antioch, the Antiochenes, and the king with his men had retired to Tripoli, and the Damascenes to their own; thinking that the Turks, having crossed the Euphrates, had returned to their own country. But in the meantime the Ascalonites, the kings and the Christian army but, in the absence of satisfying their fury, they took the opportunity to rush to Joppa with the Babylonian fleet, having 700 firm ships being strengthened, the iron and the sea besieging it and assailing it with great force, so much so that they even brought the ladders with them to this wall and fought against it they thought they could go up and capture the city. It is true that the citizens, who were indeed very few and weak, but who defended themselves with the greatest strength, when, as they had hoped in vain2, they were not able, under the protection of God, to bring about their own, the gates of the city being burnt with fire4 they retreated in confusion, lest they should be overwhelmed by the approaching Jerusalemites, fearing them. After ten days, however, the same land was besieged recapturing the sea, and attacking the city with the most powerful assaults; The wicked, astonished at his infirmity, withdrew; bringing with them several of their own slain there, having also lost several of their horses. But indeed these Turks, of whom it has been said above, finding that the Christians had crossed over, broke out of their hiding-places, and again occupying the place, they ran through the regions of Syria, destroying by plundering and burning whatever towns or villages they could. Whereupon the Antiochians, compelled by necessity to join the army, chose not to commit themselves to discrimination, however often they were fatigued by the wicked. Wherefore, neither of those of Jerusalem, nor of those of Damascus, but only of God seeking and waiting for help, though very few, yet boldly The enemy, innumerable, sought out and attacked; so much so that, although they resisted most vigorously, yet, defending God, at last they began to flee they should force it, and leaving everything behind, throwing down their arms, to give way to the rear of the conquerors. Of whom three thousand were slain, but the greater number were taken captive. all the rest fled, so stripped of their tents and utensils, and of their carriages and money, that they had horses, mules, of camels, there was no number of captives; 300 (?) thousands of gold were also valued, and which is greater and more excellent than all these, that the freedom of most of the captives of the French or Syrians has been recovered. God is truly wonderful in all his works. Behold, when there were many Christians at the same time, so were the Jerusalemites when the Antiochians, or the defeated, fled, they made but little progress Now the Antiochians were alone, challenged by their fewness In the battle, the most numerous multitude of the enemy, strong to God, they poured out, scattered, and captured; and they took so much booty, that The population would overcome the estimation, the weight and the number. Why this? except that it may be made clear by the most evident indications in no one but in God let a man boast, who in himself has no power, yet dares to boast, as if he had made power in himself, and not in God? Nothing can be more abominable to God, nothing more abominable than the swelling of whose presumption; as from God nothing is more acceptable, nothing more acceptable, than to understand with a truly humble and devout heart that he himself works all things for us by our work. But those whom the pious man thus continually protected, he himself also rebuked the righteous, in the same year and overthrowing Mamistria by an earthquake. a city once quite illustrious, and shaking most other places in the Antiochene territory with similar horror. In the same year Arnulfus the patriarch expelled from his seat by a certain legate of the Roman city; 3 Romano, coming to Rome, returned to his seat, restored At that time the king of Jerusalem went into Arabia, building a castle on a certain mountain, in a natural situation sufficiently fortified. He called this a royal mountain, placing there guards and suitable inhabitants, whose object the robbers whether the robbers breaking out of Arabia should be hindered in their course. The castle is three miles from the Red Sea, and four miles from Jerusalem.
FootnotesChapter 27
1 Ora. yet B.
2 thousand. B.
3 Om. anything B.
4 Bloodless A. B.
5 In Ptolemais. B.
a on the 19th of March. (Cf. p. 425, note e.)
b Fulch. Chartres 1.II, c. xlix, p. 425, 426.
c Maududus (Cf. above, p. 426, note e.)
d Tughedekin. (Cf. above, p. 426, note f.)
e ibid. C. L, p. 427.
f lbid. C. LI, p. 427, 428.
g Name Adelaide. (Cf. above, p. 428, note a.)
