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Mizpe Shivta

 Mizpe Shivta and environs on govmap.gov.il

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Names
Transliterated Name Source Name
Mizpe Shivta Hebrew
Khirbet el-Misrafa Arabic
Khirbat al-Mushrayfa Arabic
el-Meshrifeh Arabic
Mesrafeh Arabic
Mishrafa Arabic
Introduction
Identification

The ruins of Mizpe Shivta (in Arabic, Khirbet el-Misrafa) are in the central Negev, at the eastern edge of a large spur and on the low horseshoe-shaped terrace surrounding it (map reference 1126.0364). The site consists of a complex of buildings comprising a single unit, whose area is 160 by 180m. E. H. Palmer (see below) suggested identifying the site with biblical Zephath (Jg. I: 17), but no finds predating the Byzantine period have been uncovered. According to its excavator, it should be identified with the "fortress and inn of Saint George," where the traveler known as Antoninus of Placentia stayed on his way from Elusa to Sinai in about 570 CE (Itinerarium 35; CCSC 175, 146-147). Saint George is mentioned in one of the inscriptions found at the site.

Exploration

Following Palmer's discovery of the site in 1871 and publication of its plan, it was visited by A. Musil, in 1901, who also drew a plan of it; by C. L. Woolley and T. E. Lawrence, in 1914, who surveyed it and gave a detailed account of their findings, and measured the church; and by T. Wiegand, in 1916, who did a survey and took aerial photographs. In 1979, the site was surveyed again as part of the Emergency Survey of the Negev by Y. Baumgarten, who excavated the site on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums.

Summary

As Woolley and Lawrence had correctly discerned, Mizpe Shivta was the site of a monastery, perhaps a laura. The cellars may initially have served as a place of seclusion for a single monk (Saint George?), around which the monastery developed. The walls and towers have created the impression that this was a fortress; however, it should be noted that the monasteries established in Palestine in the Byzantine period were surrounded by defensive walls. This apparently is the reason why at the end of the sixth century the traveler from Placentia described the site as the "fortress and inn of Saint George."

Two building phases can be distinguished: the first is characterized by fine construction, whereas in the second several changes occurred. The western gate was blocked by masonry; additions (of inferior quality) were made to the northern structures on the summit; and a set of crude steps was built, leading from the summit to the lower terrace in the eastern part of the site. Judging from the extent of the destruction and debris, the site may have been struck by an earthquake. Only Byzantine pottery was found on the floors of the rooms, particularly in the church. The site showed no signs of violent destruction and was apparently abandoned after the rooms' contents had been removed

Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, and Photos
Maps, Aerial Views, Plans, and Photos

Maps

Normal Size

  • Fig. 1 Location Map from Lehnig et al. (2023)

Magnified

  • Fig. 1 Location Map from Lehnig et al. (2023)

Aerial Views

Normal Size

  • Fig. 2 Aerial view of the site from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 3 historic aerial photograph of the site with plans superimposed from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Mizpe Shivta and environs in Google Earth
  • Mizpe Shivta and environs on govmap.gov.il

Magnified

  • Fig. 2 Aerial view of the site from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 3 historic aerial photograph of the site with plans superimposed from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Mizpe Shivta and environs in Google Earth
  • Mizpe Shivta and environs on govmap.gov.il

Plans

Site Plans

Normal Size

  • Fig. 2 Aerial view of the site from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 3 historic aerial photograph of the site with plans superimposed from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Site plan from Stern et. al. (1993 v.3)

Magnified

  • Fig. 2 Aerial view of the site from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 3 historic aerial photograph of the site with plans superimposed from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Site plan from Stern et. al. (1993 v.3)

Area Plans

Areas A, B, and C

Normal Size

  • Fig. 4 Master Aerial Shot of Areas A, B, and C from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 4 Areas A, B, and C from Lehnig et al. (2023)

Magnified

  • Fig. 4 Master Aerial Shot of Areas A, B, and C from Lehnig et al. (2023)
  • Fig. 4 Areas A, B, and C from Lehnig et al. (2023)

Areas A and F

Normal Size

  • Fig. 8a Location of Areas A and F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)

Magnified

  • Fig. 8a Location of Areas A and F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)

Photos

Normal Size

  • Fig. 6a Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 6b Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 6c Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 6d Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7a Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7b Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7c Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7d and 7e Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7e Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7f Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8a Location of Areas A and F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8b Area F balk      from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8c Area F balk      from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8d Area F pottery      from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9 Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9a Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9b Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9c Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 10a Revetement Arch at the entrance to one of the rock-hewn rooms from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 10b Displaced Voissoirs and spalled corners of an arch in the SW tower from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 10c Aerial photo of southwest tower from Lehnig et al. (2025a)

Magnified

  • Fig. 6a Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 6b Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 6c Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 6d Area B photos from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7a Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7b Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7c Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7d and 7e Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7e Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 7f Sampling locations in Area C and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8a Location of Areas A and F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8b Area F balk      from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8c Area F balk      from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 8d Area F pottery      from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9 Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9a Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9b Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 9c Collapsed wall and wall plaster in Area F from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 10a Revetement Arch at the entrance to one of the rock-hewn rooms from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 10b Displaced Voissoirs and spalled corners of an arch in the SW tower from Lehnig et al. (2025a)
  • Fig. 10c Aerial photo of southwest tower from Lehnig et al. (2025a)

Archaeoseismic Chronology
Phasing

Yaacov Baumgarten in Stern et. al. (1993 v.3) noted that two building phases were distinguished.

Radiocarbon Dates

Table

 Table 1

Radiocarbon dates of samples collected at Mitzpe Shivta in 2022–2023, calibrated with OxCal v4.4.2 (prepared by S. Lehnig)

click on image to open in a new tab

Lehnig et al. (2025a)


Graph

 Figure 5

Graph of calibrated radiocarbon dates for Mitzpe Shivta (prepared by S. Lehnig)

click on image to open in a new tab

Lehnig et al. (2025a)


Earlier Earthquake - 7th century CE

Discussion

Discussion

References
Lehnig et al. (2025a)

Abstract

New excavations and radiocarbon data from Mitzpe Shivta—a site closely linked to monasticism and pilgrimage—enable to locate, for the first time, the previously overlooked site within the broader chronology and cultural-historical narrative of the Negev Desert (Israel). While early explorers emphasized a Late Byzantine-period (550–638 CE) settlement of the site, our investigations provide evidence of continued habitation from the Middle Byzantine period (450–550 CE), extending into Abbasid times. Radiocarbon data demonstrate that the site’s occupation may have begun as early as the mid-5th– mid-6th century CE, paralleling it with established models concerning the development of monasteries and pilgrimage networks in Palestine and Egypt.

By this time, Negev settlements such as the neighboring Shivta and Nessana had reached their zenith of agricultural and economic development, providing infrastructure for travelers to Mount Sinai. Inscriptions discovered in Mitzpe Shivta’s rock-hewn rooms, dedicated to Saint George, align with pilgrim accounts, such as the one supplied by the Piacenza Pilgrim, which reveal that the veneration of saints played a crucial role in shaping the religious landscape of the region. Thus, Mitzpe Shivta may have attracted devotees seeking the intercession of Saint George and other similar martyrs.

Our study reveals that Mitzpe Shivta remained inhabited following the local agricultural decline in the late 6th century CE and into the Islamic period. The discovery of grape seeds dating to the Abbasid period may indicate continued use of the site by Christians. These findings align with evidence of other monastic and Christian communities’ resilience in the Negev during the Islamic period. It is possible that Mitzpe Shivta was abandoned in the 8th/9th century CE following a local earthquake and decreased pilgrimage tourism under the Abbasid dynasty.

Introduction

Mitzpe Shivta (Arab.: el-Meshrifeh, Khirbet el-Misrafa, Khirbat al-Mushrayfa, Mesrafeh, Mishrafa) is located in the central Negev Desert, along one of the main Holy Land pilgrimage routes that connected Jerusalem and Gaza on the Mediterranean shore, Mount Sinai and Egypt (Fig. 1; 162556-839/536385-606). It is 5 km from the Byzantine settlement of Shivta and on the main route to Elusa (22 km to the north). Its location on a hilltop (460 m a.s.l.) allows observation of the entire periphery, toward areas that were intensively used for agriculture in Byzantine times. The site's main features (Fig. 2) include a perimeter wall encircling upper and lower fortresses, towers with arrow-slits, a church, a small chapel, domestic units, a courtyard house, a large cistern, a channel and numerous rock-hewn rooms with built and natural facades (Lehnig et al., 2023). The interiors of the rooms are decorated with well-preserved wall plaster, inscriptions and paintings of crosses (Gambash et al. 2023). The buildings' exteriors were covered with white plaster (Lehnig et al., 2025).

Before this research, Mitzpe Shivta had been studied only superficially and thus could not contribute to a better understanding of the role of monasteries and pilgrimage during the rise and fall of the Negev agricultural society by the end of the Byzantine period and their afterlife following the Islamic conquest. The complex was first described by Palmer (1871: 371–374), who referred to it as a fort. Later, Lawrence and Woolley (1914: 108 ff.) labeled it a Byzantine monastery with elements of a "laura". During World War I, the German archaeologist Theodor Wiegand considered Mitzpe Shivta to be a Byzantine "Mistenburg" (engl. desert castle) and "Bollwerk" (engl. stronghold) built to protect the road between Elusa and Aila (Wiegand, 1920: 118). Baumgarten (1986) conducted a small-scale excavation in 1979, which concentrated on the church. The results were only partially published, and a detailed analysis of archaeological material and a sound dating of the site were not produced. Baumgarten interpreted the site as a Late Byzantine (550–638 CE) monastic settlement with hermit caves, based on the pottery finds. He observed damage caused by an earthquake but did not suggest a precise date for the event. Figueras (2007) discovered and published three inscriptions out of a significantly larger number covering the entrances and interiors of the rock-hewn rooms. One of the published inscriptions was suggested by Figueras to include the date 577/8 CE. He employed another inscription in order to identify Mitzpe Shivta as a castrum and xenodochium for pilgrims, perhaps matching the one mentioned in the Itinerarium of the Piacenza Pilgrim (PP /Itin. 35). The same inscription mentions Saint George and points to the veneration of soldier saints, typical of Negev monasteries. A training camp for infantry soldiers established in the 1960s just below the archaeological site eventually became a training base for artillery in the 1990s. While other Negev settlements had undergone a period of extensive research during these decades, Mitzpe Shivta has been overlooked by Negev explorers.

Our previous investigations, including the discovery of 17 new inscriptions, support the view that Mitzpe Shivta held importance for pilgrimage and monasticism. The names in the inscriptions suggest that the site was frequented by locals and passersby, some of who possessed decent literacy abilities and knowledge of the Scriptures. Previous 14C data from our initial probe excavations (Lehnig et al., 2023) showed that occupation extended beyond the 6th century CE— an era marked by the decline of a short-lived late antique agricultural florescence of the Negev Desert and the gradual abandonment of villages (Avni et al., 2023). Likewise, recent archaeological discoveries at the settlements of Avdat (Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020; Bucking et al., 2022) and Nessana (Tchekhanovets, 2024) revealed ongoing habitation, possibly connected to monastic communities and their involvement in viticulture and pilgrimage tourism (Kraemer, 1958; Pogorelsky et al., 2019). These findings suggest that Byzantine culture continued within monastic enclaves during the Early Islamic period, while in contemporary settlements there may have been prohibitions against wine production and its consumption (Fuks et al., 2020). The same was true for the consumption of pork, which is absent in archaeozoological records of most Early Islamic-period Negev sites (Marom et al., 2019).

Mitzpe Shivta represents a largely unstudied archaeological archive, offering valuable insights into the agricultural, economic and social roles of monasteries during the Byzantine– Early Islamic transition and beyond. As a rural monastery it can provide new perspectives on this unexplored type of settlement, and due to its proximity to Shivta, it may be linked to chronological developments in larger agricultural villages in the Negev. In our project we employed a multidisciplinary research protocol to conduct excavations and sampling in different areas of the site, focusing on rock-cut rooms and connected stone-built compounds. Our goals were to reconstruct the cultural history of the site by clarifying its stratigraphy and dating its various archaeological contexts. In this article we outline the current knowledge of the site's chronology by presenting the new radiocarbon data from our excavations. Since pottery finds are not particularly frequent at Mitzpe Shivta, the establishment of an initial 14C chronology is of great importance for understanding the site's history.

Materials and Methods

Excavations and sampling at Mitzpe Shivta took place during two campaigns in the autumns of 2022 and 2023, with the aim of characterizing for the first time the settlement’s history, chronology and function in terms of monasticism, pilgrimage and local economy. Two investigations targeted the rock-cut spaces typical of the site (Areas A and B), while two others focused on buildings made of local marl limestone and flintstone that are situated in front of these spaces (Areas C and F; Fig. 3). These dual architectural compounds, featuring rock-cut spaces and standing masonry, bear typological similarities to those discovered at the Byzantine–Early Islamic settlement of Avdat. Previous studies at Avdat have associated these structures with monastic establishments and their activities, including animal husbandry, wine production and pilgrimage economy (Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020; Bucking et al., 2022). Stone-built rooms in Areas D and E, adjacent to Area F, are connected to the rock-cut rooms in Area A. So far, these have been documented only by surface surveying. Their layout and the visible masonry and plaster cladding suggest an economic/industrial function, possibly a wine press.

We divided the excavation areas into 1 sq m units, which were explored in 10 cm deep spits, measured using an RTK GNSS receiver with LT 1 cm precision for mapping. All excavated sediments were dry sieved through a 5 mm mesh to retrieve small artifacts and biological remains. Sediment samples were collected for flotation of botanical remains, as additional samples, for chronometric determinations (14C) and geoarchaeological analysis. In addition, we took wall plaster samples to date charcoal inclusions and analyze mineralogically the plaster's composition.

Table 1 presents the samples collected for radiocarbon dating, including their material, condition and archaeological context. These comprise an uncharred straw fragment from Area A, an uncharred grape seed and a charcoal fragment from Area B, an uncharred straw fragment from the plaster of the outer wall of the rock-cut room in Area C and selected charcoal samples from various stratigraphic layers in Area F. The samples were sent to the Poznan Radiocarbon Laboratory. The complete analytical procedure for organic samples such as charcoal and other plant remains, including chemical pre-treatment using the three-step AAA method (acid-alkali-acid), combustion of the sample and AMS measurement, is described on the laboratory's website (https://radiocarbon.pl/en/sample-preparation/). The 14C age was calibrated using the OxCal program, version 4.4 (Bronk Ramsey, 2009) with the newest version of 14C calibration curve IntCal20 (Reimer et al., 2020).

Results: the excavations

Area A

Area A (Fig. 4) comprises a unit of three contiguous rock-cut rooms on the lower, northern terrace of the site. The rooms are hewn out of the soft local marl limestone of a plateau, on top of which are the church and other buildings. Intensive quarrying traces that cover the walls of the rooms illustrate this process (Fig. 4d). In front of them and on the same level, remains of a stone building are partly preserved. Immediately above the rock-cut rooms is a building made of massive ashlars that corresponds to the layout of the lower stone building (Fig. 3b, c).

Our main point of interest was the first of the three rooms, which is presently accessible from the north through a rock-cut entrance 0.6 m high and 2.5 m wide (Fig. 3b). The room's plan (Fig. 3c) is a perfect square (5.8 x 5.8 m). A small niche was carved out into the rock in the southern wall of the room (Fig. 4b), and in the northwestern corner there is a low, roughly worked passage to the second room of the complex. A cross was carved on the eastern wall (Fig. 4d); its arms narrow toward the center, classifying it as a Christian cross /Jaffee. The Greek letter P (Rho) on the cross's right side may indicate that this is a variant of a Christogram. The only other decorated walls are in one of the rooms adjacent to the first room, where the wall plaster bears remnants of red ink (Fig. 4e).

During our survey of the room, we found a 1.0 x 1.3 m looting trench adjacent to the rock facade, immediately below the cross (Fig. 4c). Such forms of looting near inscriptions, crosses or petroglyphs—commonly associated with markers for buried treasures—are known also at other sites in the Negev region (Lior Schwimer, pers. comm.). We found the trench with collapsed sections, filled with sediment and remains of animal dung, plants and modern garbage, including the scraps of a newspaper from 1973, when the site was already within the boundaries of the training ground of the neighboring Shivta Base.

An initial cleanup of the trench indicated a good preservation of organic material with charcoal suitable for radiocarbon dating and micro- geoarchaeology. We consequently cleaned the entire trench out, from the surface down to bedrock, to a depth of 0.9 m. Following this, we extended the area of the trench by 0.5 m to the south and conducted an excavation in 10 cm spits. The excavation of the upper three layers (L.1001–1003) revealed an accumulation of light to dark ashy soil with inclusions of limestone, twigs, fresh livestock dung pellets and modern remains. In addition, in all three layers we found few pottery fragments dating to the Byzantine period (bag-shaped jars), as well as animal bones and remains of textiles. In the following layer (L.1004) we perceived a significant change in the nature of the sediment, with straw and animal dung compacted to about 5 cm thick of very solid matrix. This horizon was again followed by a layer (L.1005) of loose gray-brown ash with inclusions of dung pellets and animal bones, with pottery dated to the British Mandate period. We found a particularly fine brown sediment in the lower three layers (L.1007–1009), above the bedrock, interspersed with animal bones and Early Islamic cooking ware. We also found a large worked wooden fragment in L.1008—probably part of a piece of furniture or a peg. The rock-cut floor at the bottom of the trench was mostly even and had probably been hewn similarly as the walls of the room to create a level living floor (Fig. 4c). A straw fragment from just above the bedrock was sent for radiocarbon dating. The calibrated date falls between 1484 calCE and 1644 calCE, within the Ottoman period (Tab. 1, Fig. 5).

Area A yielded several identified animal bones that were distributed evenly in the section. These include long bones and teeth of both adult and juvenile sheep or goats, a burnt pelvis and a molar tooth of an adult camel. Some of the bones bear evidence of carnivore gnawing.

Area B

Area B (Fig. 6a), on the eastern slope of the site, presents a roughly oval structure partly carved into the local rock and partly built of thin bricks (Fig. 6b). The structure's western side had been somewhat deformed by the pressure of natural rocks that had collapsed, sediment and architectural fragments—possibly the result of seismic activity. Some of the debris filled the structure's interior. We uncovered the remains of a floor made of compacted clay and lime at the elevation of the base of the brick structure. It was only partially preserved, near the walls of the oval structure, and its center had collapsed (Fig. 6d).

A small niche (Fig. 6c), which is part of a larger rock-cut building, adjoins the oval structure in the north and opens into it. Its upper part was filled with debris, and the lower part, with light to dark grayish ash. To clarify the function and date of the oval structure and niche, we initially focused on cleaning the debris in the structure, sampling the ashy niche fills for micro-geoarchaeological investigations and collecting two samples for 14C dating. The results indicated usage between late antiquity and the Early Islamic period, extending into the Abbasid era (562 calCE–648 calCE). The dating of an uncharred grape seed (771 calCE–886 calCE) further reinforces Abbasid-period occupation (Tab. 1; Figs 5, 6e).

Ceramic material retrieved during the cleaning of the oval structure dates to the Byzantine period. Several roof tiles (e.g., Fig. 6f) were recovered inside it and in its immediate vicinity. These finds, usually associated with church buildings in the Negev, may have originated in the basilica located directly above the excavation site, in the upper fortress, and tumbled down during an earthquake. Other finds include a fish vertebra, most probably of a Gilt-head bream (Sparus aurata).

Area C

Located in the southeastern part of the site (Fig. 7a), Area C consists of an arch made of ashlars, likely forming a window or entrance to a unit of several rock-cut rooms (Fig. 7c). The investigated arch and the neighboring ones (Fig. 7d) are inscribed with pilgrim graffiti. One inscription mentions Saint George, while another includes the year 577/8 CE, precisely dating the pilgrim's visit to the site (Figueras, 2007; Fig. 7b, e, f). Additional inscriptions of pilgrim names and invocations have been analyzed recently by the authors (Gambash et al., 2023). The archway was likely buried by architectural debris that had fallen over it during an earthquake and later partially exposed by looters. The exterior facade was covered with white plaster, some of which is still preserved. We sampled straw fragments embedded in the mixture for radiocarbon analysis, to determine when the wall had been plastered. While the results point to a date between the late 6th and mid-7th centuries CE (562 calCE–648 calCE; Tab. 1 and Fig. 5), we cannot determine with certainty whether this is also the date of the initial construction of the building. Nevertheless, this result conforms with the date of the pilgrim inscription published by Figueras, which was likely added on the plaster slightly later, in 577/8 CE.

Area F

Area F (Fig. 8a) was opened on the northern part of the lower fortress of Mitzpe Shivta to investigate and date the building complex in front of the rock-cut space in Area A. For our investigation we selected a section of the northern closing wall (W.6001) of the building complex. One stone row of this wall was visible and preserved to a height of 40 cm above the surface prior to its excavation, indicating that it was constructed as double-shell ashlar masonry with a rubble fill. The stones of the wall were hewn from locally quarried chalkstone of the Nizzana Formation and contain flint inclusions. We excavated a 1 x 2 m trench along the wall in 10 cm spits, reaching its foundation and the bedrock at a depth of 1.6 m below surface. The total preserved height of the examined wall is 2 m.