Chapter 28
1 Om. and B.
1 Fulcher. Chartres, 1.II, C.LII, p. 428, 429
Chapter 29
1 And yet. A.
2 Because. B.
3 Populo, B.
4 This one. B.
a from Cf. Psalm 62, 18; cxxxv, 4.
b Berengario (Cf. above, p. 431)English from Ambraseys (2009)
(1113) The sea was rougher than usual, such that it was impossible to fish in the sea; and the earth was struck twice by a terrible earthquake, and the parched (?) peoples were threatened with the terror of collapsing buildings. All Christian places were besieged with deep silence: a certain image of death touched the Christians, leaving them stupefied, and, in their terror, as white as sheets. For they all understood something which they knew to be true, that this was the vindication of God’s anger at them. They were afflicted in this way for two months, and then at last God had mercy and turned His anger into grace, and the Christians revived . . . (Bongars ii. 571–573)
- from Ambraseys (2009)
- Ambraseys (2009) states that he got his excerpts from The Historia Hierosolomitana [aka Secunda pars historiae Iherosolimitane] inside a compilation by Bongars (1611) however in his references section he lists Recueil des historiens des croisades Historiens occidentaux Vol. III (1866) (aka RHC Vol. 3] as the text by Bongars. His excerpt also appears to be translated from RHC Vol. 3 and the page numbers listed correspond exactly with RHV Vol. 3
In the year 1114, before the infinite swarm of locusts came from parts of Arabia, the territory of Jerusalem was laid waste for some days; in the month of April or May and following it Jerusalem was shaken terribly by an earthquake. A part of the city of Mamistria was overturned, and in the region of the great city of Antioch too, part of the city centre as well as part of the new district was overthrown together with some of the population. Likewise in a city called Mariscum – alas, what a tragedy! the people, sitting at their hearths, were wiped out, in a terrible and pitiful way, under the ruins of the buildings. In Euphratesia too the town which they call Thihalet was razed to its foundations. (Bongars ii. 572)
. . . in the same year [1115] [God] overthrew Mamistria, once a quite illustrious city, also striking in the same terror many other places in the territory of Antiochia. (Bongars ii. 573))Notes by Ambraseys (2009)
The Historia Hierosolomitana [aka Secunda pars historiae Iherosolimitane], one of the histories of the Crusades in the compilation of Jacques de Bongars (1554–1612) gives two, possibly three, earthquakes for this event. The first, which is questionable, is placed in 1113 – ‘the sea was rougher than usual, such that it was impossible to fish in the sea; and the earth was struck twice by a terrible earthquake’, but he does not give a location. Christians were apparently terrified and ‘were afflicted in this way for two months’. More earthquakes are given for 1114. The first occurred in Jerusalem in April or May, before the plague of locusts from Arabia. Then, in either the same or a separate earthquake, the Historia does not make it clear, part of Mopsuestia, ‘part of the city centre as well as part of the new district’ of Antioch (cf. Anselm of Gembloux’s account of the damage in Antioch), Marash and ‘Thihalet’ (Tell Halid) were destroyed. A further earthquake is given for 1115, ‘which overthrew Mamistria [Mopsuestia], once a quite illustrious city, also striking in the same terror many other places in the territory of Antiochia’ – this may be based on Fulcher’s 1115 earthquake (liv. 7/214/428). The Historia seems to give a muddled picture, but does provide the interesting details about the rough sea (note Sembat’s remark that ‘the sea got up’) and the damage to the centre of Antioch.