In contrast to the rock-cut space in Area A, which was reused during the Ottoman and British Mandate periods, the stratigraphy in Area F was undisturbed. After the excavation, we identified distinct stratigraphic layers in the remaining section (Fig. 8b, c). Immediately below the topsoil (1), which contained a mix of Byzantine and Early Islamic pottery, were layers that can be associated with the collapse of Wall 6001 (Fig. 9). All along the trench we discovered the collapsed upper ashlar sections of the wall (2). The ashlars showed signs of heat exposure, evidenced by flintstone fragments that had flaked off the chalkstone. The gaps between the ashlars were filled with small limestone fragments. Signs of intense heat exposure are visible also in the layer closest to the wall (3), in the form of a concentration of charcoal. Below the layers of collapsed ashlars was a layer (6) of well-preserved wall plaster with an orange-white color (Figs 8d, 9). On the segments of the wall that had not collapsed we found remnants of this wall plaster still attached to the ashlar stones. The layers (7, 8) underneath the wall plaster showed a concentration of ash and burnt plant material, along with numerous sherds of Early Islamic fine ware and many bone fragments, all of which also exhibited signs of heat exposure. Beneath these burnt layers were layers (9, 10) exhibiting a higher concentration of artifacts, including pottery dating from the 6th–8th centuries CE, glass and parrotfish teeth (Fig. 8d). The final stratum (11) above the bedrock consisted of a compacted layer of larger and smaller limestone fragments, likely laid intentionally to level the surface.

We collected charcoal samples from three contexts for radiocarbon dating (Fig. 8c). The sample from the lowest layer (10) dates to the mid-6th–mid- 7th centuries CE (541 calCE–643 calCE; Tab. 1, Fig. 5). The sample from the burnt layer (7) was dated to the Abbasid period and may indicate the abandonment of the settlement, or the building, following an earthquake or fire between the late 8th and late 9th centuries CE (771 calCE–895 calCE). Remarkably, it was the layer immediately beneath the topsoil (3) that yielded the sample with the earliest 14C date obtained for Mitzpe Shivta so far, in the early 5th–late 6th centuries CE (429 calCE–579 calCE).

Discussion

Inscriptions left by pilgrim tourists and paintings of crosses on the entrance ways of rock-cut rooms, as well as the presence of a church, suggest that Mitzpe Shivta was closely linked to both pilgrimage tourism and monastic life. Additionally, a possible identification of the site as the hostel for pilgrims and hermits described by the Piacenza Pilgrim in the mid-6th century CE further reinforces the archaeological and epigraphic evidence. Inscriptions dedicated to Saint George may indicate that the site itself served as a place of worship specifically for the veneration of soldier saints (Figueras, 2007; Gambash et al., 2023). This suggests that Mitzpe Shivta may have attracted devotees seeking the inter-cession of Saint George and other similar martyrs, pos-sibly positioning the settlement as a local center for the cult of soldier saints in the region.

The earliest radiocarbon date from Area F so far may be interpreted as evidence that Mitzpe Shivta was already inhabited in the 5th century CE, during the Middle Byzantine period. This date may be supported also by the epigraphy of recently discovered inscrip-tions at the site, which conforms with that of other local 5th–6th centuries CE texts (Gambash et al., 2023: 216). With this preliminary chronological framework, Mitzpe Shivta would integrate smoothly into established models of monastery development and pilgrimage networks in the southern Levant (Hamarneh, 2012). However, the charcoal sample that provided this date requires critical evaluation, having been recovered in the latest archaeological layer, above the 8th/9th-cen-tury CE layer. It may be that the sample originated in an older wooden structure—possibly a roof—that was attached to the building in Area F, which had collapsed during an earthquake and burned. We cannot deter-mine, however, whether the 5th-century CE date of the wood corresponds with the roof's construction date. It is possible that the wood originally served a different function and was only repurposed at a later point to build the roof. Therefore, the idea of a 5th-century CE settlement needs further scrutiny. Solid radiocarbon data and ceramic and epigraphic finds from the 6th century CE, however, clearly indicate that the site was settled by then at the latest.

Christian pilgrimage in the Holy Land and Sinai was already well established by the 6th century CE, with key sites such as Mount Sinai, associated with the eponymous biblical site and having long attracted the faithful (Caner 2010)
. Early pilgrimage routes, as docu-mented by travelers like Egeria in the 4th century CE, largely bypassed the Negev. Pilgrims preferred the well-trodden Via Maris, running along the coast between Gaza and Pelusium in Egypt, which provided safer pas-sage. However, by the mid-6th century CE, there was a significant shift in pilgrimage patterns. The account of the Piacenza Pilgrim, written some 200 years after Egeria, reveals a new route through the Negev Desert. Unlike his predecessors, the Piacenza Pilgrim did not merely seek out biblical sites; instead, he was also drawn to the relics of saints and martyrs, which had become central to the pilgrimage experience by this time. The Byzantine Negev settlements, including Mitzpe Shivta, gained prominence as locations offering access to the veneration of local saints and possibly relics, marking a new phase in the development of pilgrimage. It was primarily the settlements located in the northern and central Negev Desert that economically benefited from pilgrimage tourism. In the settlements of Elusa and Rehovot in the northern Negev, as well as in Nessana and Shivta farther south, numerous church buildings testify to the wealth that this economic sector brought to the settlements (Tsafrir, 1988; Heinzelmann et al., 2022; Tchekhanovets, 2024).

Available evidence suggests that the rise of Mitzpe Shivta was closely linked to the broader shift in pilgrimage in the mid-6th century CE. By this time, the settlements of the Negev had reached their zenith in terms of economic and agricultural development (Avni et al., 2023), providing infrastructure that could be utilized by travelers. The demographic expansion and agricultural intensification of the desert region made travel less hostile and its destinations more hospitable than they had been in earlier centuries. At the same time, Justinian's further development of monasticism around Mount Sinai intensified the incoming pilgrimage (Seveenko, 1966; Frazee, 1982: 263–279). Artwork at Shivta depicts the transfiguration of Christ and shares stylistic aspects with paintings found in the Monastery of Saint Catherine in Mount Sinai (Linn et al., 2017), emphasizing Shivta's historical and religious significance in the pilgrimage movement and, more broadly, for Christianity (see also Maayan-Fanar and Tepper, 2023, 2024). Mitzpe Shivta, located in the agricultural hinterland of Shivta, was likely part of this pilgrimage network, though its precise relationship to Shivta remains a subject of ongoing investigation.

In the Negev and elsewhere the intensification of pilgrimage likely increased the logistical challenges of providing for the travelers' needs, including security, food and accommodation, during their journey (Jensen, 2020). The Piacenza Pilgrim's report reveals that the inn at Mitzpe Shivta catered to both pilgrims and hermits. However, the specifics of this provisioning—such as the arrangements for lodging and food—remain invisible in the archaeological record so far. The presence of a moderate-sized fortification at Mitzpe Shivta suggests that concerns for safety were paramount, possibly in response to the threat of attacks on travelers and monks, often reported in travelogues (Caner, 2010: 48–51). In this respect, Mitzpe Shivta is similar to other contemporary monasteries that were enclosed by walls, and some furnished with towers (see Hamarneh, 2012: 282).

Accounts suggest that food and accommodation were frequently offered to pilgrims at no cost, and Mitzpe Shivta may have supplied this vital service in the Negev (Jensen, 2020: 148). To date, our investigations have yielded only preliminary insights into the subsistence strategies employed at the site. The discovery of fish bones dating to the Byzantine period indicates the import of marine resources from the Mediterranean and Red Seas, reflecting the characteristic Byzantine foodways of the Negev (Gambash et al., 2019; Blevis et al., 2021; Ktalav et al., 2021). The large, unbuilt area with traces of agricultural structures on the plateau of Mitzpe Shivta, still visible in early 20th-century aerial photographs (Wiegand, 1920; Lehnig et al., 2025), may indicate plant cultivation within the settlement's walls. Future architectural investigations and botanical analyses of plant-rich material that has been excavated may illuminate the diet of the site's occupants and consequently help to reconstruct monastic nutrition in the Negev and to understand how pilgrims were provided for.

Research at Mitzpe Shivta further emphasizes that the local veneration of saints played a crucial role in shaping the religious landscape of the Negev region during the 6th century CE. Pilgrims left inscriptions and graffiti at new centers of devotion, creating clusters of commemorations at sites such as Mitzpe Shivta, in the Saints' Cave and the dipinti-intensive cave at Avdat (Bucking, 2017) and in the churches of Shivta (Maayan-Fanar and Tepper, 2023, 2024). This phenomenon suggests that these settlements had developed their own religious significance, distinct from the pilgrimage sites that are more traditionally associated with the Holy Land. The inscriptions often request assistance from God or from saints, such as Saint George at Mitzpe Shivta, Saint Theodore at Avdat and Sergius and Bacchus at Nessana (Negev 1981: 43; Bucking, 2017: 28–43; P. Colt 45; 46; 51). This indicates that the veneration of soldier saints may have been a central attraction for pilgrims in the Negev and the expression of the religious self-conception of the churches and monasteries in the desert settlements. Rock-cut rooms and caves, which are abundant at Mitzpe Shivta and Avdat, appear to have been a particular point of attraction as indicated by the various crosses and inscriptions we discovered in them. Rock-cut rooms in the Negev served multifaceted functions, as livestock stables, storage spaces and tombs (Erickson-Gini, 2022), hindering a secure identification of their uses at Mitzpe Shivta. In many well-known monasteries in the Judean Desert and Egypt, rock-hewn rooms or natural caves were inhabited by hermits and monks (Hedstrom and Dey, 2020). Often, such solitary dwellings (laurae) marked the first stage of settlement, where an individual hermit would establish a base; over time, a larger monastic community with the necessary economic and religious infrastructure (coenobium) would grow around him (Hirschfeld, 1990). A similar developmental trajectory may be proposed for Mitzpe Shivta with its central church building, rock-hewn rooms, enclosure wall and possibly a hostel for pilgrims. However, it is difficult to determine the function of the rock-hewn rooms at the site during the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods, as they were reused in the Ottoman and British Mandate periods, as evidenced by radiocarbon dating and ceramic analysis. The dung-rich layers in Area A demonstrate that the Byzantine settlement layers were cleared possibly during the Ottoman period, and the rock-cut spaces were subsequently used by shepherds as animal shelters. Thus, evidence of their religious significance, possibly as monk cells and pilgrim attractions, are limited to inscriptions and cross paintings and to their decor, with plaster-covered niches.

According to radiocarbon data, Mitzpe Shivta remained settled well beyond the Byzantine period, though it is uncertain whether the site continued to serve as a pilgrimage destination and monastery or underwent functional changes during the Early Islamic period. While no inscriptions definitively postdate the 6th century CE, evidence of grape seeds from the 8th/9th century CE may indicate wine consumption or the cultivation of grapes, closely tied to the production of wine, both suggesting the possibility of ongoing Christian presence, as the consumption of alcohol was often prohibited in Early Islamic settlements (Fuks et al., 2020).

Elsewhere in the Negev, there is tangible evidence of Christian and monastic resilience into the Early Islamic period. Pilgrimage continued between the 7th and 9th centuries CE, as documented by inscriptions in neighboring Shivta (Tchekhanovets et al., 2017) and papyrological evidence of travelers and their guides (P. Colt 72; 73) who navigated the desert routes to reach key Christian sites, including Mount Sinai and Jerusalem.

By the Abbasid period, the scale of monasticism and pilgrimage in Palestine had diminished significantly (Patrich, 2011; Killzer, 2020: 14). The comprehensive routes of earlier centuries, which had spanned the Negev and linked holy sites, were largely abandoned, as the new dynasty showed no interest in sustaining infrastructure in peripheral regions and shifted priorities to Iran and Iraq (Haiman, 1995: 46, 48).
Textile finds at Nahal Omer indicate that trade routes connected the Arava with Arabia and Central Asia (Bar-Oz et al., 2024). It is therefore possible that routes shifted from the Mediterranean region and central Negev to the Arava in the east, establishing economic links with the northern regions of the Abbasid Empire. Christian pilgrims, however, increasingly favored the sacred sites in Jerusalem and its surrounding areas as journey destinations, leading to the weakening of the pilgrimage infrastructure that had once sustained settlements such as Mitzpe Shivta.

Radiocarbon data of charcoal fragments sealed within the destruction layers of Area F suggest that the site was abandoned by the 8th/9th century CE following an earthquake and subsequent conflagration and was never rebuilt. Collapsed arches, twisted roof slabs and fallen sections of the upper fortress are also ubiquitous above ground in other areas of Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 10c). Retaining walls (Fig. 10a) and double arches (Fig. 10b) at the site and the use of double-shell masonry indicate that buildings in the settlement were designed to withstand earthquakes, and efforts were made to stabilize individual structures, possibly following an earlier seismic event. Nevertheless, it appears that an earthquake eventually managed to devastate the site, bringing an end to its occupation. Radiocarbon data indicate that the rock-hewn rooms of Mitzpe Shivta were reused only from the 15th/17th century CE onward, when they served shepherds as livestock shelters.

Several seismic events have been identified as having impacted settlements in the Negev over time (Korjenkov et al., 1996; Korjenkov and Mazor, 1999; Korjenkov and Erickson-Gini, 2003). Damage from an 8th- or 9th-century CE earthquake has been documented in buildings of the neighboring Negev sites of Shivta, Avdat and Rehovot (Erickson-Gini, 2013; Korjenkov and Mazor, 2014; Tepper et al., 2018: 149; Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020: 51). This suggests that the seismic event that led to the destruction documented at Mitzpe Shivta affected the broader Negev region. Between 746 and 757 CE, ancient authors such as Theophanes described at least three sizeable earthquakes in the region of Palestine, Jordan and Syria (Amiran et al., 1994; Ambraseys, 2009: 230–238; Avni, 2014: 300–343). Although they are depicted as universally catastrophic, it is doubtful that these historically recorded earthquakes were responsible for the seismic destructions in the Negev settlements. Studies point rather to a regional diversity in the effects of earthquake damage, with sites in the north being more affected than those in the south of Palestine (Marco et al., 2003). It is therefore likely that the chronicled earthquakes impacted the Negev settlements at most peripherally, and that it was a separate, local earthquake that brought about the destruction at Mitzpe Shivta and other nearby Negev settlements like Shivta (Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020: 51). One may assume that the site was not rebuilt due to overall economic instability in the Negev, exacerbated by the region's peripheral political position during the Abbasid period. Thus, the fate of Mitzpe Shivta reflects broader shifts in the religious, political and economic dynamics of the region, tied closely to the rise and fall of pilgrimage and agriculture as a defining feature of the landscape.

Conclusons

Having been largely overlooked by generations of Negev explorers, our recent excavations and radiocarbon dating position Mitzpe Shivta within the broader chronology and cultural-historical narrative of the Negev. While previous scholars were led to classify Mitzpe Shivta as a Late Byzantine- era site and monastery, based primarily on the abundance of pilgrim inscriptions and presence of rock-hewn rooms, radiocarbon data demonstrate that occupation may have begun as early as the 5th century CE and extended far beyond the late 6th-century CE decline of agriculture in the Negev and the subsequent Islamic conquest. With this preliminary chronological framework, Mitzpe Shivta integrates smoothly into established models of the development of monasteries and pilgrimage networks in Palestine and Egypt. Archaeological evidence suggesting that most monastic structures in the region began to emerge from the mid-5th century CE is often corroborated by earlier textual references. These settlements likely evolved in tandem with the rise of Christian pilgrimage routes and the expansion of rural settlements, as monasteries often served as important spiritual and logistical hubs for pilgrims and were involved in the administration of agricultural activities. By the 6th century CE, many of these monastic communities had reached their zenith, both in terms of size and religious significance. Radiocarbon dates and inscriptions closely tie Mitzpe Shivta to the 6th-century CE intensification of pilgrimage directed toward the Monastery of Saint Catherine in Mount Sinai. This appears to have paralleled the development of local saint cults that arose at key sites like Mitzpe Shivta, Avdat, Nessana and potentially other locations across the Negev, transforming these sites into important nodes for pilgrimage and local veneration alike. This marks a significant evolution from earlier pilgrimage patterns, in which travelers primarily sought out locations of direct biblical significance. The veneration of soldier saints, such as Saint George at Mitzpe Shivta, was a prominent feature of this new devotional landscape.

Contrary to earlier assumptions, Mitzpe Shivta was inhabited until its destruction— likely by a local earthquake and subsequent conflagration in the 8th/9th century CE. Whether it continued to serve as a monastery and pilgrimage destination during the Islamic period or if its functional role changed remains undetermined and awaits further research. Should it emerge that Mitzpe Shivta retained its Christian identity and continued to receive pilgrims after the Islamic conquest, it would align with broader regional trends. Across the southern Levant and the Negev several Christian settlements and monasteries not only remained active during the Early Islamic period but also flourished, maintaining religious practices, constructing churches and continuing to serve as important pilgrimage destinations. It was only under the Abbasid dynasty that the pilgrimage routes in the Negev gradually saw a significant decline in activity. The once bustling paths frequented by religious travelers began to fall out of use, as the course of major travel routes shifted eastward toward the Arava Valley. This strategic shift connected Arabia with the broader commercial networks of Central Asia. Rather than facilitating religious pilgrimage, these routes increasingly served the needs of merchants, becoming critical arteries for trade and the movement of goods across vast distances. The extent to which the abandonment of Mitzpe Shivta was connected to these broader shifts in trade routes and the region's reorientation remains a subject for further research. Equally, the role of the earthquake and fire we documented, which likely contributed to the site's eventual desertion, requires additional investigation to understand fully its impact in conjunction with these changes.

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Theodor Wiegand in Mitzpe Shivta
Spolia and Heritage Protection Along the Ottoman Military Railway
Introduction
1Although the Negev Desert was a territory of the Ottoman Empire since the 16ᵗʰ century, for most of the time it was not subject to its political, administrative and cultural sphere of influence. This status changed in the 19ᵗʰ century when the desert region became the border between the rival nations of British Egypt and the Ottoman Empire (Fig. 1). From this point onward, increased Ottoman advances into the area were recorded, accompanied by infrastructure projects which aimed to prepare the region for an attack on Egypt. During World War I, these activities culminated in the construction of a branch-line of the Ottoman Military Railway that ran from Beersheva to Qusseima at the Sinai front. The renewed geopolitical interest in the Negev was accompanied by an increase in European expeditions aimed at mapping the previously unexplored desert area. Their reports and photographs showcase that the expanding human presence in the Negev also had an impact on its archaeological heritage.
2The late antique hilltop settlement of Mitzpe Shivta is located just 1 km north of the Ottoman railway embankment (Fig. 2). Historical photographs taken of Mitzpe Shivta between 1869 and the 1930’s reveal a noticeable loss of building substance within this timeframe. During World War I, the German classical archaeologist Theodor Wiegand (Fig. 3), visited the Negev Desert in his positions as Captain of the Landwehrartillerie and Inspector General of antiquities in Syria, Palestine, and the Arabian Peninsula. He attributed the destruction of archaeological structures in Mitzpe Shivta to the construction of the Ottoman Railway (1915–1916). This perspective is articulated in his diary[1], a letter to his wife[2] and his later publications, specifically »Denkmalschutz und Kunstwissenschaftliche Arbeit während des Weltkrieges in Syrien, Palästina und Westarabien«[3] and »Sinai«[4]. Although the railway route between Beersheva and Qusseima did not run through hilly terrain, it had to cross smaller wadis in many places. To prevent the railway from being damaged or washed away during winter floods, bridges and water crossings needed to be built into the embankment. In this paper, we aim to examine Wiegand’s claim in more detail, hypothesizing that the dismantled building material from Mitzpe Shivta was recycled for building bridges and channels along the railway adjacent to the archaeological site. Hereby, we are looking at the widespread practice of stone looting under Ottoman rule in the region[5], with Mitzpe Shivta serving as a striking example. The study is designed to accomplish four primary objectives:
  1. Clarify the causes underlying the exploitation of ancient building material during the Late Ottoman Period; including the general attitude towards cultural heritage within the empire.
  2. Reconstruct which structures in Mitzpe Shivta were affected by destruction and how this altered the site’s appearance.
  3. Establish whether the bridges and channels adjacent to Mitzpe Shivta were indeed the final destinations for the archaeological material mined at the site, exploring how it was treated and recycled.
  4. Evaluate Wiegand’s legacy as an archaeologist in the Negev and his lasting impact on the understanding of Mitzpe Shivta’s history and the protection of the site, particularly in light of his appointment as the head of the »German Turkish Commando for Monument Protection«.
3To this end, we will reconstruct the historical setting of the railway construction in the Negev using i. a. primary literature from contemporary witnesses.[6] In doing so, we will work out the political, economic and environmental conditions of the Late Ottoman period in Palestine and their impact on decision making during construction works. In a further step, we will analyze Wiegand’s role in the Negev and his statements on the destruction in Mitzpe Shivta. Historical photographs of Mitzpe Shivta from archives[7] will be examined for evidence of destruction and loss of building substance. A survey of the railway embankment opposite Mitzpe Shivta documents its stone-built features putting special emphasis on the material used, their style and quality. A provenance analysis of the building materials used will clarify whether it was actually recycled from Mitzpe Shivta.
Mitzpe Shivta
4At a first glance, Mitzpe Shivta in the northern Negev Desert, about 50 km south of Beersheva, is located in an arid, sparsely populated region. Yet satellite images reveal the remains of thousands of agricultural installations and structures that bear witness to a period between the 4ᵗʰ and 6ᵗʰ centuries C.E. when the Negev experienced an unprecedented economic and demographic heyday, with wine becoming the major cash crop.[8] Mitzpe Shivta was embedded in this thriving agricultural landscape of irrigation systems and farms. Positioned on a plateau (460 m a.s.l.) and surrounding slopes, the site boasts a perimeter wall, towers, a church, a chapel, domestic units, a large cistern, and numerous rock-hewn rooms adorned with inscriptions and cross paintings (Fig. 4).[9] Although commonly identified as an early Christian monastery, pilgrim hostel, or fortress since the mid-19ᵗʰ century[10], Mitzpe Shivta remained largely unexplored and forgotten. In 2022 we initiated a research project with the aim to delve into the settlement’s history for the first time, and explore the contributions of pilgrimage and monasticism to socio-cultural fluctuations in the Byzantine Negev agricultural society.[11]
5Current findings, including inscriptions, radiocarbon dates, and pottery, suggest an occupation of Mitzpe Shivta from the 5ᵗʰ/6ᵗʰ to 8ᵗʰ/9ᵗʰ centuries C.E., spanning the Middle Byzantine to the Early Islamic and Abassid periods in the Negev Desert.[12] The Middle Byzantine era (450–550 C.E.) witnessed the prosperity of the region through the Mediterranean-wide export of locally produced wine, particularly in distinctive Gaza Wine Jars.[13] This economic success allowed settlements to expand and invest in public projects.[14] The advent of the Justinian Plague around 541 C.E. marked a downturn, leading to a decline in wine exports and the replacement of Gaza wine jars with multi-purpose bag-shaped amphorae.[15] From 620 C.E., so-called Akaba Jars attest to the Arab influence from the south. Pilgrim inscriptions suggest a boost in Mitzpe Shivta’s economy due to Christian tourism to St. Catherine Monastery at Mount Sinai (548–565 C.E.). This economic resilience persisted alongside a declining agricultural environment until the 8ᵗʰ century C.E., after which settlement in the Negev gradually disappeared.[16] Our excavation findings suggest that earthquakes likely contributed to the destruction and abandonment of the settlement at Mitzpe Shivta between the 8ᵗʰ and 9ᵗʰ centuries C.E.
The Ottoman Military Railway in the Negev Desert
Political Background
6 Fig. 1 demonstrates that the Negev region, and in particular Mitzpe Shivta, were placed in a dynamic political milieu beginning in the mid 19ᵗʰ century. Although the Negev had been part of the Ottoman Empire already since 1517, for most of the time the arid region enjoyed almost complete autonomy and minimal political attention due to its sparse settlement. In the early 19ᵗʰ century, it was populated by Bedouin tribes with a pastoral lifestyle, especially near settled areas close to Gaza and Hebron.[17]
7Efforts to gain administrative control commenced in 1858 with the Ottoman Land Code[18], aiming to integrate local Bedouins into the Ottoman system as tax-paying and sedentary subjects.[19] However, most of them did not follow requests to register their land and pay taxes, leading to far-reaching consequences that persist to this day.[20]
8From 1900 onwards, the European-style towns Beersheva and ‘Auja al Hafir were built in the Negev. Their establishment was intended to strengthen the area against advances from neighboring British Egypt. The 1906 agreement on the geographical location of the Separating Administrative Line between British Egypt and Ottoman Palestine placed the Negev in the border area between the two rival states.[21] During World War I, in alliance with the Germans, it became the Ottoman Empire’s strategic goal to occupy the Suez Canal and extend the war to Egypt.[22] Djemal Pasha, who ruled the Ottoman Empire in a triumvirate with Enval Pasha and Talaat Pasha since 1913, was nominated to lead the Ottoman army against the British.[23] Under the command of German Colonel Friedrich Kreß von Kressenstein, Djemal Pasha’s army set out from Beersheva in January 1915 to attack the Suez Canal, crossing the entire Negev and Sinai from east to west. However, a lack of infrastructure in the underdeveloped and previously neglected Negev Desert, as well as a strong British defense, hindered the achievement of this goal and Djemal Pasha’s and Kreß von Kressenstein’s soldiers had to withdraw from the Canal.
9On the Negev-Sinai front, deficiencies that had already begun to emerge before the Ottoman Empire’s entry into the First World War[24] became tangible: since 1875 the Ottoman Empire had been completely bankrupt.[25] The large territorial state was by no means a culturally and logistically cohesive entity, but rather fragmented into small administrative units in which people of numerous religious and ethnic identities lived. Due to the disastrous financial situation, large-scale projects, such as a coherent transport network, could not be implemented. Funding for such projects increasingly came from local or foreign private investors, who built roads and railways for their own benefit. Before World War I, out of the 6085 km of railroad tracks in the entire empire, only 665 km were located in Palestine and none in the sparsley populated Negev.[26] The existing ones (Jerusalem-Jaffa, Haifa-Der’a, Hejaz) were not connected to each other due to different track gauges and were therefore not suitable for military use. Furthermore, Palestine was not equipped to act as an active front in the war in terms of personnel, transport and riding animals.[27] By the Ottomans entry into World War I things were further complicated by a lack of maps and knowledge of the Negev area[28], as well as a British sea blockade that isolated Palestine from the international market. Thus, one of the most decisive battles for the Ottomans was going to be fought in a mostly unknown region with a fundamentally underdeveloped infrastructure.
10Kreß von Kressenstein initially concentrated soldiers in Beersheva to capture the Suez Canal, but the situation deteriorated rapidly. Contemporary eyewitnesses describe the situation of Ottoman soldiers as disastrous[29]: The Beersheva camp suffered from insufficient water, food, and medicine supply, leading to the starvation and death of humans and animals. After an unsuccessful attempt to seize the Suez Canal, the situation worsened further with disease outbreaks, desertions, and a locust plague.
Construction of the Beersheva – Qusseima Branch-Line: Hopes and Challenges
11After the failed Suez campaign, Djemal Pasha and Colonel Friedrich Kreß von Kressenstein redirected their efforts for the years 1915–1916 to enhance infrastructure in the Negev, preparing for a second attack. This included the dispatch of German military units, equipment, and surveyors to improve Ottoman forces and map the Negev and Sinai.[30] In July 1916, 400 German officers and 1500 soldiers, including specialists like radio operators and aviators, arrived in the Negev.
12Probably the most ambitious project of that time was the construction of a railway line (Fig. 5. 6) connecting the isolated southern desert areas with the Hejaz Railway that ran between Medina and Damascus. The Turkish leadership had realized that the Suez Canal could only be conquered by supporting the supply of its troops with a railroad. The German engineer Heinrich August Meißner was entrusted with the supervision of this large-scale project. Meißner boasted a great deal of experience, as he had previously managed the construction of the Hejaz Railway, the Haifa-Der’a line, the Baghdad Railway and others.[31] Thus, in 1915, the Haifa-Der’a line was connected to the Jaffa-Jerusalem line, whereby the tracks between Jaffa and Lydda were dismantled due to material bottlenecks to enable further construction progress towards Beersheva.[32] By October 1915 the military railway reached Beersheva and by May 1916 it reached Auja’ al Hafir. The stretch from Auja to Qusseima in the Sinai could not be completed due to approaching British troops.
13While construction up to Beersheva proceeded at a rapid pace (500 m per day), construction in the Negev region faced various difficulties:
  • The topography of the Negev with its numerous wadis made it necessary to build bridges and channels[33], which required materials, time and manpower.
  • A shortage of materials had already become apparent during construction in the north, which is why old railroad lines were dismantled and recycled.
  • The empire was faced with a personnel problem, as numerous soldiers had deserted.[34] Thus, many conscientious objectors were pardoned and deployed as workers, emphasizing the high priority of the railway construction.[35]
  • The large-scale resettlement of Armenians diverted significant resources, and the subsequent genocide resulted in a loss of know-how and labor.[36]
  • Concurrent British efforts on a Sinai railway and water pipeline intensified time pressure on the Ottoman-German railway construction.
  • Workers unfamiliar with the arid climate suffered from heat and supply shortages, resulting in casualties.[37]
14From Kreß von Kressenstein’s perspective, the railway’s construction incurred substantial costs outweighing its benefits, leading to his repeated appeals to halt the project.[38] However, for both Meißner and Djemal Pasha, the railway had soon developed into a prestige project: both pursued the goal of being the first to build a railroad through the Negev and Sinai. Ultimately, the operation of the railway was characterized by great difficulties[39]: There was a lack of wood for heating the locomotives, which is why olive trees were cut down in the Negev.[40] Furthermore, a lack of lubricant made it necessary to use olive oil or castor oil instead, causing considerable damage to the locomotives.[41]
15Despite its inefficiency, the railway posed a threat to the advancing British forces nearing Gaza.[42] In spring 1917, the British sabotaged the railway by destroying tracks and bridges, rendering it inoperable.[43] Following the Ottoman surrender in 1918 and the establishment of the British Mandate for Palestine, the railway tracks were removed in 1924, leaving only the embankment, a few bridges, and channels as remnants.
Theodor Wiegand in Mitzpe Shivta (1916–1917)
Arrival at the Sinai Front
16Archaeologist Theodor Wiegand[44] arrived at the Sinai front in October 1916 – just when supply problems and illness in the camps had reached their peak. The initial purpose of his stay at the front was to lead a troop transport from Berlin to the Negev Desert.[45] On arrival, however, Wiegand wished to visit and document the ancient sites in the Negev Desert and approached Kreß von Kressenstein for logistical support of his expedition. Kreß von Kressenstein first encountered Wiegand’s plan to carry out an archaeological field trip in the middle of the war with total disbelief and saw the request as an impertinence in the midst of the catastrophic logistical and social situation in the Negev: »[…] stellte an mich das Ansinnen, Wiegand die benötigten Kamele und Begleitmannschaften zu stellen. Diese Zumutung war mir ein neuer Beweis dafür, welch völlig falsche Vorstellungen man sich trotz aller unserer Berichte bei den maßgebenden Stellen in Berlin noch immer von der Einstellung unserer Bundesgenossen machte[46] Nevertheless, Kreß von Kressenstein supported Wiegand’s plan and arranged an audience with Djemal Pasha, attempting to persuade him to approve archaeological expedition by drawing a comparison with Napoleon’s expedition in Egypt: »Bei meinem nächsten Besuch bei Djemal erinnerte ich ihn daran, daß Napoleon auf seinem Zug nach Ägypten von einem Stab von Gelehrten begleitet war […].«[47] Djemal Pasha’s existing interest in the documentation, publication and preservation of archaeological heritage[48] was further boosted by Kreß von Kressensteins and Wiegands attempts.[49] He began to see antiquities – in particular Byzantine, Islamic and Ottoman – as a key to create a strong national Ottoman identity in a multi-ethnic state and to transport Ottoman authority to marginal regions such as the Negev Desert.[50] Accordingly, he appointed Wiegand as the head of what would later be called the »German-Turkish Commando for Monument Protection« and equipped him with horses, camels, local guides, a doctor and camel drivers from the military’s resources.[51] The official goals of the commando, as outlined in Djemal Pasha’s book[52], encompassed documenting and safeguarding ancient monuments, preventing the use of ruins as building material by the local population, and enhancing accessibility for visitors. Behind the scenes, however, Wiegand saw the expedition as an opportunity to acquire lucrative sites and objects for the Royal Museum in Berlin, as can be seen from his correspondence with Wilhelm von Bode.[53] As the leader of the expedition, Wiegand was accompanied by archaeologist Carl Watzinger, the architect Karl Wulzinger – who had previously worked in Milet – and engineer Walter Bachmann.[54]
Mitzpe Shivta
17Less than two weeks after his appointment as head of the commando on November 1, 1916, Wiegand departed for the Byzantine Negev settlements of Rehovot (Arab.: Khirbet Ruheibeh), Oboda (Hebr.: Avdat, Arab.: Abde) Nessana (Hebr.: Nitzzana, Arab.: Auja al Hafir), Sobata (Hebr.: Shivta, Arab.: Subeita) and Mitzpe Shivta. He compared them with Priene (Turkey) and believed to be the first to properly discover and publish them – unaware that the British archaeologists Lawrence and Woolley already done so.[55] Wiegand interpreted the Negev settlements as a manifestation of an early Byzantine ruler’s directive to colonize the desert: »Der Wille eines mächtigen frühbyzantinische Herrschers hat diese Orte entstehen lassen, zugleich mit dem Befehl diese Teile der Wüste zu besiedeln[56]
18On November 16, he visited Mitzpe Shivta and reported on his observations in his diary (Fig. 7)[57], a letter to his wife[58], and in his later publications »Denkmalschutz und Kunstwissenschaftliche Arbeit während des Weltkrieges in Syrien, Palästina und Westarabien«[59] and »Sinai«[60]. Wiegand used the Arabic name of the place »Mischrefe«, commonly used by the local population in the region before and during World War I and mentioned by other visitors in varying transcriptions.[61]
19Wiegand recognized the site’s characteristics expressed in this designation, describing Mitzpe Shivta as »einen Mustertypus eines großen befestigten frühbyzantinischen Militärstützpunktes mit Türmen und Kasematten […], Kommandantur und Kirche, ja sogar die Umrisse des Gartens […] liegen noch deutlich da[62] He maintained this classification in later publications, identifying Mitzpe Shivta as a »Wüstenburg«[63], a »frühbyzantinische Burg«[64] and a strong »Bollwerk«[65] for the protection of the road between Gaza, Elusa and Aila. Noting that the plateau was fortified, Wiegand also observed a lower fortification 4 m below with caves, partly enclosed by walls.[66]
20Regarding the construction of the buildings, he noted that the walls were made of quarry stone with a clay bond, the outside of which was faced with ashlars: »Sie bestehen aus Bruchstein mit Lehmverband, die Außenseiten sind mit Quadern verblendet«[67]. Wiegand assumed the buildings were white, plastered with snow-white marl lime.[68] He also observed evidence of intensive cultivation around Mitzpe Shivta, noting numerous remnants of garden culture in the form of retaining walls, mounds, and elongated heaps of flint and pebbles, providing insight into intensive Late Antique agriculture.[69]
Demolitions in the Course of the Railway Construction
21Despite Wiegand’s enthusiasm for the fact that Mitzpe Shivta is not overbuilt by later occupation phases, he noted serious damage to its archaeology – especially to its towers. He linked the destruction to the construction of the railway between Beersheva and ‘Auja al Hafir, which he emphasised was located in close proximity to the archaeological remains: »die Bahnlinie […] führt nahe am Fuße des Berges vorbei«[70]. He states that the archaeological material quarried here was used for the construction of »Überführungen, Brücken und Stationshäusern«[71].
22For the destruction of the site he blamed Greek and Armenian contractors who were involved in the construction of the railway in the Negev: »[…] Einblick in das Innere eines leider erst kurz vor unserem Besuch am 16. November 1916 durch den Bahnunternehmer Themistoklis und den Armenier Adji abgerissenen Turmes«[72]. Already in his earlier letter, he named the railroad companies as the responsible parties: »Aber die eigentliche Verwüstung ist doch erst den griechischen und armenischen Unternehmern vorbehalten geblieben, die in der Wüste die Bahn und die neuen Brunnen gebaut haben«[73]. In the year 1916, systematic deportations and massacres of Greek and Armenian Christian minorities took place throughout the historic Armenian settlement areas within the Ottoman Empire, primarily in what is now southern and eastern Turkey, as well as northeastern Syria. Armenians who managed to escape settled in the Levant, where they were not necessarily persecuted. Wiegand’s mention of their involvement in the construction of the railway should also be understood within this context.[74] Kreß von Kressenstein’s diary highlights that the railway frequently faced disruptions due to a shortage of personnel, particularly skilled workers, including those from the Armenian community.[75]
23Wiegand provides further generalized information on how the contractors dismantled ancient building materials and which parts of the buildings were particularly targeted: »Mit Vorliebe haben diese Kerls die Ecken hochstehender Mauern herausgerissen, außerdem die Türen, so daß der übrige Teil der Mauer bald fallen muß. Ein solcher Unternehmer kam zu mir und sagte: Die Steine an den Ecken sind eben die besten, daher nehmen wir sie von dort mit Vorliebe. Natürlich spielt der Profit die Hauptrolle. Die antiken Steine sind handgerecht behauen und man spart an ihnen eben Arbeitslohn für Steinmetzen«[76]. The contractors’ specific interest in pre-hewn cornerstones and lintels, which eliminated the need for hiring stonemasons, underscores the prevalent financial considerations in the Negev railway construction. In contrast, Wiegand, as an archaeologist, highlighted the detrimental impact of extracting individual hewn stones on the stability and integrity of entire walls. While Wiegand did not provide a detailed account of the destruction caused by the railroad contractors in Mitzpe Shivta, he indicated that the southern towers were targeted as sources of construction materials. From his generalized descriptions of the contractors’ quarrying practices, it can be inferred that cornerstones or lintels of the towers were among the primary focuses. During Wiegand’s visit, at least one tower had been preserved to a height that allowed for the following description: »An der Südseite sind Türme mit besonders gewaltigen Blöcken gebaut […]. Die Türme waren zweigeschossig, die Zwischenböden durch flache Steindecken hergestellt, die auf vorzüglich gearbeiteten Gurtbögen ruhten. […] man bemerkt ferner unterhalb des Bogens, in der nach Westen gerichteten Wand eine schmale Schießscharte«[77]. The huge blocks of the towers described by Wiegand likely served as a valuable resource for the railway contractors. The towers on the southern side of Mitzpe Shivta, being in proximity to the railway line, were easily accessible and thus heavily impacted. Blocks dismantled from these towers could be effortlessly rolled down the steep southern slope and then transported on carts along the wadi beds to the construction sites.
Protection Measures
24The stone extraction by railway contractors in the Negev did not escape the attention of the military leadership. Contractors responsible for the destruction of archaeological sites were apprehended by Colonel Bedjed Bey and subjected to court martial in Beersheva: »Da einzelne Bauunternehmer begonnen hatten, von diesen Stätten Steine zum Bau von Überführungen , Brücken und Stationshäusern der neuen Wüstenbahn zu verschleppen, so wurden vom Kommandanten des Wüstenbezirks, Oberst Bedjedbey, strenge Verbote erwirkt, in deren Folge jeder Steinräuber nach Birseba eingeliefert und kriegsgerichtlich verurteilt wurde«[78]. Nevertheless, the timeline of when the stone robbery came to light remains unclear. It is uncertain whether Wiegand’s observations prompted this discovery or if individuals like Bedjed Bey actively advocated for the preservation of the sites already at an earlier stage. Kreß von Kressenstein’s diary entries indicate that he personally lacked awareness of the Negev’s archaeology and only developed a sensitivity towards it upon Wiegand’s arrival at the Sinai front: »Dank seinem [Wiegand’s] großen geschichtlichen Wissen und seinen beruflichen Kenntnissen und Erfahrungen vermochte er die Trümmerfelder, durch die wir bisher achtlos geritten waren, […] zu neuem Leben zu erwecken. Ich sah die in früheren Jahrhunderten stark besiedelten Gegenden des südlichen Palästina und der Sinaiwüste mit ganz anderen Augen und mit ganz anderem Interesse […]«[79]. Djemal Pasha, however, already held a strong interest in culture and architecture before encountering Wiegand.[80] In a later letter, he described his meeting with Wiegand as a happy coincidence that brought two like-minded people, interested in the preservation of monuments together.[81] Nonetheless, in his book he asserted that it was only after Wiegand’s inspection trips in the Negev and other regions that he implemented measures to preserve archaeological sites.[82] Bedjed Bey’s punishment of stone robbers in Beersheva, therefore, was likely a result of Wiegand’s initiatives.
Aerial Photography
25A year after visiting Mitzpe Shivta and during his time at the Sinai Front, Theodor Wiegand recognized the significant potential of aerial photography (Fig. 8) for archaeological documentation.[83] On September 10, 1917, he initiated efforts to raise awareness among flying formations in the Near East about the value of capturing photographic images of ancient monuments. German Lieutenant Richard Falke (Fig. 9) from Aviation Division 300 Pascha produced aerial photographs of Mitzpe Shivta during this initiative.[84] These images, taken from varying heights (Fig. 10. 11), provide a comprehensive view of the entire archaeological site and its surrounding agricultural relics. They serve as invaluable sources for assessing Mitzpe Shivta’s state of preservation shortly before the end of World War I, helping date subsequent destruction. Unfortunately, Wiegand’s initiative came more than a year after the stone robbery, and the southern side of Mitzpe Shivta is overexposed in both aerial photographs, omitting areas where, according to Wiegand, the stone robbery occurred.
Key points from Wiegand’s visit to Mitzpe Shivta include:
  • Wiegand links Mitzpe Shivta seamlessly with other Byzantine settlements such as Oboda (Hebr.: Avdat, Arab.: Abde), Sobata (Hebr.; Shivta, Arab.: Subeita), Nessana (Hebr.: Nizzana, Arab.: Auja al Hafir), and Rehovot (Arab.: Khirbet Ruheibeh), perceiving them to share a common tradition.
  • He particularly emphasizes the fortification aspect of the settlement, giving significant importance to the stone-built architectural elements.
  • Ottoman-employed railroad contractors exploited archaeological sites for construction purposes.
  • Towers on the southern side of Mitzpe Shivta, closest to the railway, were consequently destroyed.
  • The primary focus was on extracting well-dressed cornerstones and lintels, leading to destabilization of the remaining structure.
  • This exploitation aimed to avoid the necessity of hiring and paying stonemasons.
  • While Armenian and other Christian minorities were being persecuted in other parts of the Ottoman Empire in 1916, they contributed to the construction of the railway in the Negev.
  • Wiegand’s observations prompted measures by the Ottoman military to be taken against the destruction of archaeology.
Mitzpe Shivta in Historical Photographs (1869–1930)
26Since 1869, explorers have captured selected archaeological sites in the Negev Desert, including early photographs of Mitzpe Shivta predating Wiegand’s visit. The first images from 1869 by C. F. Tyrwhitt Drake and Edward Henry Palmer, along with those taken in 1914 by Lawrence and Woolley, depict the south side of the settlement hill. Post-Wiegand, H. D. Colt photographed specific structures of Mitzpe Shivta in the 1930s. Our comparative analysis of these photographs and modern drone footage traces the evolution of Mitzpe Shivta’s architectural structures, focusing on identifying evidence of stone robbery during railroad construction and supplementing Wiegand’s insights.
27The comparative analysis in Fig. 12 affirms the loss of building substance on the south-eastern tower, consistent with Wiegand’s description. Palmer’s 1869 photograph shows two clearly distinguishable stories of the tower, which remained relatively unchanged in Lawrence and Woolley’s 1914 image. In 2021, our survey reveals the removal of the tower down to the plateau level, confirming Wiegand’s account of deliberate stone extraction. Photographs indicate the contractors targeted high-quality, dressed stones while leaving the building backfill (Fig. 13). This practice affected not only towers but also the massive retaining walls of Mitzpe Shivta’s lower fortifications, supplementing Wiegand’s observations. The comparison in Fig. 14 demonstrates the systematic dismantling of finely dressed ashlar blocks by the railroad companies and affirms Wiegand’s account of the impact on various structures, validating his description of the southern tower’s destruction and the deliberate removal of well-dressed ashlar blocks, not limited to towers but extending to other architectural elements on the south side closest to the railway. In the following decades, the connected loss of stability caused the retaining walls in the southern and eastern parts of Mitzpe Shivta to collapse as indicated by our 2021 drone footage (Fig. 12. 14).
The Stone-Built Features of the Railway Embankment
Bridges and Channels
28In our examination of a 2.3 km segment of the Beersheva-Qusseima branch line closest to Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 15), we systematically documented stone-built structures on the embankment, potentially representing the culmination points of materials extracted from the archaeological site. Despite a lack of published scholarly works on these bridges and channels, Eran Doron’s 2012 survey, accessible on a private homepage, serves as a reference.[85] We provide Doron’s numbering system for the structures in our documentation (e. g. No. 00) to facilitate cross-referencing. Utilizing Structure from Motion (SfM), drones, and cameras, we identified and documented seven stone-built structures in close proximity to Mitzpe Shivta. Our primary focus included analyzing the building materials, construction quality, and stylistic elements. Beginning our survey on the road to Sobata near the Shivta military base, we proceeded westward, tracing the embankment towards Nessana (Auja’ al Hafir).
29The route southeast of Mitzpe Shivta leading towards Nessana offers picturesque views, characterized by a well-preserved railway embankment interspersed with bridges and channels. This scenic arrangement is influenced by the proximity to the Mitzpe Shivta hill and the accompanying steep gradient.[86] Erosion channels, evident through vibrant vegetation concentrations, have been carved by rainwater runoff, necessitating the installation of structures to prevent embankment washouts during heavy rains – a phenomenon observed at other points along the Ottoman Military Railway.[87] Passage sizes vary based on wadi dimensions and the associated volume of drainage water, resulting in the construction of either low channels or larger one- or two-arched bridges.
30The initial structure is a single-arched bridge (OB 001, No. 72; Fig. 16). Currently, the run-off no longer flows through the bridge; instead, it has forged a path alongside the remnants to the southwest. Unfortunately, the bridge has collapsed, yet portions of the internal structure and the wing walls remain intact. The masonry of both the vault and the wing walls exhibits precise squared edges, except for the exposed face of the stones, deliberately textured with a rough, patterned surface. While the wing walls’ stones display an air cushion-like curvature, the blocks forming the bridge arch are hewn straight. Their edges are smoothed, with a deliberate rough surface at the center of each stone.
31The second structure is a shallow channel, half a meter in height and width (OB 002, No. 71; Fig. 17). Unlike the first bridge, this channel lacks a vault and is covered by straightforward stone slabs. The slabs exhibit a polished surface with distinct chisel marks. The traces of different stonemason tools are visible here. Similar to OB 001, the wing walls of the channel consist of carefully dressed blocks. Both entrances are damaged.
32The subsequent structure (OB 003, No. 70; Fig. 17) combines features of both OB 001 and OB 002. This construction is entirely intact, resembling an elongated and narrow channel sealed by a vault, approximately 1.50 m in height. The blocks are meticulously cut, fitting seamlessly without gaps in the joints. Notably, the keystones of the wing walls display fine finishing and smooth surfaces, again revealing the use of various chisel types.
33OB 004 (No. 67; Fig. 18) represents a broad passage in the dam, likely associated with the IDF’s (Israel Defence Forces) use of the area around Sobata as a military training ground. Initially, no apparent traces of a bridge or channel were discernible. Upon closer inspection, remnants of stone foundations on the passage floor became visible, suggesting a bridge structure with an arch. The intriguing aspect of this passage lies in the remnants of wood observed on the southwest side of the structure (Fig. 18). These weathered fragments, likely positioned lengthwise at the embankment’s base, are noticeably degraded and situated in the interface between the dam and the backfill of the southwestern vault wall.
34The passage OB 005 (No. 66; Fig. 18) represents another structurally intricate construction. Although the upper section has collapsed, the extant elements suggest a bridge comprised of two arches and corresponding side wings. Similar to OB 001, the exposed blocks of the structure exhibit a somewhat coarse exterior dressing, yet the contact surfaces are meticulously worked to eliminate visible gaps between the blocks.
35Culvert OB 006 (No. 65; Fig. 17) is exceptionally well-preserved, bearing the closest resemblance to OB 002 in its construction. Standing at approximately 1 m in height, equivalent to three layers of blocks, the upper section of the channel is composed of flat slabs, akin to the design of OB 002. While the exterior face of the blocks exhibits rough workmanship, the contact surfaces are meticulously smoothed. Similarly, the elements defining the upper edges of the side wings showcase a superior level of finishing.
36The final culvert in our documentation (OB 007; No. 64; Fig. 19) is a double-arched bridge, nearly fully intact on its south-eastern side, with minor signs of damage visible on the opposite northern façade. The exterior surface of the arches features blocks in the Bossage style, also known as Rustication, which lends the structure a distinctive aesthetic charm. The inclusion of a small drainage outlet between the arches enhances this visual appeal. Once more, both the shell of the side wings and the keystones of the bridge exhibit meticulous craftsmanship (https://arachne.dainst.org/entity/7467699).
Our survey of the bridges yielded several insights:
  • Topography played a crucial role in determining the placement of passages within the embankment.
  • The size of the wadis influenced the choice between small channels and larger, sometimes multi-arched bridges.
  • Despite the time constraints evident in the railway’s construction, aesthetic considerations were not disregarded (Fig. 20). Architectural elements, such as the Bossage technique[88] on the arches (OB 007), were employed for their visual impact. This Rustication style, commonly found in military structures like forts and castles, conveys a sense of power and strength. Despite its seemingly simplistic appearance, the method demands skilled stonemasons to achieve a coarse finish.
  • Additional aesthetic features include the meticulously smoothed keystones of the bridges and side wings, showcasing traces of various stonemason tools. Notably, a block from OB 005 reveals intricate craftsmanship, merging distinct styles of the vault and side wings within a single stone.
  • Contrary to Wiegand’s claim that the quarrying of ancient stones by railway contractors aimed to save on personnel and salaries, the bridges provide evidence of the work of highly skilled stonemasons.
Archaeological Evidence for the Removal of Building Material in Mitzpe Shivta
37The presented written evidence unequivocally establishes that building material sourced from the Byzantine settlement of Mitzpe Shivta was repurposed for construction, likely contributing to the creation of the Ottoman passages detailed above. However, a direct association between the archaeological material from Mitzpe Shivta and the Ottoman bridges and channels immediately fronting the site remains unestablished, given Wiegand’s lack of specificity regarding the ultimate destination of the extracted material. Thus, materials may also have been sourced from other nearby Byzantine sites, such as Nessana and Elusa, for the construction of the bridges fronting Mitzpe Shivta. To bridge this gap, we conducted an analysis of the geological attributes of the blocks used in constructing the Ottoman passages closest to Mitzpe Shivta, comparing them with in situ ashlars from the site and the natural outcrop of the Mitzpe Shivta hill.
38Mitzpe Shivta forms part of the Nizzana formation, originating in the Tertiary period (66–2.6 million years ago).[89] This formation comprises chalkstone with a white-yellowish hue, contributing to the site’s table mountain morphology, fortifying its character, and enabling the construction of rock-cut rooms. Notably, flint inclusions of significant size within the Nizzana formation, observed at Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 21), render the site appealing for prehistoric activities, as evidenced by finds of numerous chisels and tools spanning the Middle Palaeolithic to later periods across the plateau. This clearly distinguishes Mitzpe Shivta from the surrounding geology, which is rather poor in flint inclusions and belongs to the Taqiye Formation.
39A distinctive trait of the Byzantine-era ashlar stones in Mitzpe Shivta involves frequent inclusions of this flintstone, indicating that the inhabitants both quarried and utilized on-site materials for construction (Fig. 19). A comparative examination of in situ ashlars from Mitzpe Shivta and the material used in the construction of the Ottoman passages reveals a correlation, with both exhibiting identical flint inclusions (Fig. 19).
Conclusion
40Mitzpe Shivta, along with other Negev sites, endured significant damage through stone robbery during the construction of the Ottoman Military Railway in Palestine between 1915 and 1916. Among Byzantine sites in the Negev[90], Mitzpe Shivta together with Nessana, being the closest to the railway line, faced the brunt of this exploitation. The financial strains on the Ottoman Empire during World War I, coupled with semi-autonomous railway contractors, incentivized the extraction of archaeological material for building railway bridges and channels. Emphasis was placed on utilizing well-dressed stones, as the stone robbers found them on the towers and retaining walls of Mitzpe Shivta. The disassembly of such stabilizing shell masonry exacerbated further structural degradation in the post-war decades, evident in historical photographs and contemporary drone images. Despite the intended resource-saving nature of stone mining at archaeological sites, our examination of bridges and channels reveals that meticulous craftsmanship by skilled stonemasons was applied on the archaeological material, including the Bossage-Style technique.
41Notably, a shift in the perception of the archaeology of the Negev region became apparent following Wiegand’s arrival on the Sinai-front. His influence heightened awareness of archaeological value and protection, particularly among the military leadership he engaged with, namely Kreß von Kressenstein, Djemal Pasha and Bedjed Bey. The latter introduced legal measures to protect archaeology in the Negev during the war. Wiegand’s archaeological knowledge, paired with the increased use of airplanes as weapons during World War I, resulted in the first aerial photographs of Mitzpe Shivta and other sites. These photographs continue to hold significant value for present-day research.
42The stone robbery and subsequent loss of structural preservation and visibility have had profound and enduring consequences for the understanding and exploration of Mitzpe Shivta. While Wiegand initially grouped Mitzpe Shivta with the other Byzantine sites like Nessana, Rehovot, and Oboda, emphasizing its fortification features, the perception of the site evolved towards a focus on its rock-hewn rooms. After 1956, Mitzpe Shivta lagged behind other Negev sites in terms of research, public awareness, and preservation. Settlements like Elusa, Oboda, Nessana, Mampsis, and the nearby Sobata underwent extensive research[91], leading to their declaration as national parks and recognition as the UNESCO World Heritage Incense Route – Desert Cities in the Negev. Mitzpe Shivta, situated within an IDF (Israel Defence Forces) artillery training area, however, faced ongoing threats of destruction and unauthorized access by looters. One reason for this may well be the loss of visibility due to the stone robbery along the railroad, as well as the subsequent further decay of buildings.
Supplementary Material
43For a Structure from Motion model of the double-arched bridge (OB 007; No. 64) see: https://doi.org/10.34780/wep9vr87
Acknowledgements
44We would like to thank Sabine Thänert from the German Archaeological Institute, who made the aerial photographs and the diary from Wiegand’s estate available to us. Felicity Cobbing and Ava Clark assisted with material from the Palestine Exploration Fund. Arne Schröder and Christian Schöne we thank for providing drone footage of the site. Noam Schmerler and Catalina Sobrino Figaredo helped with documentation in the field. Further acknowledgements go to the School of Archaeology and Maritime Cultures (University of Haifa), the Minerva Stiftung für die Forschung (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft), as well as the Gerda Henkel Stiftung for supporting the project. This research was conducted under the license of the Israel Antiquities Authority (G-73-2023; G-69-2022).
Abstracts
Abstract
Theodor Wiegand in Mitzpe Shivta
Spolia and Heritage Protection Along the Ottoman Military Railway
Sina Lehnig – Michael Peleg – Jörg Linstädter – Guy Bar-Oz – Gil Gambash
The late antique/Early Islamic settlement of Mitzpe Shivta (El-Meshrifeh, Khirbet el-Misrafa, Khirbat al-Mushrayfa, Mesrafeh, Mishrafa) in the Negev Desert, a site closely linked to monasticism and pilgrimage, is renowned for its rock-cut rooms and Christian pilgrim inscriptions. Yet, historical photographs unveil a different facet of its history: once adorned with stone-built structures like towers and retaining walls, many of these features no longer endure. While our excavations demonstrated that parts of the site were already destroyed by an earthquake in the 8th-9th century C.E., the German archaeologist Theodor Wiegand suggested that a significant portion of Mitzpe Shivta’s architecture, still visible on older photographs, was obliterated during the construction of the Ottoman Military Railway in Palestine (1915–1916). Our study, integrating archival sources and archaeological surveys, supports Wiegand’s reconstruction. During World War I, the Negev became a border zone between the Ottoman Empire and British Egypt. The railway from Beersheva to Qusseima was built to transport troops and supplies, facilitating Ottoman control of the Suez Canal. Military time pressure, resource shortages, and harsh environmental conditions prompted the extraction of high-quality ashlar masonry from Mitzpe Shivta for the construction of bridges and channels. At the same time, Wiegand, Djemal Pasha and Bedjed Bey sought to implement protective measures to safeguard the threatened archaeology. Exploitation, however, resulted in significant loss of Mitzpe Shivta’s architecture, so later archaeologists focused on its preserved rock-cut rooms. Historical photos provide a fresh perspective on the settlement before the Negev became a theatre of war.
Keywords
Ottoman Military Railway, Theodor Wiegand, World War I, Spolia, Historical Photographs, Survey, SfM
Footnotes

Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DE DAI-Z-AdZ NL-WieT-00883, Diary entry of Theodor Wiegand from November 16, 1916.
Friedrich Freiherr Kreß von Kressenstein, Commander of the 1st Turkish Expeditionary Corps: Kreß von Kressenstein 1938; his diary edited by Baumgart 2020. Guy Powles, brigade major of the New Zealand Mounted Rifles Brigade: Powles 1922. Alexander Aaronsohn, Zionist, Spy and soldier in the Ottoman army: Aaronsohn 1916. Theodor Wiegand, Archaeologist and Captain of the Landwehrartillerie: letters to Marie Wiegand and Gerhard Wiegand edited by Wiegand 1970.
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (Berlin), Palestine Exploration Fund (London), UCL Colt Archive (London).
[11]
Lehnig et al. 2023. New radiocarbon dates not yet published.
[12]
Lehnig et al. 2023; Gambash et al. 2023; Erickson-Gini pers. comm.
[20]
Similar to the colonial legal terra nullis concept, unregistered Bedouin land was declared as Mevat – uninhabited, uncultivated, dead land – and therefore became the property of the state who held the rights for cultivation and grazing: see Ongley – Miller 1892, 54–56; Kark – Frantzman 2012, 55; Kedar et al. 2018, 3.
[23]
Link to an original video documenting the war on the Negev-Sinai front on the Ottoman side: https://www.filmportal.de/...n-armee-in-palaestina (Deutsches Bundesarchiv).
[24]
These deficiencies are comprehensively compiled in Berelovich – Kark 2017, based on a detailed study of Ottoman, Ottoman Turkish, Hebrew, German, English and Arabic sources.
[28]
To find their way around, Germans and Ottomans had to rely on the local Bedouin population: Kreß von Kressenstein 1920, 15; Kreß von Kressenstein 1938, 53.
[29]
Aaronsohn 1916, 36–49; Kreß von Kressenstein 1938, 82. 180; Wiegand 1970, 181. 191; Baumgart 2020, 359. 395. 410. 418. 421. 518.
[30]
Schulz 2013. See Willert 2021, 3 for German specialists sent to the Ottoman Empire for mapping purposes.
[31]
Peak 1979, 117.
[40]
Baumgart 2020, 442. 461.
[41]
Wiegand 1970, 180: Plantations of castor-oil bushes were planted to replace lubricants.
[43]
Shafi 1998. In the course of 1917 and 1918, the British destroyed numerous railway sections in the Ottoman Empire. Thomas Edward Lawrence took a leading role here: Lawrence 2009.
[44]
On Theodor Wiegand: Cobet 2010; Trümpler 2010.
[46]
Kreß von Kressenstein 1938, 198; see also Baumgart 2020, 608: »Herr Wiegand hat lange in der Türkei gelebt u. ist unglaublicher Weise hierher geschickt worden, um jetzt Forschungen vorzunehmen. Die Türken sollen davon nichts wissen, aber ich soll ihm türkische Pferde u. Kamele u. Eskorte geben. Ich bemühe mich, das Vertrauen des mißtrauischen Djemal zu erwerben, u. dann muthet mir das preußische K.M. solche Dinge zu
[50]
Willert 2021, 5 f.; Trümpler 2010, 475–483.
[53]
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Zentralarchiv (SMB-ZA), NL Bode 5885/3, Letter from Wiegand to Bode, Berlin, Juli 2, 1916.
[56]
Wiegand 1970, 206. Early Byzantine is not used here by Wiegand in the sense of the present local chronology in the Negev (see Heinzelmann et al. 2022, 253), but refers to Late Antiquity up to the conquest of the region by the Arabs in the 7ᵗʰ century C.E.
[57]
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DE DAI-Z-AdZ NL-WieT-00883, Diary entry of Theodor Wiegand, November 16, 1916.
[61]
Palmer 1871: el-Meshrifeh; Musil 1907: el-Mešrefe; Lawrence – Woolley 1914: Mishrafa.
[75]
Baumgart 2020, 462. 475.
[78]
Wiegand 1919, 175 f.
[80]
See Willert 2021, 5.
[81]
Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Abt. IV Kriegsarchiv, MKr. 1956: Letter of Djemal Pasha to Liman von Sanders, Damascus, February 10, 1917.
[83]
See Trümpler 2010, 475–483.
[84]
Wiegand 1920, 63. For more background on the flying formations see Schulz 2013.
[85]
https://negevtrain.wordpress.com.
[87]
Baumgart 2020, 492. 510 f.

Abandonment Earthquake - 8th-9th century CE

Discussion

Discussion

References
Lehnig et al. (2025a)

Abstract

New excavations and radiocarbon data from Mitzpe Shivta—a site closely linked to monasticism and pilgrimage—enable to locate, for the first time, the previously overlooked site within the broader chronology and cultural-historical narrative of the Negev Desert (Israel). While early explorers emphasized a Late Byzantine-period (550–638 CE) settlement of the site, our investigations provide evidence of continued habitation from the Middle Byzantine period (450–550 CE), extending into Abbasid times. Radiocarbon data demonstrate that the site’s occupation may have begun as early as the mid-5th– mid-6th century CE, paralleling it with established models concerning the development of monasteries and pilgrimage networks in Palestine and Egypt.

By this time, Negev settlements such as the neighboring Shivta and Nessana had reached their zenith of agricultural and economic development, providing infrastructure for travelers to Mount Sinai. Inscriptions discovered in Mitzpe Shivta’s rock-hewn rooms, dedicated to Saint George, align with pilgrim accounts, such as the one supplied by the Piacenza Pilgrim, which reveal that the veneration of saints played a crucial role in shaping the religious landscape of the region. Thus, Mitzpe Shivta may have attracted devotees seeking the intercession of Saint George and other similar martyrs.