- from Ambraseys (2009)
- Ambraseys (2009) states that he got his excerpts from The Historia Hierosolomitana [aka Secunda pars historiae Iherosolimitane] inside a compilation by Bongars (1611) however in his references section he lists Recueil des historiens des croisades Historiens occidentaux Vol. III (1866) (aka RHC Vol. 3] as the text by Bongars. His excerpt also appears to be translated from RHC Vol. 3 and the page numbers listed correspond exactly with RHV Vol. 3
English from Guidoboni and Comastri (2005)
1114. After the arrival from Arabia of an infinite multitude of locusts, the territory of Jerusalem suffered violent devastation for a number of days, for in April and May and subsequently it was dreadfully shaken in an earthquake. A large part of the town of Mamistra was destroyed; in the region of Antioch, many fortified settlements were completely or partially razed to the ground and some of their inhabitants killed; and similarly, in the town called Mariscum, all the inhabitants were buried in the sudden collapse of buildings, and, alas, they all suffered a terrible and wretched death. And in the region of the Euphrates, the fortress of Trihalet was also razed to the ground.
- from Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) from a Latin edition edited by Huygens, R.B.G. (1986:934-936)
1115. [...] Indeed, just as [God] in his love protected men, so he also called them unto himself with implacable justice, [as he showed] that same year by destroying with an earthquake the formerly quite illustrious town of Mamistra, and also by striking many other places in the region of Antioch with a similar disaster.Latin from from Recueil des Historiens des Croisades
- Chapter XXVII, XXVIII, and XXVIX
- from Recueil des historiens des croisades Historiens occidentaux Vol. III (1866:571-573)
Capitulum XXVII
Anno M.C.XIII,. mense Martio, contigit solem quasi quarta formae suae parte ac si cornutum, prius a summo, deinde ab imo videri, a mane usque ad tertiam; nec tamen claritate sua omnino privari. Incertum sane, utrum ex concurrente occursu lunae tune, XXVIIIa. eclipsim passus sit sol, an aiiquid prodigium exstiterit. AEstivob deinde tempore congregati Turci, flumine transmeato Eufrate, per Siriam, inter Damascum et Antiochiam transeuntes, et inde per Phoenicis regionem inter Tirum et Paneadam, quae et Caesarea Philippi dicitur, pervagantes, mari etiam Gaiileae circumito, et terra Neptalim et Zabulon versus Austrum peragrata; tandem se inter duo flumina, Jor scilicet et Dan, incluserunt, in insula parva quidem, sed fluminum ambitu circumelusa, pontibus etiam duobus hinc inde munita, castra sua collocantes. Qui locus adeo opportunus eis erat et commodus, ut et inde quo vellent excurrere possent, et impeti tamen1 vel angustari non facile possent, artis pontium meatibus muniti. Quem locum quum rex et sui, audito hostium accessu, praeoccupare festinarent, a Ptolomaida moto exercitu, insidias incurrerunt ab hostibus sibi jam exinde paratas, adeo periculose, ut rex ipse, et vexillo et tentorio peroptimo amissis, una cum patriarcha fugere cogeretur, militibus2 ferme triginta, et peditibus mille ducentis, beu, pro dolor! exstinctis. Contigit et hoc régis immoderata prorsus et inconsulta festinatione; qui militia sua non exspectata, improvide nimis et inconsideratc praecesserat, nec consule Tripolitano, nec principe Antiochiae Rogero sibi adhuc sociatis. Qui quum venissent, audito quod acciderat, régis immodestiam culpantes, in monte praefalae insuis prééminente castra sua et ipsi locaverunt. Maledoctusc, insulanorum illorum dux dicebatur, qui rege Damasci Tuldequinod sibi sociato, insulam illam asservabat sibi diutius; nec ullam congrediendi secum facultatem Christianis prebebant. Coerceri tamen non poterant