Our study reveals that Mitzpe Shivta remained inhabited following the local agricultural decline in the late 6th century CE and into the Islamic period. The discovery of grape seeds dating to the Abbasid period may indicate continued use of the site by Christians. These findings align with evidence of other monastic and Christian communities’ resilience in the Negev during the Islamic period. It is possible that Mitzpe Shivta was abandoned in the 8th/9th century CE following a local earthquake and decreased pilgrimage tourism under the Abbasid dynasty.

Introduction

Mitzpe Shivta (Arab.: el-Meshrifeh, Khirbet el-Misrafa, Khirbat al-Mushrayfa, Mesrafeh, Mishrafa) is located in the central Negev Desert, along one of the main Holy Land pilgrimage routes that connected Jerusalem and Gaza on the Mediterranean shore, Mount Sinai and Egypt (Fig. 1; 162556-839/536385-606). It is 5 km from the Byzantine settlement of Shivta and on the main route to Elusa (22 km to the north). Its location on a hilltop (460 m a.s.l.) allows observation of the entire periphery, toward areas that were intensively used for agriculture in Byzantine times. The site's main features (Fig. 2) include a perimeter wall encircling upper and lower fortresses, towers with arrow-slits, a church, a small chapel, domestic units, a courtyard house, a large cistern, a channel and numerous rock-hewn rooms with built and natural facades (Lehnig et al., 2023). The interiors of the rooms are decorated with well-preserved wall plaster, inscriptions and paintings of crosses (Gambash et al. 2023). The buildings' exteriors were covered with white plaster (Lehnig et al., 2025).

Before this research, Mitzpe Shivta had been studied only superficially and thus could not contribute to a better understanding of the role of monasteries and pilgrimage during the rise and fall of the Negev agricultural society by the end of the Byzantine period and their afterlife following the Islamic conquest. The complex was first described by Palmer (1871: 371–374), who referred to it as a fort. Later, Lawrence and Woolley (1914: 108 ff.) labeled it a Byzantine monastery with elements of a "laura". During World War I, the German archaeologist Theodor Wiegand considered Mitzpe Shivta to be a Byzantine "Mistenburg" (engl. desert castle) and "Bollwerk" (engl. stronghold) built to protect the road between Elusa and Aila (Wiegand, 1920: 118). Baumgarten (1986) conducted a small-scale excavation in 1979, which concentrated on the church. The results were only partially published, and a detailed analysis of archaeological material and a sound dating of the site were not produced. Baumgarten interpreted the site as a Late Byzantine (550–638 CE) monastic settlement with hermit caves, based on the pottery finds. He observed damage caused by an earthquake but did not suggest a precise date for the event. Figueras (2007) discovered and published three inscriptions out of a significantly larger number covering the entrances and interiors of the rock-hewn rooms. One of the published inscriptions was suggested by Figueras to include the date 577/8 CE. He employed another inscription in order to identify Mitzpe Shivta as a castrum and xenodochium for pilgrims, perhaps matching the one mentioned in the Itinerarium of the Piacenza Pilgrim (PP /Itin. 35). The same inscription mentions Saint George and points to the veneration of soldier saints, typical of Negev monasteries. A training camp for infantry soldiers established in the 1960s just below the archaeological site eventually became a training base for artillery in the 1990s. While other Negev settlements had undergone a period of extensive research during these decades, Mitzpe Shivta has been overlooked by Negev explorers.

Our previous investigations, including the discovery of 17 new inscriptions, support the view that Mitzpe Shivta held importance for pilgrimage and monasticism. The names in the inscriptions suggest that the site was frequented by locals and passersby, some of who possessed decent literacy abilities and knowledge of the Scriptures. Previous 14C data from our initial probe excavations (Lehnig et al., 2023) showed that occupation extended beyond the 6th century CE— an era marked by the decline of a short-lived late antique agricultural florescence of the Negev Desert and the gradual abandonment of villages (Avni et al., 2023). Likewise, recent archaeological discoveries at the settlements of Avdat (Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020; Bucking et al., 2022) and Nessana (Tchekhanovets, 2024) revealed ongoing habitation, possibly connected to monastic communities and their involvement in viticulture and pilgrimage tourism (Kraemer, 1958; Pogorelsky et al., 2019). These findings suggest that Byzantine culture continued within monastic enclaves during the Early Islamic period, while in contemporary settlements there may have been prohibitions against wine production and its consumption (Fuks et al., 2020). The same was true for the consumption of pork, which is absent in archaeozoological records of most Early Islamic-period Negev sites (Marom et al., 2019).

Mitzpe Shivta represents a largely unstudied archaeological archive, offering valuable insights into the agricultural, economic and social roles of monasteries during the Byzantine– Early Islamic transition and beyond. As a rural monastery it can provide new perspectives on this unexplored type of settlement, and due to its proximity to Shivta, it may be linked to chronological developments in larger agricultural villages in the Negev. In our project we employed a multidisciplinary research protocol to conduct excavations and sampling in different areas of the site, focusing on rock-cut rooms and connected stone-built compounds. Our goals were to reconstruct the cultural history of the site by clarifying its stratigraphy and dating its various archaeological contexts. In this article we outline the current knowledge of the site's chronology by presenting the new radiocarbon data from our excavations. Since pottery finds are not particularly frequent at Mitzpe Shivta, the establishment of an initial 14C chronology is of great importance for understanding the site's history.

Materials and Methods

Excavations and sampling at Mitzpe Shivta took place during two campaigns in the autumns of 2022 and 2023, with the aim of characterizing for the first time the settlement’s history, chronology and function in terms of monasticism, pilgrimage and local economy. Two investigations targeted the rock-cut spaces typical of the site (Areas A and B), while two others focused on buildings made of local marl limestone and flintstone that are situated in front of these spaces (Areas C and F; Fig. 3). These dual architectural compounds, featuring rock-cut spaces and standing masonry, bear typological similarities to those discovered at the Byzantine–Early Islamic settlement of Avdat. Previous studies at Avdat have associated these structures with monastic establishments and their activities, including animal husbandry, wine production and pilgrimage economy (Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020; Bucking et al., 2022). Stone-built rooms in Areas D and E, adjacent to Area F, are connected to the rock-cut rooms in Area A. So far, these have been documented only by surface surveying. Their layout and the visible masonry and plaster cladding suggest an economic/industrial function, possibly a wine press.

We divided the excavation areas into 1 sq m units, which were explored in 10 cm deep spits, measured using an RTK GNSS receiver with LT 1 cm precision for mapping. All excavated sediments were dry sieved through a 5 mm mesh to retrieve small artifacts and biological remains. Sediment samples were collected for flotation of botanical remains, as additional samples, for chronometric determinations (14C) and geoarchaeological analysis. In addition, we took wall plaster samples to date charcoal inclusions and analyze mineralogically the plaster's composition.

Table 1 presents the samples collected for radiocarbon dating, including their material, condition and archaeological context. These comprise an uncharred straw fragment from Area A, an uncharred grape seed and a charcoal fragment from Area B, an uncharred straw fragment from the plaster of the outer wall of the rock-cut room in Area C and selected charcoal samples from various stratigraphic layers in Area F. The samples were sent to the Poznan Radiocarbon Laboratory. The complete analytical procedure for organic samples such as charcoal and other plant remains, including chemical pre-treatment using the three-step AAA method (acid-alkali-acid), combustion of the sample and AMS measurement, is described on the laboratory's website (https://radiocarbon.pl/en/sample-preparation/). The 14C age was calibrated using the OxCal program, version 4.4 (Bronk Ramsey, 2009) with the newest version of 14C calibration curve IntCal20 (Reimer et al., 2020).

Results: the excavations

Area A

Area A (Fig. 4) comprises a unit of three contiguous rock-cut rooms on the lower, northern terrace of the site. The rooms are hewn out of the soft local marl limestone of a plateau, on top of which are the church and other buildings. Intensive quarrying traces that cover the walls of the rooms illustrate this process (Fig. 4d). In front of them and on the same level, remains of a stone building are partly preserved. Immediately above the rock-cut rooms is a building made of massive ashlars that corresponds to the layout of the lower stone building (Fig. 3b, c).

Our main point of interest was the first of the three rooms, which is presently accessible from the north through a rock-cut entrance 0.6 m high and 2.5 m wide (Fig. 3b). The room's plan (Fig. 3c) is a perfect square (5.8 x 5.8 m). A small niche was carved out into the rock in the southern wall of the room (Fig. 4b), and in the northwestern corner there is a low, roughly worked passage to the second room of the complex. A cross was carved on the eastern wall (Fig. 4d); its arms narrow toward the center, classifying it as a Christian cross /Jaffee. The Greek letter P (Rho) on the cross's right side may indicate that this is a variant of a Christogram. The only other decorated walls are in one of the rooms adjacent to the first room, where the wall plaster bears remnants of red ink (Fig. 4e).

During our survey of the room, we found a 1.0 x 1.3 m looting trench adjacent to the rock facade, immediately below the cross (Fig. 4c). Such forms of looting near inscriptions, crosses or petroglyphs—commonly associated with markers for buried treasures—are known also at other sites in the Negev region (Lior Schwimer, pers. comm.). We found the trench with collapsed sections, filled with sediment and remains of animal dung, plants and modern garbage, including the scraps of a newspaper from 1973, when the site was already within the boundaries of the training ground of the neighboring Shivta Base.

An initial cleanup of the trench indicated a good preservation of organic material with charcoal suitable for radiocarbon dating and micro- geoarchaeology. We consequently cleaned the entire trench out, from the surface down to bedrock, to a depth of 0.9 m. Following this, we extended the area of the trench by 0.5 m to the south and conducted an excavation in 10 cm spits. The excavation of the upper three layers (L.1001–1003) revealed an accumulation of light to dark ashy soil with inclusions of limestone, twigs, fresh livestock dung pellets and modern remains. In addition, in all three layers we found few pottery fragments dating to the Byzantine period (bag-shaped jars), as well as animal bones and remains of textiles. In the following layer (L.1004) we perceived a significant change in the nature of the sediment, with straw and animal dung compacted to about 5 cm thick of very solid matrix. This horizon was again followed by a layer (L.1005) of loose gray-brown ash with inclusions of dung pellets and animal bones, with pottery dated to the British Mandate period. We found a particularly fine brown sediment in the lower three layers (L.1007–1009), above the bedrock, interspersed with animal bones and Early Islamic cooking ware. We also found a large worked wooden fragment in L.1008—probably part of a piece of furniture or a peg. The rock-cut floor at the bottom of the trench was mostly even and had probably been hewn similarly as the walls of the room to create a level living floor (Fig. 4c). A straw fragment from just above the bedrock was sent for radiocarbon dating. The calibrated date falls between 1484 calCE and 1644 calCE, within the Ottoman period (Tab. 1, Fig. 5).

Area A yielded several identified animal bones that were distributed evenly in the section. These include long bones and teeth of both adult and juvenile sheep or goats, a burnt pelvis and a molar tooth of an adult camel. Some of the bones bear evidence of carnivore gnawing.

Area B

Area B (Fig. 6a), on the eastern slope of the site, presents a roughly oval structure partly carved into the local rock and partly built of thin bricks (Fig. 6b). The structure's western side had been somewhat deformed by the pressure of natural rocks that had collapsed, sediment and architectural fragments—possibly the result of seismic activity. Some of the debris filled the structure's interior. We uncovered the remains of a floor made of compacted clay and lime at the elevation of the base of the brick structure. It was only partially preserved, near the walls of the oval structure, and its center had collapsed (Fig. 6d).

A small niche (Fig. 6c), which is part of a larger rock-cut building, adjoins the oval structure in the north and opens into it. Its upper part was filled with debris, and the lower part, with light to dark grayish ash. To clarify the function and date of the oval structure and niche, we initially focused on cleaning the debris in the structure, sampling the ashy niche fills for micro-geoarchaeological investigations and collecting two samples for 14C dating. The results indicated usage between late antiquity and the Early Islamic period, extending into the Abbasid era (562 calCE–648 calCE). The dating of an uncharred grape seed (771 calCE–886 calCE) further reinforces Abbasid-period occupation (Tab. 1; Figs 5, 6e).

Ceramic material retrieved during the cleaning of the oval structure dates to the Byzantine period. Several roof tiles (e.g., Fig. 6f) were recovered inside it and in its immediate vicinity. These finds, usually associated with church buildings in the Negev, may have originated in the basilica located directly above the excavation site, in the upper fortress, and tumbled down during an earthquake. Other finds include a fish vertebra, most probably of a Gilt-head bream (Sparus aurata).

Area C

Located in the southeastern part of the site (Fig. 7a), Area C consists of an arch made of ashlars, likely forming a window or entrance to a unit of several rock-cut rooms (Fig. 7c). The investigated arch and the neighboring ones (Fig. 7d) are inscribed with pilgrim graffiti. One inscription mentions Saint George, while another includes the year 577/8 CE, precisely dating the pilgrim's visit to the site (Figueras, 2007; Fig. 7b, e, f). Additional inscriptions of pilgrim names and invocations have been analyzed recently by the authors (Gambash et al., 2023). The archway was likely buried by architectural debris that had fallen over it during an earthquake and later partially exposed by looters. The exterior facade was covered with white plaster, some of which is still preserved. We sampled straw fragments embedded in the mixture for radiocarbon analysis, to determine when the wall had been plastered. While the results point to a date between the late 6th and mid-7th centuries CE (562 calCE–648 calCE; Tab. 1 and Fig. 5), we cannot determine with certainty whether this is also the date of the initial construction of the building. Nevertheless, this result conforms with the date of the pilgrim inscription published by Figueras, which was likely added on the plaster slightly later, in 577/8 CE.

Area F

Area F (Fig. 8a) was opened on the northern part of the lower fortress of Mitzpe Shivta to investigate and date the building complex in front of the rock-cut space in Area A. For our investigation we selected a section of the northern closing wall (W.6001) of the building complex. One stone row of this wall was visible and preserved to a height of 40 cm above the surface prior to its excavation, indicating that it was constructed as double-shell ashlar masonry with a rubble fill. The stones of the wall were hewn from locally quarried chalkstone of the Nizzana Formation and contain flint inclusions. We excavated a 1 x 2 m trench along the wall in 10 cm spits, reaching its foundation and the bedrock at a depth of 1.6 m below surface. The total preserved height of the examined wall is 2 m.

In contrast to the rock-cut space in Area A, which was reused during the Ottoman and British Mandate periods, the stratigraphy in Area F was undisturbed. After the excavation, we identified distinct stratigraphic layers in the remaining section (Fig. 8b, c). Immediately below the topsoil (1), which contained a mix of Byzantine and Early Islamic pottery, were layers that can be associated with the collapse of Wall 6001 (Fig. 9). All along the trench we discovered the collapsed upper ashlar sections of the wall (2). The ashlars showed signs of heat exposure, evidenced by flintstone fragments that had flaked off the chalkstone. The gaps between the ashlars were filled with small limestone fragments. Signs of intense heat exposure are visible also in the layer closest to the wall (3), in the form of a concentration of charcoal. Below the layers of collapsed ashlars was a layer (6) of well-preserved wall plaster with an orange-white color (Figs 8d, 9). On the segments of the wall that had not collapsed we found remnants of this wall plaster still attached to the ashlar stones. The layers (7, 8) underneath the wall plaster showed a concentration of ash and burnt plant material, along with numerous sherds of Early Islamic fine ware and many bone fragments, all of which also exhibited signs of heat exposure. Beneath these burnt layers were layers (9, 10) exhibiting a higher concentration of artifacts, including pottery dating from the 6th–8th centuries CE, glass and parrotfish teeth (Fig. 8d). The final stratum (11) above the bedrock consisted of a compacted layer of larger and smaller limestone fragments, likely laid intentionally to level the surface.

We collected charcoal samples from three contexts for radiocarbon dating (Fig. 8c). The sample from the lowest layer (10) dates to the mid-6th–mid- 7th centuries CE (541 calCE–643 calCE; Tab. 1, Fig. 5). The sample from the burnt layer (7) was dated to the Abbasid period and may indicate the abandonment of the settlement, or the building, following an earthquake or fire between the late 8th and late 9th centuries CE (771 calCE–895 calCE). Remarkably, it was the layer immediately beneath the topsoil (3) that yielded the sample with the earliest 14C date obtained for Mitzpe Shivta so far, in the early 5th–late 6th centuries CE (429 calCE–579 calCE).

Discussion

Inscriptions left by pilgrim tourists and paintings of crosses on the entrance ways of rock-cut rooms, as well as the presence of a church, suggest that Mitzpe Shivta was closely linked to both pilgrimage tourism and monastic life. Additionally, a possible identification of the site as the hostel for pilgrims and hermits described by the Piacenza Pilgrim in the mid-6th century CE further reinforces the archaeological and epigraphic evidence. Inscriptions dedicated to Saint George may indicate that the site itself served as a place of worship specifically for the veneration of soldier saints (Figueras, 2007; Gambash et al., 2023). This suggests that Mitzpe Shivta may have attracted devotees seeking the inter-cession of Saint George and other similar martyrs, pos-sibly positioning the settlement as a local center for the cult of soldier saints in the region.

The earliest radiocarbon date from Area F so far may be interpreted as evidence that Mitzpe Shivta was already inhabited in the 5th century CE, during the Middle Byzantine period. This date may be supported also by the epigraphy of recently discovered inscrip-tions at the site, which conforms with that of other local 5th–6th centuries CE texts (Gambash et al., 2023: 216). With this preliminary chronological framework, Mitzpe Shivta would integrate smoothly into established models of monastery development and pilgrimage networks in the southern Levant (Hamarneh, 2012). However, the charcoal sample that provided this date requires critical evaluation, having been recovered in the latest archaeological layer, above the 8th/9th-cen-tury CE layer. It may be that the sample originated in an older wooden structure—possibly a roof—that was attached to the building in Area F, which had collapsed during an earthquake and burned. We cannot deter-mine, however, whether the 5th-century CE date of the wood corresponds with the roof's construction date. It is possible that the wood originally served a different function and was only repurposed at a later point to build the roof. Therefore, the idea of a 5th-century CE settlement needs further scrutiny. Solid radiocarbon data and ceramic and epigraphic finds from the 6th century CE, however, clearly indicate that the site was settled by then at the latest.

Christian pilgrimage in the Holy Land and Sinai was already well established by the 6th century CE, with key sites such as Mount Sinai, associated with the eponymous biblical site and having long attracted the faithful (Caner 2010)
. Early pilgrimage routes, as docu-mented by travelers like Egeria in the 4th century CE, largely bypassed the Negev. Pilgrims preferred the well-trodden Via Maris, running along the coast between Gaza and Pelusium in Egypt, which provided safer pas-sage. However, by the mid-6th century CE, there was a significant shift in pilgrimage patterns. The account of the Piacenza Pilgrim, written some 200 years after Egeria, reveals a new route through the Negev Desert. Unlike his predecessors, the Piacenza Pilgrim did not merely seek out biblical sites; instead, he was also drawn to the relics of saints and martyrs, which had become central to the pilgrimage experience by this time. The Byzantine Negev settlements, including Mitzpe Shivta, gained prominence as locations offering access to the veneration of local saints and possibly relics, marking a new phase in the development of pilgrimage. It was primarily the settlements located in the northern and central Negev Desert that economically benefited from pilgrimage tourism. In the settlements of Elusa and Rehovot in the northern Negev, as well as in Nessana and Shivta farther south, numerous church buildings testify to the wealth that this economic sector brought to the settlements (Tsafrir, 1988; Heinzelmann et al., 2022; Tchekhanovets, 2024).

Available evidence suggests that the rise of Mitzpe Shivta was closely linked to the broader shift in pilgrimage in the mid-6th century CE. By this time, the settlements of the Negev had reached their zenith in terms of economic and agricultural development (Avni et al., 2023), providing infrastructure that could be utilized by travelers. The demographic expansion and agricultural intensification of the desert region made travel less hostile and its destinations more hospitable than they had been in earlier centuries. At the same time, Justinian's further development of monasticism around Mount Sinai intensified the incoming pilgrimage (Seveenko, 1966; Frazee, 1982: 263–279). Artwork at Shivta depicts the transfiguration of Christ and shares stylistic aspects with paintings found in the Monastery of Saint Catherine in Mount Sinai (Linn et al., 2017), emphasizing Shivta's historical and religious significance in the pilgrimage movement and, more broadly, for Christianity (see also Maayan-Fanar and Tepper, 2023, 2024). Mitzpe Shivta, located in the agricultural hinterland of Shivta, was likely part of this pilgrimage network, though its precise relationship to Shivta remains a subject of ongoing investigation.

In the Negev and elsewhere the intensification of pilgrimage likely increased the logistical challenges of providing for the travelers' needs, including security, food and accommodation, during their journey (Jensen, 2020). The Piacenza Pilgrim's report reveals that the inn at Mitzpe Shivta catered to both pilgrims and hermits. However, the specifics of this provisioning—such as the arrangements for lodging and food—remain invisible in the archaeological record so far. The presence of a moderate-sized fortification at Mitzpe Shivta suggests that concerns for safety were paramount, possibly in response to the threat of attacks on travelers and monks, often reported in travelogues (Caner, 2010: 48–51). In this respect, Mitzpe Shivta is similar to other contemporary monasteries that were enclosed by walls, and some furnished with towers (see Hamarneh, 2012: 282).

Accounts suggest that food and accommodation were frequently offered to pilgrims at no cost, and Mitzpe Shivta may have supplied this vital service in the Negev (Jensen, 2020: 148). To date, our investigations have yielded only preliminary insights into the subsistence strategies employed at the site. The discovery of fish bones dating to the Byzantine period indicates the import of marine resources from the Mediterranean and Red Seas, reflecting the characteristic Byzantine foodways of the Negev (Gambash et al., 2019; Blevis et al., 2021; Ktalav et al., 2021). The large, unbuilt area with traces of agricultural structures on the plateau of Mitzpe Shivta, still visible in early 20th-century aerial photographs (Wiegand, 1920; Lehnig et al., 2025), may indicate plant cultivation within the settlement's walls. Future architectural investigations and botanical analyses of plant-rich material that has been excavated may illuminate the diet of the site's occupants and consequently help to reconstruct monastic nutrition in the Negev and to understand how pilgrims were provided for.

Research at Mitzpe Shivta further emphasizes that the local veneration of saints played a crucial role in shaping the religious landscape of the Negev region during the 6th century CE. Pilgrims left inscriptions and graffiti at new centers of devotion, creating clusters of commemorations at sites such as Mitzpe Shivta, in the Saints' Cave and the dipinti-intensive cave at Avdat (Bucking, 2017) and in the churches of Shivta (Maayan-Fanar and Tepper, 2023, 2024). This phenomenon suggests that these settlements had developed their own religious significance, distinct from the pilgrimage sites that are more traditionally associated with the Holy Land. The inscriptions often request assistance from God or from saints, such as Saint George at Mitzpe Shivta, Saint Theodore at Avdat and Sergius and Bacchus at Nessana (Negev 1981: 43; Bucking, 2017: 28–43; P. Colt 45; 46; 51). This indicates that the veneration of soldier saints may have been a central attraction for pilgrims in the Negev and the expression of the religious self-conception of the churches and monasteries in the desert settlements. Rock-cut rooms and caves, which are abundant at Mitzpe Shivta and Avdat, appear to have been a particular point of attraction as indicated by the various crosses and inscriptions we discovered in them. Rock-cut rooms in the Negev served multifaceted functions, as livestock stables, storage spaces and tombs (Erickson-Gini, 2022), hindering a secure identification of their uses at Mitzpe Shivta. In many well-known monasteries in the Judean Desert and Egypt, rock-hewn rooms or natural caves were inhabited by hermits and monks (Hedstrom and Dey, 2020). Often, such solitary dwellings (laurae) marked the first stage of settlement, where an individual hermit would establish a base; over time, a larger monastic community with the necessary economic and religious infrastructure (coenobium) would grow around him (Hirschfeld, 1990). A similar developmental trajectory may be proposed for Mitzpe Shivta with its central church building, rock-hewn rooms, enclosure wall and possibly a hostel for pilgrims. However, it is difficult to determine the function of the rock-hewn rooms at the site during the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods, as they were reused in the Ottoman and British Mandate periods, as evidenced by radiocarbon dating and ceramic analysis. The dung-rich layers in Area A demonstrate that the Byzantine settlement layers were cleared possibly during the Ottoman period, and the rock-cut spaces were subsequently used by shepherds as animal shelters. Thus, evidence of their religious significance, possibly as monk cells and pilgrim attractions, are limited to inscriptions and cross paintings and to their decor, with plaster-covered niches.

According to radiocarbon data, Mitzpe Shivta remained settled well beyond the Byzantine period, though it is uncertain whether the site continued to serve as a pilgrimage destination and monastery or underwent functional changes during the Early Islamic period. While no inscriptions definitively postdate the 6th century CE, evidence of grape seeds from the 8th/9th century CE may indicate wine consumption or the cultivation of grapes, closely tied to the production of wine, both suggesting the possibility of ongoing Christian presence, as the consumption of alcohol was often prohibited in Early Islamic settlements (Fuks et al., 2020).

Elsewhere in the Negev, there is tangible evidence of Christian and monastic resilience into the Early Islamic period. Pilgrimage continued between the 7th and 9th centuries CE, as documented by inscriptions in neighboring Shivta (Tchekhanovets et al., 2017) and papyrological evidence of travelers and their guides (P. Colt 72; 73) who navigated the desert routes to reach key Christian sites, including Mount Sinai and Jerusalem.

By the Abbasid period, the scale of monasticism and pilgrimage in Palestine had diminished significantly (Patrich, 2011; Killzer, 2020: 14). The comprehensive routes of earlier centuries, which had spanned the Negev and linked holy sites, were largely abandoned, as the new dynasty showed no interest in sustaining infrastructure in peripheral regions and shifted priorities to Iran and Iraq (Haiman, 1995: 46, 48).
Textile finds at Nahal Omer indicate that trade routes connected the Arava with Arabia and Central Asia (Bar-Oz et al., 2024). It is therefore possible that routes shifted from the Mediterranean region and central Negev to the Arava in the east, establishing economic links with the northern regions of the Abbasid Empire. Christian pilgrims, however, increasingly favored the sacred sites in Jerusalem and its surrounding areas as journey destinations, leading to the weakening of the pilgrimage infrastructure that had once sustained settlements such as Mitzpe Shivta.

Radiocarbon data of charcoal fragments sealed within the destruction layers of Area F suggest that the site was abandoned by the 8th/9th century CE following an earthquake and subsequent conflagration and was never rebuilt. Collapsed arches, twisted roof slabs and fallen sections of the upper fortress are also ubiquitous above ground in other areas of Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 10c). Retaining walls (Fig. 10a) and double arches (Fig. 10b) at the site and the use of double-shell masonry indicate that buildings in the settlement were designed to withstand earthquakes, and efforts were made to stabilize individual structures, possibly following an earlier seismic event. Nevertheless, it appears that an earthquake eventually managed to devastate the site, bringing an end to its occupation. Radiocarbon data indicate that the rock-hewn rooms of Mitzpe Shivta were reused only from the 15th/17th century CE onward, when they served shepherds as livestock shelters.

Several seismic events have been identified as having impacted settlements in the Negev over time (Korjenkov et al., 1996; Korjenkov and Mazor, 1999; Korjenkov and Erickson-Gini, 2003). Damage from an 8th- or 9th-century CE earthquake has been documented in buildings of the neighboring Negev sites of Shivta, Avdat and Rehovot (Erickson-Gini, 2013; Korjenkov and Mazor, 2014; Tepper et al., 2018: 149; Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020: 51). This suggests that the seismic event that led to the destruction documented at Mitzpe Shivta affected the broader Negev region. Between 746 and 757 CE, ancient authors such as Theophanes described at least three sizeable earthquakes in the region of Palestine, Jordan and Syria (Amiran et al., 1994; Ambraseys, 2009: 230–238; Avni, 2014: 300–343). Although they are depicted as universally catastrophic, it is doubtful that these historically recorded earthquakes were responsible for the seismic destructions in the Negev settlements. Studies point rather to a regional diversity in the effects of earthquake damage, with sites in the north being more affected than those in the south of Palestine (Marco et al., 2003). It is therefore likely that the chronicled earthquakes impacted the Negev settlements at most peripherally, and that it was a separate, local earthquake that brought about the destruction at Mitzpe Shivta and other nearby Negev settlements like Shivta (Bucking and Erickson-Gini, 2020: 51). One may assume that the site was not rebuilt due to overall economic instability in the Negev, exacerbated by the region's peripheral political position during the Abbasid period. Thus, the fate of Mitzpe Shivta reflects broader shifts in the religious, political and economic dynamics of the region, tied closely to the rise and fall of pilgrimage and agriculture as a defining feature of the landscape.

Conclusons

Having been largely overlooked by generations of Negev explorers, our recent excavations and radiocarbon dating position Mitzpe Shivta within the broader chronology and cultural-historical narrative of the Negev. While previous scholars were led to classify Mitzpe Shivta as a Late Byzantine- era site and monastery, based primarily on the abundance of pilgrim inscriptions and presence of rock-hewn rooms, radiocarbon data demonstrate that occupation may have begun as early as the 5th century CE and extended far beyond the late 6th-century CE decline of agriculture in the Negev and the subsequent Islamic conquest. With this preliminary chronological framework, Mitzpe Shivta integrates smoothly into established models of the development of monasteries and pilgrimage networks in Palestine and Egypt. Archaeological evidence suggesting that most monastic structures in the region began to emerge from the mid-5th century CE is often corroborated by earlier textual references. These settlements likely evolved in tandem with the rise of Christian pilgrimage routes and the expansion of rural settlements, as monasteries often served as important spiritual and logistical hubs for pilgrims and were involved in the administration of agricultural activities. By the 6th century CE, many of these monastic communities had reached their zenith, both in terms of size and religious significance. Radiocarbon dates and inscriptions closely tie Mitzpe Shivta to the 6th-century CE intensification of pilgrimage directed toward the Monastery of Saint Catherine in Mount Sinai. This appears to have paralleled the development of local saint cults that arose at key sites like Mitzpe Shivta, Avdat, Nessana and potentially other locations across the Negev, transforming these sites into important nodes for pilgrimage and local veneration alike. This marks a significant evolution from earlier pilgrimage patterns, in which travelers primarily sought out locations of direct biblical significance. The veneration of soldier saints, such as Saint George at Mitzpe Shivta, was a prominent feature of this new devotional landscape.

Contrary to earlier assumptions, Mitzpe Shivta was inhabited until its destruction— likely by a local earthquake and subsequent conflagration in the 8th/9th century CE. Whether it continued to serve as a monastery and pilgrimage destination during the Islamic period or if its functional role changed remains undetermined and awaits further research. Should it emerge that Mitzpe Shivta retained its Christian identity and continued to receive pilgrims after the Islamic conquest, it would align with broader regional trends. Across the southern Levant and the Negev several Christian settlements and monasteries not only remained active during the Early Islamic period but also flourished, maintaining religious practices, constructing churches and continuing to serve as important pilgrimage destinations. It was only under the Abbasid dynasty that the pilgrimage routes in the Negev gradually saw a significant decline in activity. The once bustling paths frequented by religious travelers began to fall out of use, as the course of major travel routes shifted eastward toward the Arava Valley. This strategic shift connected Arabia with the broader commercial networks of Central Asia. Rather than facilitating religious pilgrimage, these routes increasingly served the needs of merchants, becoming critical arteries for trade and the movement of goods across vast distances. The extent to which the abandonment of Mitzpe Shivta was connected to these broader shifts in trade routes and the region's reorientation remains a subject for further research. Equally, the role of the earthquake and fire we documented, which likely contributed to the site's eventual desertion, requires additional investigation to understand fully its impact in conjunction with these changes.

Lehnig et al. (2025b)