insulani a montanis, quin catervatim procedentes, et Christianorum vastarent terras, et victualia sibi in insulam convectarent. Tune et hi qui subjecti fuerant Sarraceni a Christianis recesserunt, angustantes eos undique, et nec nuntium ab aliis ad alios dirigi sinentes. Neapolim ipsam, antiquitus Sichem vel Sichimam nuncupatam, intérim occupaverunt hostes et penitus diripuenmt. Ascalonitae et Arabes, Jérusalem adeuntes, antemurale urbis occupaverunt, messes multas ibi congestas succendentes, sequentique nocte, laetantibus Jerosolimitis, abcesserunt. Nece qui in urbibus vel oppidis erant, nec qui in castris, de se invicem quicquam3 rescire poterant. Ita plane in angusto positae erant res Christianorum, ut nec messis, quae plurima eo anno provenerat, colligi posset, sed in agris relicta periret. Turbaturf et mare plus solito, et vel piscandi maritimis denegat facultatem; concutitur et terra bis terrae motu horrisono, et aedificiorum eversionem arescentibus prae timoré minatur mortalibus. Obsederant omnia Christianorum loca profunda silentia; quaedam mortis imago stupefactos et prae pavore pene exsangues4 universos ibi obtexerat Christianos. Intelligebant evidenter omnes qui sanum aiiquid sapiebant, irati sibi Dei hanc esse vindictam. Taliter duobus integris mensibus afflicti, tandem, miserante Deo et iram in gratiam convertente, respiraverunt Christiani. Nam adventantium de transmarinis partibus peregrinorum copiis videntes insulani illi exercitum in dies augeri Christianorum, Deo eos perterrente, secesserunt post duos menses in partes Damasci, et régi cum suis, facultas patuit Ptolomaidam5 revertendi. Ubi et comitissamg Siciliae rex repperit applicuisse, Rogeri, fratris Roberti Guischardi, quondam conjugem, postmodum suam régis futuram uxorem. Àt vero Maledoctus, Damascum cum Tuldequino rege ingressus, nec mora, judicante Deo, dolo ibi a quodam sicario peremptus, et afiligendi Christianos facultatem perdidit et vivendi: vir quondam et divitiis et armis potentissimus inter omnes Turcos, et in omnibus actibus suis astutissimus.
Capitulum XXVIII
Annoa M.C.XIV, et1 prius locustarum multitudine infinita ex Arabiae partibus convolante, a territorium Jerosolimitanum per dies aliquot vehementer vastalum est; mense Aprili vel Maio et sequenti terrae motu horribiliter concussum Mamistriae urbis pars nonnulla subversa; in regione quoque Antiochena plurima oppida, quaedam média, quaedam ex integro, solo tenus cum parte plebis subruta; itemque in urbe quam Mariscum nuncupant, populus universus repentinis aedificiorum ruinis praefocatus, heu pro dolor! terribiliter et miserabiliter exstinctus; in Eufratesia etiam oppidum quod Thihalet nuncupant funditus eversum;.
Capitulum XXIX
Annob M.C.XV. Turci, solita protervia regressi, et castra, ubi solebant, inter Antiochiam et Damascum locantes, et Jerosolimitas et Antiochenos rursus contra se compulerunt convenire; Toldequinum2 quoque, Damascenorum regem, morte Maledocti, dolose ab eo perempti, exosum sibi factum, cum Christianis coegerunt pacem facere, metuentem ne non posset eorum impetus solus sustinere. Verum quum et Damascenos comperissent, Christianis foederatos, contra se ad bellum convenisse, clanculo recedentes occultantesque se in caveis delituerunt, donec et Christianos, Antiochiam Antiochenos, et regem cum suis Tripolim, et Damascenos in sua comperissent recessisse; arbitrantes quod Turci, Eufrate transmisso, in sua et ipsi remeassent. At vero Ascalonitae intérim, régis et exercitus Christiano rum absentia furoris sui satiendi nactos se occasionem rati, concurrunt, Joppem, classe Babilonica, .LXX. ferme naves habente, roborati, ferra marique obsidentes eam et fortissime oppugnantes, adeo ut etiam scalis secum ad hoc delatis murum contenderent ascendere, et comprehendere se urbem posse putarent. Verum civibus paucissimis quidem et debilibus, fortissime tamen se defendentibus, quum, quod frustra speraverant2 , non valeerent, Deo protegente suos, efficere, portis urbis igne injecto combustis4, recesserunt confusi, ne ab Jerosolimitis supervenientibus opprimèrent ur metuentes. Post dies tamen decem obsidionem eamdem terra marique repetentes, fortissimisque invasionibus urbem impetentes, Deo pro suis resistente improbis, quum nihil efficere praevalerent, invaletudinem suam stupentes impii, recesserunt; pliures secum de suis ibi occisos déférentes, de caballis quoque suis pluribus amissis. At vero hi5 de quibus supra dictum est Turci, Christianos excessisse comperientes, de latebris suis erumpunt, et stationis solitae locum rursus occupantes, per regiones Siriae discurrebant, rapinis et incendiis quaeque poterant, vel oppida vel villas, pessundantes. Qua rursus Antiocheni necessitate in exercitum coacti, maluerunl se discriinini committere, quamtotiens ab improbis fatigari. Unde, nec Jerosolimorum, nec Damascenorum, sed solius Dei expetentes auxilium et exspectantes, licet admodum pauci, audacter tamen innumeros et expetierunt hostes et impetierunt; adeo ut, quamvis validissime répugnantes, tamen, Deo propugnante, tandem eos fugam inire compellerent, et relictis omnibus, armis quoque projectis, terga victoribus cedenda praebere. De quibus tria millia occisi, capti vero quam plurimi, reliqui omnes et tabernaculis et utensilibus, vecturis quoque et pecuniis omnibus adeo nudati diffugerunt, ut equorum, mulorum, camelorum, non fuerit numerus captivorum; .CCCCta. quoque millia aestimata sint aureorum, et, quod his omnibus majus atque praestantius est, recuperata quam plurimorum captivorum libertas Francorum, sive Sirorum. Vere mirabilis in cunctis operibus suis Deusa. Ecce quum multi fuissent simul Christiani, tam Jerosolomitae quam Antiocheni, vel fugerunt victi, velomnino parum profecerunt. Nunc soli quum essent Antiocheni, paucitate sua provocatam in praelium plurimam hostium multitudinem Deo fortes, fuderunt, straverunt, captivaverunt; tantaque ceperunt spolia, ut et 0estimationem, pondus et numerum vinceret multitudo. Quare hoc? nisi ut evidentissimis clarescat indiciis in nullo nisi in Deo gloriandum homini, qui per se nihil valens, audet tamen1 gloriari, quasi2 in seipso fecerit virtutem, et non in Deo? Cujus praesumptionis tumore nihil apud Deum abominabilius, nihil esse exsecrabilius pot est; sicut e di verso, nihil gratius, nihil acceptabilius, quam vere humili et devoto corde intelligere quia omnia opéra nostra operatur nobis ipse. Verum quos ita perse protegebat pius, per se quoque ipse corripiebat justus, eodem anno et Mamistriam terrae motu subvertens, urbem olim satis illustrem, et pleraque alia in territorio Antiocheno loca horrore simili concutiens. Eodem anno et Arnulfus patriarcha, a quodam Romanae urbis legatob de sede sua ejectus; sedab ipso papa3 Romano, Romam veniens, ad sedem suam rediit, restitutus. Quo tempore et rex Jerosolimorum in Arabiam profectus, castrum aedificans in monte quodam, naturali situ satis munito, Regalem hoc4 Montem nuncupavit, custodes ibi et habitatores idoneos ponens, quorum objectu praedonum latronumve ex Arabia erumpentium prapedirentur excursus. Quod castrum tribus a mari Rubro distans mansionibus, quatuor ab Jerosolimis disparatur dietis.
FootnotesCapitulum XXVII
1 Ora. tamen B.
2 Milia. B.
3 Om. quicquam B.
4 Exangues. A. B.
5 In Ptolomaidam. B.
a Die XIX° Martii. (Cf. p. 425, annot. e.)
b Fulch. Carnot. 1.II, c. xlix, p. 425, 426.
c Maududus. (Cf. supra, p. 426, annot. e.)
d Tughedekin. (Cf. supra, p. 426, annot. f.)
e lbid. C. L, p. 427.
f lbid. C. LI, p. 427, 428.
g Nomine Adelaidem. (Cf. supra, p. 428, annot. a.)
Capitulum XXVIII
1 Om. et B.
2 Tuldeqaînam. B.
3 Speraverant. B.
4 Conbustis. A.
5 Ii. A.
a Fulcher. Carnot, 1.II, C.LII, p. 428, 429. b Ibid. c. liii, p. 429.
Capitulum XXIX
Tamenque. A.
2 Quia. B.
3 Populo, B.
4 Hanc. B.
a Cf. Psalm. lxxi, 18; cxxxv, 4.
b Berengario. (Cf. supra, p. 431)Latin from Guidoboni and Comastri (2005)
Anno .M.C.XIV, et prius locustarum multitudine infinita ex Arabiae partibus convolante, terrirorium Jerosolimitanum per dies aliquot vehmenter vastatum; mense Aprili vel Maio et sequenti terrae motu horribiliter concussum; Mamistriae urbis pars nonnulla subversa; in regione quoque Antiochena plurima oppida, quaedam media, quaedam ex integro, solo tenus cum parte plebis subruta; itemque in urbe quam Mariscum noncupant, populus universus repentinis aedificiorum ruinis praefocatus, heu pro dolor! Terribiliter et miserabiliter exstinctus; in Eufratesia etiam oppidum quod Trihalet noncupant funditus eversum.
- from Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) from a Latin edition edited by Huygens, R.B.G. (1986:934-936)
Anno .M.C.XV. [...] Verum quos ita Deus per se protegebat pius, per se quoque ipse corripiebat justus, eodem anno et Mamistriam terrae motu subvertens, urbem olim satis illustrem, et pleraque alia in territorio Antiocheno loca horrore simili concutiens.Latin from Recueil des Historiens des Croisades - embedded
- Chapter XXVII, XXVIII, and XXVIV
- See bottom of left page starting with
Capitulum XXVII- from Recueil des historiens des croisades Historiens occidentaux Vol. III (1866:571-573)
- from archive.org
Chronology Chronology Tables
1st earthquakes dated to 1113 CE Year Reference Corrections Notes July-August 1113 CE A.D. 1113none
- Secunda pars places the battle at al-Sinnabra (28 June 1113 CE ) against Maudud's Selchukid army before the earthquake. After the Crusaders lost this battle, Secunda pars says that the army and Christians (in the area?) suffered ~2(?) months of ensuing hostilities in the Galilee. The earthquakes appears to have struck during these months. Fink in Baldwin and Setton (1969:372-409) date the battle at al-Sinnabra to 28 June 1113 CE and states that Maudud dismissed the men in the Selchukid army and went to Damascus on 5 September 1113 CE.
- Secunda pars describes an astronomical phenomenon in March sometime before the earthquakes - some kind of dimming of the sun, possibly a solar eclipse, but the author is unsure if it was an eclipse. However Fulcher of Chartes says it was an eclipse and dated it to the apparently correct date of 19 March 1113 CE. Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) note that Secunda pars is en epitome of Fulcher of Chartes' Chronicle.
- NASA has a partial solar eclipse on 13 May 1113 CE, a penumbral solar eclipse on 6 November 1113 CE, and a total solar eclipse on 23 May 1114 CE
- imcee has a total solar eclipse on 26 March 1113 CE and an annular solar eclipse on 18 September 1113 CE. These dates are Gregorian and convert to Julian dates of 19 March 1113 CE and 11 Sept. 1113 CE (calculated using CHRONOS)
- imcee has a one partial solar eclipse on 9 Aug. 1114 that was visible in the Levant. This date is Gregorian and convert to a Julian date of 2 August 1114 CE (calculated using CHRONOS)
2nd earthquake dated to 1114 CE Year Reference Corrections Notes April-May and the following [months ?] 1114 CE A.D. 1114 ... in April or in May and the following [months ?] a horrible earthquake strucknone
- Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) wrote that Secunda pars is
traditionally considered to be a sort of epitome of the workof Fulcher of Chartres. In this passage Secunda pars dates the earthquake(s) to April-May when Fulcher of Chartres reported a locust swarm. Fulcher of Chartres dated the earthquake to 10 August
- Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) suggest that the author of Secunda pars misread Fulcher of Chartres account and therefore misdated the earthquake noting that they described an earthquake (singular) as occurring in the months of April-May (and later).
3rd earthquake dated to 1115 CE Year Reference Corrections Notes 1115 CE in the same year (A.D. 1115)none
- Secunda pars describes
Arnulfus [aka Arnulf of Choques] the patriarch [of Jerusalem] expelled from his seat by a certain legate of the Roman cityas occurring in the same year. Fink in Baldwin and Setton (1969:372-409) date this to 1115 CE
- Secunda pars describes the construction of the fort at Montreal (aka Qal'at ash-Shawbak) as occurring in the same year. Fink in Baldwin and Setton (1969:372-409) date this to 1115 CE
Seismic Effects
1st earthquakes dated to 1113 CE2nd earthquake dated to 1114 CE
The sea is disturbed even more than usual, and even denies the possibility of fishing in the seas; and the earth is shaken twice A terrible earthquake, and the overthrow of the buildings, withering away, threatens mortals with fear3rd earthquake dated to 1115 CE
a horrible earthquake struck Some parts of the city of Mamistria was overturned and many towns were affected in the region of Antioch, some partially destroyed and some fully destroyed with some of the people killed Also in the city of Mariscum, the entire populace was overwhelmed by the sudden collapse of the buildings Also in the Euphrates a town called Thihalet was completely overthrown
in the same year and overthrowing Mamistria by an earthquake, a city once quite illustrious, and shaking most other places in the Antiochene territory with similar horror.Locations
1st earthquakes dated to 1113 CE2nd earthquake dated to 1114 CE
- not specified
- Jerusalem ? - Ambraseys (2009) and Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) interpret Latin text to indicate that Jerusalem was shaken in Secunda pars 1114 CE earthquake account. However, the way I read the text from RHC, it specifies Mamistra not Jerusalem. This is the text from RHC:
prius locustarum multitudine infinita ex Arabiae partibus convolante, a territorium Jerosolimitanum per dies aliquot vehementer vastalum est; mense Aprili vel Maio et sequenti terrae motu horribiliter concussum Mamistriae urbis pars nonnulla subversa.
Specifically, this extract does not have a semicolon (;) in between concussum and Mamistriae. Perhaps they read a different Latin text that does does have a semicolon (;) in between concussum and Mamistriae. Ambraseys (2009) indicates that he obtained his Secunda pars from an edition by Bongars (1611:610-611). In the Bongars edition, the Latin text reads
prius locustarum multitudine infinita ex Arabiae partibus convolante, territorium Hierosolimitanum, per dies aliquot vehementer vastatum est: mense Aprili vel Maio & sequenti terramotu horribiliter cocusliuum; Mamistria urbis pars nonnulla subversa;.
There is a semicolon between cocusliuum and Mamistria which would suggest an earthquake(s) inthe territory of the Jerusalemites (a territorium Jerosolimitanum)
- Mamistria
- Mariscum - Luard (1890 v. 2:43 n.7) identifies Mariscum as Marash
- Thihalet1
3rd earthquake dated to 1115 CEFootnotes1 Ryan (1969:210 n.5) states that
Trialeth cannot be identified, but Hagenmeyer suggests that it may have been Balis on the Euphrates, about 100 miles east of Antioch, the scene of an earthquake in A.H. 508 (June 7, 1114—May 26, 1115) recorded by Sibt Ibn-al-Jauzi (RHC, Or., III, 551-52; HF 580, note 12). Ambraseys (2009) suggests that Trialeth isTell Khalid (Trialeth), a fortified site at the head of Sadjour Suyu, a tributary of the Euphrates River. Guidoboni and Comastri (2005) suggest that Trihaleth is present day Akçakoyunlu.
- Mamistria
- Principality of Antioch -
most other places in the Antiochene territorySources Sources
Notes and Further Reading References