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Theodor Wiegand in Mitzpe Shivta
Spolia and Heritage Protection Along the Ottoman Military Railway
Introduction
1Although the Negev Desert was a territory of the Ottoman Empire since the 16ᵗʰ century, for most of the time it was not subject to its political, administrative and cultural sphere of influence. This status changed in the 19ᵗʰ century when the desert region became the border between the rival nations of British Egypt and the Ottoman Empire (Fig. 1). From this point onward, increased Ottoman advances into the area were recorded, accompanied by infrastructure projects which aimed to prepare the region for an attack on Egypt. During World War I, these activities culminated in the construction of a branch-line of the Ottoman Military Railway that ran from Beersheva to Qusseima at the Sinai front. The renewed geopolitical interest in the Negev was accompanied by an increase in European expeditions aimed at mapping the previously unexplored desert area. Their reports and photographs showcase that the expanding human presence in the Negev also had an impact on its archaeological heritage.
2The late antique hilltop settlement of Mitzpe Shivta is located just 1 km north of the Ottoman railway embankment (Fig. 2). Historical photographs taken of Mitzpe Shivta between 1869 and the 1930’s reveal a noticeable loss of building substance within this timeframe. During World War I, the German classical archaeologist Theodor Wiegand (Fig. 3), visited the Negev Desert in his positions as Captain of the Landwehrartillerie and Inspector General of antiquities in Syria, Palestine, and the Arabian Peninsula. He attributed the destruction of archaeological structures in Mitzpe Shivta to the construction of the Ottoman Railway (1915–1916). This perspective is articulated in his diary[1], a letter to his wife[2] and his later publications, specifically »Denkmalschutz und Kunstwissenschaftliche Arbeit während des Weltkrieges in Syrien, Palästina und Westarabien«[3] and »Sinai«[4]. Although the railway route between Beersheva and Qusseima did not run through hilly terrain, it had to cross smaller wadis in many places. To prevent the railway from being damaged or washed away during winter floods, bridges and water crossings needed to be built into the embankment. In this paper, we aim to examine Wiegand’s claim in more detail, hypothesizing that the dismantled building material from Mitzpe Shivta was recycled for building bridges and channels along the railway adjacent to the archaeological site. Hereby, we are looking at the widespread practice of stone looting under Ottoman rule in the region[5], with Mitzpe Shivta serving as a striking example. The study is designed to accomplish four primary objectives:
  1. Clarify the causes underlying the exploitation of ancient building material during the Late Ottoman Period; including the general attitude towards cultural heritage within the empire.
  2. Reconstruct which structures in Mitzpe Shivta were affected by destruction and how this altered the site’s appearance.
  3. Establish whether the bridges and channels adjacent to Mitzpe Shivta were indeed the final destinations for the archaeological material mined at the site, exploring how it was treated and recycled.
  4. Evaluate Wiegand’s legacy as an archaeologist in the Negev and his lasting impact on the understanding of Mitzpe Shivta’s history and the protection of the site, particularly in light of his appointment as the head of the »German Turkish Commando for Monument Protection«.
3To this end, we will reconstruct the historical setting of the railway construction in the Negev using i. a. primary literature from contemporary witnesses.[6] In doing so, we will work out the political, economic and environmental conditions of the Late Ottoman period in Palestine and their impact on decision making during construction works. In a further step, we will analyze Wiegand’s role in the Negev and his statements on the destruction in Mitzpe Shivta. Historical photographs of Mitzpe Shivta from archives[7] will be examined for evidence of destruction and loss of building substance. A survey of the railway embankment opposite Mitzpe Shivta documents its stone-built features putting special emphasis on the material used, their style and quality. A provenance analysis of the building materials used will clarify whether it was actually recycled from Mitzpe Shivta.
Mitzpe Shivta
4At a first glance, Mitzpe Shivta in the northern Negev Desert, about 50 km south of Beersheva, is located in an arid, sparsely populated region. Yet satellite images reveal the remains of thousands of agricultural installations and structures that bear witness to a period between the 4ᵗʰ and 6ᵗʰ centuries C.E. when the Negev experienced an unprecedented economic and demographic heyday, with wine becoming the major cash crop.[8] Mitzpe Shivta was embedded in this thriving agricultural landscape of irrigation systems and farms. Positioned on a plateau (460 m a.s.l.) and surrounding slopes, the site boasts a perimeter wall, towers, a church, a chapel, domestic units, a large cistern, and numerous rock-hewn rooms adorned with inscriptions and cross paintings (Fig. 4).[9] Although commonly identified as an early Christian monastery, pilgrim hostel, or fortress since the mid-19ᵗʰ century[10], Mitzpe Shivta remained largely unexplored and forgotten. In 2022 we initiated a research project with the aim to delve into the settlement’s history for the first time, and explore the contributions of pilgrimage and monasticism to socio-cultural fluctuations in the Byzantine Negev agricultural society.[11]
5Current findings, including inscriptions, radiocarbon dates, and pottery, suggest an occupation of Mitzpe Shivta from the 5ᵗʰ/6ᵗʰ to 8ᵗʰ/9ᵗʰ centuries C.E., spanning the Middle Byzantine to the Early Islamic and Abassid periods in the Negev Desert.[12] The Middle Byzantine era (450–550 C.E.) witnessed the prosperity of the region through the Mediterranean-wide export of locally produced wine, particularly in distinctive Gaza Wine Jars.[13] This economic success allowed settlements to expand and invest in public projects.[14] The advent of the Justinian Plague around 541 C.E. marked a downturn, leading to a decline in wine exports and the replacement of Gaza wine jars with multi-purpose bag-shaped amphorae.[15] From 620 C.E., so-called Akaba Jars attest to the Arab influence from the south. Pilgrim inscriptions suggest a boost in Mitzpe Shivta’s economy due to Christian tourism to St. Catherine Monastery at Mount Sinai (548–565 C.E.). This economic resilience persisted alongside a declining agricultural environment until the 8ᵗʰ century C.E., after which settlement in the Negev gradually disappeared.[16] Our excavation findings suggest that earthquakes likely contributed to the destruction and abandonment of the settlement at Mitzpe Shivta between the 8ᵗʰ and 9ᵗʰ centuries C.E.
The Ottoman Military Railway in the Negev Desert
Political Background
6 Fig. 1 demonstrates that the Negev region, and in particular Mitzpe Shivta, were placed in a dynamic political milieu beginning in the mid 19ᵗʰ century. Although the Negev had been part of the Ottoman Empire already since 1517, for most of the time the arid region enjoyed almost complete autonomy and minimal political attention due to its sparse settlement. In the early 19ᵗʰ century, it was populated by Bedouin tribes with a pastoral lifestyle, especially near settled areas close to Gaza and Hebron.[17]
7Efforts to gain administrative control commenced in 1858 with the Ottoman Land Code[18], aiming to integrate local Bedouins into the Ottoman system as tax-paying and sedentary subjects.[19] However, most of them did not follow requests to register their land and pay taxes, leading to far-reaching consequences that persist to this day.[20]
8From 1900 onwards, the European-style towns Beersheva and ‘Auja al Hafir were built in the Negev. Their establishment was intended to strengthen the area against advances from neighboring British Egypt. The 1906 agreement on the geographical location of the Separating Administrative Line between British Egypt and Ottoman Palestine placed the Negev in the border area between the two rival states.[21] During World War I, in alliance with the Germans, it became the Ottoman Empire’s strategic goal to occupy the Suez Canal and extend the war to Egypt.[22] Djemal Pasha, who ruled the Ottoman Empire in a triumvirate with Enval Pasha and Talaat Pasha since 1913, was nominated to lead the Ottoman army against the British.[23] Under the command of German Colonel Friedrich Kreß von Kressenstein, Djemal Pasha’s army set out from Beersheva in January 1915 to attack the Suez Canal, crossing the entire Negev and Sinai from east to west. However, a lack of infrastructure in the underdeveloped and previously neglected Negev Desert, as well as a strong British defense, hindered the achievement of this goal and Djemal Pasha’s and Kreß von Kressenstein’s soldiers had to withdraw from the Canal.
9On the Negev-Sinai front, deficiencies that had already begun to emerge before the Ottoman Empire’s entry into the First World War[24] became tangible: since 1875 the Ottoman Empire had been completely bankrupt.[25] The large territorial state was by no means a culturally and logistically cohesive entity, but rather fragmented into small administrative units in which people of numerous religious and ethnic identities lived. Due to the disastrous financial situation, large-scale projects, such as a coherent transport network, could not be implemented. Funding for such projects increasingly came from local or foreign private investors, who built roads and railways for their own benefit. Before World War I, out of the 6085 km of railroad tracks in the entire empire, only 665 km were located in Palestine and none in the sparsley populated Negev.[26] The existing ones (Jerusalem-Jaffa, Haifa-Der’a, Hejaz) were not connected to each other due to different track gauges and were therefore not suitable for military use. Furthermore, Palestine was not equipped to act as an active front in the war in terms of personnel, transport and riding animals.[27] By the Ottomans entry into World War I things were further complicated by a lack of maps and knowledge of the Negev area[28], as well as a British sea blockade that isolated Palestine from the international market. Thus, one of the most decisive battles for the Ottomans was going to be fought in a mostly unknown region with a fundamentally underdeveloped infrastructure.
10Kreß von Kressenstein initially concentrated soldiers in Beersheva to capture the Suez Canal, but the situation deteriorated rapidly. Contemporary eyewitnesses describe the situation of Ottoman soldiers as disastrous[29]: The Beersheva camp suffered from insufficient water, food, and medicine supply, leading to the starvation and death of humans and animals. After an unsuccessful attempt to seize the Suez Canal, the situation worsened further with disease outbreaks, desertions, and a locust plague.
Construction of the Beersheva – Qusseima Branch-Line: Hopes and Challenges
11After the failed Suez campaign, Djemal Pasha and Colonel Friedrich Kreß von Kressenstein redirected their efforts for the years 1915–1916 to enhance infrastructure in the Negev, preparing for a second attack. This included the dispatch of German military units, equipment, and surveyors to improve Ottoman forces and map the Negev and Sinai.[30] In July 1916, 400 German officers and 1500 soldiers, including specialists like radio operators and aviators, arrived in the Negev.
12Probably the most ambitious project of that time was the construction of a railway line (Fig. 5. 6) connecting the isolated southern desert areas with the Hejaz Railway that ran between Medina and Damascus. The Turkish leadership had realized that the Suez Canal could only be conquered by supporting the supply of its troops with a railroad. The German engineer Heinrich August Meißner was entrusted with the supervision of this large-scale project. Meißner boasted a great deal of experience, as he had previously managed the construction of the Hejaz Railway, the Haifa-Der’a line, the Baghdad Railway and others.[31] Thus, in 1915, the Haifa-Der’a line was connected to the Jaffa-Jerusalem line, whereby the tracks between Jaffa and Lydda were dismantled due to material bottlenecks to enable further construction progress towards Beersheva.[32] By October 1915 the military railway reached Beersheva and by May 1916 it reached Auja’ al Hafir. The stretch from Auja to Qusseima in the Sinai could not be completed due to approaching British troops.
13While construction up to Beersheva proceeded at a rapid pace (500 m per day), construction in the Negev region faced various difficulties:
  • The topography of the Negev with its numerous wadis made it necessary to build bridges and channels[33], which required materials, time and manpower.
  • A shortage of materials had already become apparent during construction in the north, which is why old railroad lines were dismantled and recycled.
  • The empire was faced with a personnel problem, as numerous soldiers had deserted.[34] Thus, many conscientious objectors were pardoned and deployed as workers, emphasizing the high priority of the railway construction.[35]
  • The large-scale resettlement of Armenians diverted significant resources, and the subsequent genocide resulted in a loss of know-how and labor.[36]
  • Concurrent British efforts on a Sinai railway and water pipeline intensified time pressure on the Ottoman-German railway construction.
  • Workers unfamiliar with the arid climate suffered from heat and supply shortages, resulting in casualties.[37]
14From Kreß von Kressenstein’s perspective, the railway’s construction incurred substantial costs outweighing its benefits, leading to his repeated appeals to halt the project.[38] However, for both Meißner and Djemal Pasha, the railway had soon developed into a prestige project: both pursued the goal of being the first to build a railroad through the Negev and Sinai. Ultimately, the operation of the railway was characterized by great difficulties[39]: There was a lack of wood for heating the locomotives, which is why olive trees were cut down in the Negev.[40] Furthermore, a lack of lubricant made it necessary to use olive oil or castor oil instead, causing considerable damage to the locomotives.[41]
15Despite its inefficiency, the railway posed a threat to the advancing British forces nearing Gaza.[42] In spring 1917, the British sabotaged the railway by destroying tracks and bridges, rendering it inoperable.[43] Following the Ottoman surrender in 1918 and the establishment of the British Mandate for Palestine, the railway tracks were removed in 1924, leaving only the embankment, a few bridges, and channels as remnants.
Theodor Wiegand in Mitzpe Shivta (1916–1917)
Arrival at the Sinai Front
16Archaeologist Theodor Wiegand[44] arrived at the Sinai front in October 1916 – just when supply problems and illness in the camps had reached their peak. The initial purpose of his stay at the front was to lead a troop transport from Berlin to the Negev Desert.[45] On arrival, however, Wiegand wished to visit and document the ancient sites in the Negev Desert and approached Kreß von Kressenstein for logistical support of his expedition. Kreß von Kressenstein first encountered Wiegand’s plan to carry out an archaeological field trip in the middle of the war with total disbelief and saw the request as an impertinence in the midst of the catastrophic logistical and social situation in the Negev: »[…] stellte an mich das Ansinnen, Wiegand die benötigten Kamele und Begleitmannschaften zu stellen. Diese Zumutung war mir ein neuer Beweis dafür, welch völlig falsche Vorstellungen man sich trotz aller unserer Berichte bei den maßgebenden Stellen in Berlin noch immer von der Einstellung unserer Bundesgenossen machte[46] Nevertheless, Kreß von Kressenstein supported Wiegand’s plan and arranged an audience with Djemal Pasha, attempting to persuade him to approve archaeological expedition by drawing a comparison with Napoleon’s expedition in Egypt: »Bei meinem nächsten Besuch bei Djemal erinnerte ich ihn daran, daß Napoleon auf seinem Zug nach Ägypten von einem Stab von Gelehrten begleitet war […].«[47] Djemal Pasha’s existing interest in the documentation, publication and preservation of archaeological heritage[48] was further boosted by Kreß von Kressensteins and Wiegands attempts.[49] He began to see antiquities – in particular Byzantine, Islamic and Ottoman – as a key to create a strong national Ottoman identity in a multi-ethnic state and to transport Ottoman authority to marginal regions such as the Negev Desert.[50] Accordingly, he appointed Wiegand as the head of what would later be called the »German-Turkish Commando for Monument Protection« and equipped him with horses, camels, local guides, a doctor and camel drivers from the military’s resources.[51] The official goals of the commando, as outlined in Djemal Pasha’s book[52], encompassed documenting and safeguarding ancient monuments, preventing the use of ruins as building material by the local population, and enhancing accessibility for visitors. Behind the scenes, however, Wiegand saw the expedition as an opportunity to acquire lucrative sites and objects for the Royal Museum in Berlin, as can be seen from his correspondence with Wilhelm von Bode.[53] As the leader of the expedition, Wiegand was accompanied by archaeologist Carl Watzinger, the architect Karl Wulzinger – who had previously worked in Milet – and engineer Walter Bachmann.[54]
Mitzpe Shivta
17Less than two weeks after his appointment as head of the commando on November 1, 1916, Wiegand departed for the Byzantine Negev settlements of Rehovot (Arab.: Khirbet Ruheibeh), Oboda (Hebr.: Avdat, Arab.: Abde) Nessana (Hebr.: Nitzzana, Arab.: Auja al Hafir), Sobata (Hebr.: Shivta, Arab.: Subeita) and Mitzpe Shivta. He compared them with Priene (Turkey) and believed to be the first to properly discover and publish them – unaware that the British archaeologists Lawrence and Woolley already done so.[55] Wiegand interpreted the Negev settlements as a manifestation of an early Byzantine ruler’s directive to colonize the desert: »Der Wille eines mächtigen frühbyzantinische Herrschers hat diese Orte entstehen lassen, zugleich mit dem Befehl diese Teile der Wüste zu besiedeln[56]
18On November 16, he visited Mitzpe Shivta and reported on his observations in his diary (Fig. 7)[57], a letter to his wife[58], and in his later publications »Denkmalschutz und Kunstwissenschaftliche Arbeit während des Weltkrieges in Syrien, Palästina und Westarabien«[59] and »Sinai«[60]. Wiegand used the Arabic name of the place »Mischrefe«, commonly used by the local population in the region before and during World War I and mentioned by other visitors in varying transcriptions.[61]
19Wiegand recognized the site’s characteristics expressed in this designation, describing Mitzpe Shivta as »einen Mustertypus eines großen befestigten frühbyzantinischen Militärstützpunktes mit Türmen und Kasematten […], Kommandantur und Kirche, ja sogar die Umrisse des Gartens […] liegen noch deutlich da[62] He maintained this classification in later publications, identifying Mitzpe Shivta as a »Wüstenburg«[63], a »frühbyzantinische Burg«[64] and a strong »Bollwerk«[65] for the protection of the road between Gaza, Elusa and Aila. Noting that the plateau was fortified, Wiegand also observed a lower fortification 4 m below with caves, partly enclosed by walls.[66]
20Regarding the construction of the buildings, he noted that the walls were made of quarry stone with a clay bond, the outside of which was faced with ashlars: »Sie bestehen aus Bruchstein mit Lehmverband, die Außenseiten sind mit Quadern verblendet«[67]. Wiegand assumed the buildings were white, plastered with snow-white marl lime.[68] He also observed evidence of intensive cultivation around Mitzpe Shivta, noting numerous remnants of garden culture in the form of retaining walls, mounds, and elongated heaps of flint and pebbles, providing insight into intensive Late Antique agriculture.[69]
Demolitions in the Course of the Railway Construction
21Despite Wiegand’s enthusiasm for the fact that Mitzpe Shivta is not overbuilt by later occupation phases, he noted serious damage to its archaeology – especially to its towers. He linked the destruction to the construction of the railway between Beersheva and ‘Auja al Hafir, which he emphasised was located in close proximity to the archaeological remains: »die Bahnlinie […] führt nahe am Fuße des Berges vorbei«[70]. He states that the archaeological material quarried here was used for the construction of »Überführungen, Brücken und Stationshäusern«[71].
22For the destruction of the site he blamed Greek and Armenian contractors who were involved in the construction of the railway in the Negev: »[…] Einblick in das Innere eines leider erst kurz vor unserem Besuch am 16. November 1916 durch den Bahnunternehmer Themistoklis und den Armenier Adji abgerissenen Turmes«[72]. Already in his earlier letter, he named the railroad companies as the responsible parties: »Aber die eigentliche Verwüstung ist doch erst den griechischen und armenischen Unternehmern vorbehalten geblieben, die in der Wüste die Bahn und die neuen Brunnen gebaut haben«[73]. In the year 1916, systematic deportations and massacres of Greek and Armenian Christian minorities took place throughout the historic Armenian settlement areas within the Ottoman Empire, primarily in what is now southern and eastern Turkey, as well as northeastern Syria. Armenians who managed to escape settled in the Levant, where they were not necessarily persecuted. Wiegand’s mention of their involvement in the construction of the railway should also be understood within this context.[74] Kreß von Kressenstein’s diary highlights that the railway frequently faced disruptions due to a shortage of personnel, particularly skilled workers, including those from the Armenian community.[75]
23Wiegand provides further generalized information on how the contractors dismantled ancient building materials and which parts of the buildings were particularly targeted: »Mit Vorliebe haben diese Kerls die Ecken hochstehender Mauern herausgerissen, außerdem die Türen, so daß der übrige Teil der Mauer bald fallen muß. Ein solcher Unternehmer kam zu mir und sagte: Die Steine an den Ecken sind eben die besten, daher nehmen wir sie von dort mit Vorliebe. Natürlich spielt der Profit die Hauptrolle. Die antiken Steine sind handgerecht behauen und man spart an ihnen eben Arbeitslohn für Steinmetzen«[76]. The contractors’ specific interest in pre-hewn cornerstones and lintels, which eliminated the need for hiring stonemasons, underscores the prevalent financial considerations in the Negev railway construction. In contrast, Wiegand, as an archaeologist, highlighted the detrimental impact of extracting individual hewn stones on the stability and integrity of entire walls. While Wiegand did not provide a detailed account of the destruction caused by the railroad contractors in Mitzpe Shivta, he indicated that the southern towers were targeted as sources of construction materials. From his generalized descriptions of the contractors’ quarrying practices, it can be inferred that cornerstones or lintels of the towers were among the primary focuses. During Wiegand’s visit, at least one tower had been preserved to a height that allowed for the following description: »An der Südseite sind Türme mit besonders gewaltigen Blöcken gebaut […]. Die Türme waren zweigeschossig, die Zwischenböden durch flache Steindecken hergestellt, die auf vorzüglich gearbeiteten Gurtbögen ruhten. […] man bemerkt ferner unterhalb des Bogens, in der nach Westen gerichteten Wand eine schmale Schießscharte«[77]. The huge blocks of the towers described by Wiegand likely served as a valuable resource for the railway contractors. The towers on the southern side of Mitzpe Shivta, being in proximity to the railway line, were easily accessible and thus heavily impacted. Blocks dismantled from these towers could be effortlessly rolled down the steep southern slope and then transported on carts along the wadi beds to the construction sites.
Protection Measures
24The stone extraction by railway contractors in the Negev did not escape the attention of the military leadership. Contractors responsible for the destruction of archaeological sites were apprehended by Colonel Bedjed Bey and subjected to court martial in Beersheva: »Da einzelne Bauunternehmer begonnen hatten, von diesen Stätten Steine zum Bau von Überführungen , Brücken und Stationshäusern der neuen Wüstenbahn zu verschleppen, so wurden vom Kommandanten des Wüstenbezirks, Oberst Bedjedbey, strenge Verbote erwirkt, in deren Folge jeder Steinräuber nach Birseba eingeliefert und kriegsgerichtlich verurteilt wurde«[78]. Nevertheless, the timeline of when the stone robbery came to light remains unclear. It is uncertain whether Wiegand’s observations prompted this discovery or if individuals like Bedjed Bey actively advocated for the preservation of the sites already at an earlier stage. Kreß von Kressenstein’s diary entries indicate that he personally lacked awareness of the Negev’s archaeology and only developed a sensitivity towards it upon Wiegand’s arrival at the Sinai front: »Dank seinem [Wiegand’s] großen geschichtlichen Wissen und seinen beruflichen Kenntnissen und Erfahrungen vermochte er die Trümmerfelder, durch die wir bisher achtlos geritten waren, […] zu neuem Leben zu erwecken. Ich sah die in früheren Jahrhunderten stark besiedelten Gegenden des südlichen Palästina und der Sinaiwüste mit ganz anderen Augen und mit ganz anderem Interesse […]«[79]. Djemal Pasha, however, already held a strong interest in culture and architecture before encountering Wiegand.[80] In a later letter, he described his meeting with Wiegand as a happy coincidence that brought two like-minded people, interested in the preservation of monuments together.[81] Nonetheless, in his book he asserted that it was only after Wiegand’s inspection trips in the Negev and other regions that he implemented measures to preserve archaeological sites.[82] Bedjed Bey’s punishment of stone robbers in Beersheva, therefore, was likely a result of Wiegand’s initiatives.
Aerial Photography
25A year after visiting Mitzpe Shivta and during his time at the Sinai Front, Theodor Wiegand recognized the significant potential of aerial photography (Fig. 8) for archaeological documentation.[83] On September 10, 1917, he initiated efforts to raise awareness among flying formations in the Near East about the value of capturing photographic images of ancient monuments. German Lieutenant Richard Falke (Fig. 9) from Aviation Division 300 Pascha produced aerial photographs of Mitzpe Shivta during this initiative.[84] These images, taken from varying heights (Fig. 10. 11), provide a comprehensive view of the entire archaeological site and its surrounding agricultural relics. They serve as invaluable sources for assessing Mitzpe Shivta’s state of preservation shortly before the end of World War I, helping date subsequent destruction. Unfortunately, Wiegand’s initiative came more than a year after the stone robbery, and the southern side of Mitzpe Shivta is overexposed in both aerial photographs, omitting areas where, according to Wiegand, the stone robbery occurred.
Key points from Wiegand’s visit to Mitzpe Shivta include:
  • Wiegand links Mitzpe Shivta seamlessly with other Byzantine settlements such as Oboda (Hebr.: Avdat, Arab.: Abde), Sobata (Hebr.; Shivta, Arab.: Subeita), Nessana (Hebr.: Nizzana, Arab.: Auja al Hafir), and Rehovot (Arab.: Khirbet Ruheibeh), perceiving them to share a common tradition.
  • He particularly emphasizes the fortification aspect of the settlement, giving significant importance to the stone-built architectural elements.
  • Ottoman-employed railroad contractors exploited archaeological sites for construction purposes.
  • Towers on the southern side of Mitzpe Shivta, closest to the railway, were consequently destroyed.
  • The primary focus was on extracting well-dressed cornerstones and lintels, leading to destabilization of the remaining structure.
  • This exploitation aimed to avoid the necessity of hiring and paying stonemasons.
  • While Armenian and other Christian minorities were being persecuted in other parts of the Ottoman Empire in 1916, they contributed to the construction of the railway in the Negev.
  • Wiegand’s observations prompted measures by the Ottoman military to be taken against the destruction of archaeology.
Mitzpe Shivta in Historical Photographs (1869–1930)
26Since 1869, explorers have captured selected archaeological sites in the Negev Desert, including early photographs of Mitzpe Shivta predating Wiegand’s visit. The first images from 1869 by C. F. Tyrwhitt Drake and Edward Henry Palmer, along with those taken in 1914 by Lawrence and Woolley, depict the south side of the settlement hill. Post-Wiegand, H. D. Colt photographed specific structures of Mitzpe Shivta in the 1930s. Our comparative analysis of these photographs and modern drone footage traces the evolution of Mitzpe Shivta’s architectural structures, focusing on identifying evidence of stone robbery during railroad construction and supplementing Wiegand’s insights.
27The comparative analysis in Fig. 12 affirms the loss of building substance on the south-eastern tower, consistent with Wiegand’s description. Palmer’s 1869 photograph shows two clearly distinguishable stories of the tower, which remained relatively unchanged in Lawrence and Woolley’s 1914 image. In 2021, our survey reveals the removal of the tower down to the plateau level, confirming Wiegand’s account of deliberate stone extraction. Photographs indicate the contractors targeted high-quality, dressed stones while leaving the building backfill (Fig. 13). This practice affected not only towers but also the massive retaining walls of Mitzpe Shivta’s lower fortifications, supplementing Wiegand’s observations. The comparison in Fig. 14 demonstrates the systematic dismantling of finely dressed ashlar blocks by the railroad companies and affirms Wiegand’s account of the impact on various structures, validating his description of the southern tower’s destruction and the deliberate removal of well-dressed ashlar blocks, not limited to towers but extending to other architectural elements on the south side closest to the railway. In the following decades, the connected loss of stability caused the retaining walls in the southern and eastern parts of Mitzpe Shivta to collapse as indicated by our 2021 drone footage (Fig. 12. 14).
The Stone-Built Features of the Railway Embankment
Bridges and Channels
28In our examination of a 2.3 km segment of the Beersheva-Qusseima branch line closest to Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 15), we systematically documented stone-built structures on the embankment, potentially representing the culmination points of materials extracted from the archaeological site. Despite a lack of published scholarly works on these bridges and channels, Eran Doron’s 2012 survey, accessible on a private homepage, serves as a reference.[85] We provide Doron’s numbering system for the structures in our documentation (e. g. No. 00) to facilitate cross-referencing. Utilizing Structure from Motion (SfM), drones, and cameras, we identified and documented seven stone-built structures in close proximity to Mitzpe Shivta. Our primary focus included analyzing the building materials, construction quality, and stylistic elements. Beginning our survey on the road to Sobata near the Shivta military base, we proceeded westward, tracing the embankment towards Nessana (Auja’ al Hafir).
29The route southeast of Mitzpe Shivta leading towards Nessana offers picturesque views, characterized by a well-preserved railway embankment interspersed with bridges and channels. This scenic arrangement is influenced by the proximity to the Mitzpe Shivta hill and the accompanying steep gradient.[86] Erosion channels, evident through vibrant vegetation concentrations, have been carved by rainwater runoff, necessitating the installation of structures to prevent embankment washouts during heavy rains – a phenomenon observed at other points along the Ottoman Military Railway.[87] Passage sizes vary based on wadi dimensions and the associated volume of drainage water, resulting in the construction of either low channels or larger one- or two-arched bridges.
30The initial structure is a single-arched bridge (OB 001, No. 72; Fig. 16). Currently, the run-off no longer flows through the bridge; instead, it has forged a path alongside the remnants to the southwest. Unfortunately, the bridge has collapsed, yet portions of the internal structure and the wing walls remain intact. The masonry of both the vault and the wing walls exhibits precise squared edges, except for the exposed face of the stones, deliberately textured with a rough, patterned surface. While the wing walls’ stones display an air cushion-like curvature, the blocks forming the bridge arch are hewn straight. Their edges are smoothed, with a deliberate rough surface at the center of each stone.
31The second structure is a shallow channel, half a meter in height and width (OB 002, No. 71; Fig. 17). Unlike the first bridge, this channel lacks a vault and is covered by straightforward stone slabs. The slabs exhibit a polished surface with distinct chisel marks. The traces of different stonemason tools are visible here. Similar to OB 001, the wing walls of the channel consist of carefully dressed blocks. Both entrances are damaged.
32The subsequent structure (OB 003, No. 70; Fig. 17) combines features of both OB 001 and OB 002. This construction is entirely intact, resembling an elongated and narrow channel sealed by a vault, approximately 1.50 m in height. The blocks are meticulously cut, fitting seamlessly without gaps in the joints. Notably, the keystones of the wing walls display fine finishing and smooth surfaces, again revealing the use of various chisel types.
33OB 004 (No. 67; Fig. 18) represents a broad passage in the dam, likely associated with the IDF’s (Israel Defence Forces) use of the area around Sobata as a military training ground. Initially, no apparent traces of a bridge or channel were discernible. Upon closer inspection, remnants of stone foundations on the passage floor became visible, suggesting a bridge structure with an arch. The intriguing aspect of this passage lies in the remnants of wood observed on the southwest side of the structure (Fig. 18). These weathered fragments, likely positioned lengthwise at the embankment’s base, are noticeably degraded and situated in the interface between the dam and the backfill of the southwestern vault wall.
34The passage OB 005 (No. 66; Fig. 18) represents another structurally intricate construction. Although the upper section has collapsed, the extant elements suggest a bridge comprised of two arches and corresponding side wings. Similar to OB 001, the exposed blocks of the structure exhibit a somewhat coarse exterior dressing, yet the contact surfaces are meticulously worked to eliminate visible gaps between the blocks.
35Culvert OB 006 (No. 65; Fig. 17) is exceptionally well-preserved, bearing the closest resemblance to OB 002 in its construction. Standing at approximately 1 m in height, equivalent to three layers of blocks, the upper section of the channel is composed of flat slabs, akin to the design of OB 002. While the exterior face of the blocks exhibits rough workmanship, the contact surfaces are meticulously smoothed. Similarly, the elements defining the upper edges of the side wings showcase a superior level of finishing.
36The final culvert in our documentation (OB 007; No. 64; Fig. 19) is a double-arched bridge, nearly fully intact on its south-eastern side, with minor signs of damage visible on the opposite northern façade. The exterior surface of the arches features blocks in the Bossage style, also known as Rustication, which lends the structure a distinctive aesthetic charm. The inclusion of a small drainage outlet between the arches enhances this visual appeal. Once more, both the shell of the side wings and the keystones of the bridge exhibit meticulous craftsmanship (https://arachne.dainst.org/entity/7467699).
Our survey of the bridges yielded several insights:
  • Topography played a crucial role in determining the placement of passages within the embankment.
  • The size of the wadis influenced the choice between small channels and larger, sometimes multi-arched bridges.
  • Despite the time constraints evident in the railway’s construction, aesthetic considerations were not disregarded (Fig. 20). Architectural elements, such as the Bossage technique[88] on the arches (OB 007), were employed for their visual impact. This Rustication style, commonly found in military structures like forts and castles, conveys a sense of power and strength. Despite its seemingly simplistic appearance, the method demands skilled stonemasons to achieve a coarse finish.
  • Additional aesthetic features include the meticulously smoothed keystones of the bridges and side wings, showcasing traces of various stonemason tools. Notably, a block from OB 005 reveals intricate craftsmanship, merging distinct styles of the vault and side wings within a single stone.
  • Contrary to Wiegand’s claim that the quarrying of ancient stones by railway contractors aimed to save on personnel and salaries, the bridges provide evidence of the work of highly skilled stonemasons.
Archaeological Evidence for the Removal of Building Material in Mitzpe Shivta
37The presented written evidence unequivocally establishes that building material sourced from the Byzantine settlement of Mitzpe Shivta was repurposed for construction, likely contributing to the creation of the Ottoman passages detailed above. However, a direct association between the archaeological material from Mitzpe Shivta and the Ottoman bridges and channels immediately fronting the site remains unestablished, given Wiegand’s lack of specificity regarding the ultimate destination of the extracted material. Thus, materials may also have been sourced from other nearby Byzantine sites, such as Nessana and Elusa, for the construction of the bridges fronting Mitzpe Shivta. To bridge this gap, we conducted an analysis of the geological attributes of the blocks used in constructing the Ottoman passages closest to Mitzpe Shivta, comparing them with in situ ashlars from the site and the natural outcrop of the Mitzpe Shivta hill.
38Mitzpe Shivta forms part of the Nizzana formation, originating in the Tertiary period (66–2.6 million years ago).[89] This formation comprises chalkstone with a white-yellowish hue, contributing to the site’s table mountain morphology, fortifying its character, and enabling the construction of rock-cut rooms. Notably, flint inclusions of significant size within the Nizzana formation, observed at Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 21), render the site appealing for prehistoric activities, as evidenced by finds of numerous chisels and tools spanning the Middle Palaeolithic to later periods across the plateau. This clearly distinguishes Mitzpe Shivta from the surrounding geology, which is rather poor in flint inclusions and belongs to the Taqiye Formation.
39A distinctive trait of the Byzantine-era ashlar stones in Mitzpe Shivta involves frequent inclusions of this flintstone, indicating that the inhabitants both quarried and utilized on-site materials for construction (Fig. 19). A comparative examination of in situ ashlars from Mitzpe Shivta and the material used in the construction of the Ottoman passages reveals a correlation, with both exhibiting identical flint inclusions (Fig. 19).
Conclusion
40Mitzpe Shivta, along with other Negev sites, endured significant damage through stone robbery during the construction of the Ottoman Military Railway in Palestine between 1915 and 1916. Among Byzantine sites in the Negev[90], Mitzpe Shivta together with Nessana, being the closest to the railway line, faced the brunt of this exploitation. The financial strains on the Ottoman Empire during World War I, coupled with semi-autonomous railway contractors, incentivized the extraction of archaeological material for building railway bridges and channels. Emphasis was placed on utilizing well-dressed stones, as the stone robbers found them on the towers and retaining walls of Mitzpe Shivta. The disassembly of such stabilizing shell masonry exacerbated further structural degradation in the post-war decades, evident in historical photographs and contemporary drone images. Despite the intended resource-saving nature of stone mining at archaeological sites, our examination of bridges and channels reveals that meticulous craftsmanship by skilled stonemasons was applied on the archaeological material, including the Bossage-Style technique.
41Notably, a shift in the perception of the archaeology of the Negev region became apparent following Wiegand’s arrival on the Sinai-front. His influence heightened awareness of archaeological value and protection, particularly among the military leadership he engaged with, namely Kreß von Kressenstein, Djemal Pasha and Bedjed Bey. The latter introduced legal measures to protect archaeology in the Negev during the war. Wiegand’s archaeological knowledge, paired with the increased use of airplanes as weapons during World War I, resulted in the first aerial photographs of Mitzpe Shivta and other sites. These photographs continue to hold significant value for present-day research.
42The stone robbery and subsequent loss of structural preservation and visibility have had profound and enduring consequences for the understanding and exploration of Mitzpe Shivta. While Wiegand initially grouped Mitzpe Shivta with the other Byzantine sites like Nessana, Rehovot, and Oboda, emphasizing its fortification features, the perception of the site evolved towards a focus on its rock-hewn rooms. After 1956, Mitzpe Shivta lagged behind other Negev sites in terms of research, public awareness, and preservation. Settlements like Elusa, Oboda, Nessana, Mampsis, and the nearby Sobata underwent extensive research[91], leading to their declaration as national parks and recognition as the UNESCO World Heritage Incense Route – Desert Cities in the Negev. Mitzpe Shivta, situated within an IDF (Israel Defence Forces) artillery training area, however, faced ongoing threats of destruction and unauthorized access by looters. One reason for this may well be the loss of visibility due to the stone robbery along the railroad, as well as the subsequent further decay of buildings.
Supplementary Material
43For a Structure from Motion model of the double-arched bridge (OB 007; No. 64) see: https://doi.org/10.34780/wep9vr87
Acknowledgements
44We would like to thank Sabine Thänert from the German Archaeological Institute, who made the aerial photographs and the diary from Wiegand’s estate available to us. Felicity Cobbing and Ava Clark assisted with material from the Palestine Exploration Fund. Arne Schröder and Christian Schöne we thank for providing drone footage of the site. Noam Schmerler and Catalina Sobrino Figaredo helped with documentation in the field. Further acknowledgements go to the School of Archaeology and Maritime Cultures (University of Haifa), the Minerva Stiftung für die Forschung (Max-Planck-Gesellschaft), as well as the Gerda Henkel Stiftung for supporting the project. This research was conducted under the license of the Israel Antiquities Authority (G-73-2023; G-69-2022).
Abstracts
Abstract
Theodor Wiegand in Mitzpe Shivta
Spolia and Heritage Protection Along the Ottoman Military Railway
Sina Lehnig – Michael Peleg – Jörg Linstädter – Guy Bar-Oz – Gil Gambash
The late antique/Early Islamic settlement of Mitzpe Shivta (El-Meshrifeh, Khirbet el-Misrafa, Khirbat al-Mushrayfa, Mesrafeh, Mishrafa) in the Negev Desert, a site closely linked to monasticism and pilgrimage, is renowned for its rock-cut rooms and Christian pilgrim inscriptions. Yet, historical photographs unveil a different facet of its history: once adorned with stone-built structures like towers and retaining walls, many of these features no longer endure. While our excavations demonstrated that parts of the site were already destroyed by an earthquake in the 8th-9th century C.E., the German archaeologist Theodor Wiegand suggested that a significant portion of Mitzpe Shivta’s architecture, still visible on older photographs, was obliterated during the construction of the Ottoman Military Railway in Palestine (1915–1916). Our study, integrating archival sources and archaeological surveys, supports Wiegand’s reconstruction. During World War I, the Negev became a border zone between the Ottoman Empire and British Egypt. The railway from Beersheva to Qusseima was built to transport troops and supplies, facilitating Ottoman control of the Suez Canal. Military time pressure, resource shortages, and harsh environmental conditions prompted the extraction of high-quality ashlar masonry from Mitzpe Shivta for the construction of bridges and channels. At the same time, Wiegand, Djemal Pasha and Bedjed Bey sought to implement protective measures to safeguard the threatened archaeology. Exploitation, however, resulted in significant loss of Mitzpe Shivta’s architecture, so later archaeologists focused on its preserved rock-cut rooms. Historical photos provide a fresh perspective on the settlement before the Negev became a theatre of war.
Keywords
Ottoman Military Railway, Theodor Wiegand, World War I, Spolia, Historical Photographs, Survey, SfM
Footnotes

Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DE DAI-Z-AdZ NL-WieT-00883, Diary entry of Theodor Wiegand from November 16, 1916.
Friedrich Freiherr Kreß von Kressenstein, Commander of the 1st Turkish Expeditionary Corps: Kreß von Kressenstein 1938; his diary edited by Baumgart 2020. Guy Powles, brigade major of the New Zealand Mounted Rifles Brigade: Powles 1922. Alexander Aaronsohn, Zionist, Spy and soldier in the Ottoman army: Aaronsohn 1916. Theodor Wiegand, Archaeologist and Captain of the Landwehrartillerie: letters to Marie Wiegand and Gerhard Wiegand edited by Wiegand 1970.
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (Berlin), Palestine Exploration Fund (London), UCL Colt Archive (London).
[11]
Lehnig et al. 2023. New radiocarbon dates not yet published.
[12]
Lehnig et al. 2023; Gambash et al. 2023; Erickson-Gini pers. comm.
[20]
Similar to the colonial legal terra nullis concept, unregistered Bedouin land was declared as Mevat – uninhabited, uncultivated, dead land – and therefore became the property of the state who held the rights for cultivation and grazing: see Ongley – Miller 1892, 54–56; Kark – Frantzman 2012, 55; Kedar et al. 2018, 3.
[23]
Link to an original video documenting the war on the Negev-Sinai front on the Ottoman side: https://www.filmportal.de/...n-armee-in-palaestina (Deutsches Bundesarchiv).
[24]
These deficiencies are comprehensively compiled in Berelovich – Kark 2017, based on a detailed study of Ottoman, Ottoman Turkish, Hebrew, German, English and Arabic sources.
[28]
To find their way around, Germans and Ottomans had to rely on the local Bedouin population: Kreß von Kressenstein 1920, 15; Kreß von Kressenstein 1938, 53.
[29]
Aaronsohn 1916, 36–49; Kreß von Kressenstein 1938, 82. 180; Wiegand 1970, 181. 191; Baumgart 2020, 359. 395. 410. 418. 421. 518.
[30]
Schulz 2013. See Willert 2021, 3 for German specialists sent to the Ottoman Empire for mapping purposes.
[31]
Peak 1979, 117.
[40]
Baumgart 2020, 442. 461.
[41]
Wiegand 1970, 180: Plantations of castor-oil bushes were planted to replace lubricants.
[43]
Shafi 1998. In the course of 1917 and 1918, the British destroyed numerous railway sections in the Ottoman Empire. Thomas Edward Lawrence took a leading role here: Lawrence 2009.
[44]
On Theodor Wiegand: Cobet 2010; Trümpler 2010.
[46]
Kreß von Kressenstein 1938, 198; see also Baumgart 2020, 608: »Herr Wiegand hat lange in der Türkei gelebt u. ist unglaublicher Weise hierher geschickt worden, um jetzt Forschungen vorzunehmen. Die Türken sollen davon nichts wissen, aber ich soll ihm türkische Pferde u. Kamele u. Eskorte geben. Ich bemühe mich, das Vertrauen des mißtrauischen Djemal zu erwerben, u. dann muthet mir das preußische K.M. solche Dinge zu
[50]
Willert 2021, 5 f.; Trümpler 2010, 475–483.
[53]
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Zentralarchiv (SMB-ZA), NL Bode 5885/3, Letter from Wiegand to Bode, Berlin, Juli 2, 1916.
[56]
Wiegand 1970, 206. Early Byzantine is not used here by Wiegand in the sense of the present local chronology in the Negev (see Heinzelmann et al. 2022, 253), but refers to Late Antiquity up to the conquest of the region by the Arabs in the 7ᵗʰ century C.E.
[57]
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DE DAI-Z-AdZ NL-WieT-00883, Diary entry of Theodor Wiegand, November 16, 1916.
[61]
Palmer 1871: el-Meshrifeh; Musil 1907: el-Mešrefe; Lawrence – Woolley 1914: Mishrafa.
[75]
Baumgart 2020, 462. 475.
[78]
Wiegand 1919, 175 f.
[80]
See Willert 2021, 5.
[81]
Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Abt. IV Kriegsarchiv, MKr. 1956: Letter of Djemal Pasha to Liman von Sanders, Damascus, February 10, 1917.
[83]
See Trümpler 2010, 475–483.
[84]
Wiegand 1920, 63. For more background on the flying formations see Schulz 2013.
[85]
https://negevtrain.wordpress.com.
[87]
Baumgart 2020, 492. 510 f.

Archaeoseismic Effects
Earlier Earthquake - 7th century CE

Effect(s)                                Location Image(s) Description
  • Retaining Walls
  • Double Arches
  • double-shell masonry
Entire Site


Fig. 10a

Fig. 10b

Fig. 10c
  • "Retaining walls (Fig. 10a) and double arches (Fig. 10b) at the site and the use of double-shell masonry indicate that buildings in the settlement were designed to withstand earthquakes, and efforts were made to stabilize individual structures, possibly following an earlier seismic event." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:11-15)

Abandonment Earthquake - 8th-9th century CE

Effect(s)                                Location Image(s) Description
  • Somewhat deformed structure on W side
  • Debris
Area B




Fig. 6a

Fig. 6b
Description

  • "Area B (Fig. 6a), on the eastern slope of the site, presents a roughly oval structure partly carved into the local rock and partly built of thin bricks (Fig. 6b). The structure's western side had been somewhat deformed by the pressure of natural rocks that had collapsed, sediment and architectural fragments—possibly the result of seismic activity. Some of the debris filled the structure's interior." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:7)

  • Displaced Arch Keystone
  • Deformed Arch
  • Debris
Area C




Fig. 7a

Fig. 7c

Fig. 7d
Description

  • "Located in the southeastern part of the site (Fig. 7a), Area C consists of an arch made of ashlars, likely forming a window or entrance to a unit of several rock-cut rooms (Fig. 7c). ... The archway was likely buried by architectural debris that had fallen over it during an earthquake and later partially exposed by looters." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:8)

  • Collapsed Wall 6001
  • Fire
  • Collapsed Roof ?
Area F - Area F (Fig. 8a) was opened on the northern part of the lower fortress of Mitzpe Shivta to investigate and date the building complex in front of the rock-cut space in Area A

Fig. 8a



Fig. 9

Fig. 9a

Fig. 9b

Fig. 9c

Fig. 8b

Fig. 8c
Description

  • "In contrast to the rock-cut space in Area A, which was reused during the Ottoman and British Mandate periods, the stratigraphy in Area F was undisturbed. After the excavation, we identified distinct stratigraphic layers in the remaining section (Fig. 8b, c). Immediately below the topsoil (1), which contained a mix of Byzantine and Early Islamic pottery, were layers that can be associated with the collapse of Wall 6001 (Fig. 9). All along the trench we discovered the collapsed upper ashlar sections of the wall (2). The ashlars showed signs of heat exposure, evidenced by flintstone fragments that had flaked off the chalkstone. The gaps between the ashlars were filled with small limestone fragments. Signs of intense heat exposure are visible also in the layer closest to the wall (3), in the form of a concentration of charcoal." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:8,11)

  • "The earliest radiocarbon date from Area F so far may be interpreted as evidence that Mitzpe Shivta was already inhabited in the 5th century CE, during the Middle Byzantine period. This date may be supported also by the epigraphy of recently discovered inscrip-tions at the site, which conforms with that of other local 5th–6th centuries CE texts (Gambash et al., 2023: 216). With this preliminary chronological framework, Mitzpe Shivta would integrate smoothly into established models of monastery development and pilgrimage networks in the southern Levant (Hamarneh, 2012). However, the charcoal sample that provided this date requires critical evaluation, having been recovered in the latest archaeological layer, above the 8th/9th-cen-tury CE layer. It may be that the sample originated in an older wooden structure—possibly a roof—that was attached to the building in Area F, which had collapsed during an earthquake and burned. We cannot deter-mine, however, whether the 5th-century CE date of the wood corresponds with the roof's construction date. It is possible that the wood originally served a different function and was only repurposed at a later point to build the roof." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:11-15)

  • Collapsed Arches
  • Displaced Archstones
  • Spalled Corners of Archstones
  • Twisted roof slabs
  • Fallen sections of the upper fortress
Entire Site




Fig. 10a

Fig. 10b

Fig. 10c
Description

  • "Collapsed arches, twisted roof slabs and fallen sections of the upper fortress are also ubiquitous above ground in other areas of Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 10c)." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:11-15)

Archaeoseismic Intensity Estimates
Earlier Earthquake - 7th century CE

Effect(s)                                Location Image(s) Description
  • Retaining Walls
  • Double Arches
  • double-shell masonry
Entire Site


Fig. 10a

Fig. 10b

Fig. 10c
  • "Retaining walls (Fig. 10a) and double arches (Fig. 10b) at the site and the use of double-shell masonry indicate that buildings in the settlement were designed to withstand earthquakes, and efforts were made to stabilize individual structures, possibly following an earlier seismic event." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:11-15)
If the retaining walls, double arches, and double-shell masonry represent a response to an earlier earthquake, this would imply the collapse of walls, corresponding to a minimum intensity of VIII (8) on the Earthquake Archaeological Effects Chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al. (2013:221–224).

Abandonment Earthquake - 8th-9th century CE

Effect(s)                                Location Image(s) Description Intensity
  • Somewhat deformed structure on W side
  • Debris
Area B




Fig. 6a

Fig. 6b
Description

  • "Area B (Fig. 6a), on the eastern slope of the site, presents a roughly oval structure partly carved into the local rock and partly built of thin bricks (Fig. 6b). The structure's western side had been somewhat deformed by the pressure of natural rocks that had collapsed, sediment and architectural fragments—possibly the result of seismic activity. Some of the debris filled the structure's interior." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:7)

  • VII+
  • ?
  • Displaced Arch Keystone
  • Deformed Arch
  • Debris
Area C




Fig. 7a

Fig. 7c

Fig. 7d
Description

  • "Located in the southeastern part of the site (Fig. 7a), Area C consists of an arch made of ashlars, likely forming a window or entrance to a unit of several rock-cut rooms (Fig. 7c). ... The archway was likely buried by architectural debris that had fallen over it during an earthquake and later partially exposed by looters." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:8)

  • VI+
  • VI+
  • ?
  • Collapsed Wall 6001
  • Fire
  • Collapsed Roof ?
Area F - Area F (Fig. 8a) was opened on the northern part of the lower fortress of Mitzpe Shivta to investigate and date the building complex in front of the rock-cut space in Area A

Fig. 8a



Fig. 9

Fig. 9a

Fig. 9b

Fig. 9c

Fig. 8b

Fig. 8c
Description

  • "In contrast to the rock-cut space in Area A, which was reused during the Ottoman and British Mandate periods, the stratigraphy in Area F was undisturbed. After the excavation, we identified distinct stratigraphic layers in the remaining section (Fig. 8b, c). Immediately below the topsoil (1), which contained a mix of Byzantine and Early Islamic pottery, were layers that can be associated with the collapse of Wall 6001 (Fig. 9). All along the trench we discovered the collapsed upper ashlar sections of the wall (2). The ashlars showed signs of heat exposure, evidenced by flintstone fragments that had flaked off the chalkstone. The gaps between the ashlars were filled with small limestone fragments. Signs of intense heat exposure are visible also in the layer closest to the wall (3), in the form of a concentration of charcoal." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:8,11)

  • "The earliest radiocarbon date from Area F so far may be interpreted as evidence that Mitzpe Shivta was already inhabited in the 5th century CE, during the Middle Byzantine period. This date may be supported also by the epigraphy of recently discovered inscrip-tions at the site, which conforms with that of other local 5th–6th centuries CE texts (Gambash et al., 2023: 216). With this preliminary chronological framework, Mitzpe Shivta would integrate smoothly into established models of monastery development and pilgrimage networks in the southern Levant (Hamarneh, 2012). However, the charcoal sample that provided this date requires critical evaluation, having been recovered in the latest archaeological layer, above the 8th/9th-cen-tury CE layer. It may be that the sample originated in an older wooden structure—possibly a roof—that was attached to the building in Area F, which had collapsed during an earthquake and burned. We cannot deter-mine, however, whether the 5th-century CE date of the wood corresponds with the roof's construction date. It is possible that the wood originally served a different function and was only repurposed at a later point to build the roof." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:11-15)

  • VIII+
  • ?
  • ?
  • Collapsed Arches
  • Displaced Archstones
  • Spalled Corners of Archstones
  • Twisted roof slabs (displaced walls)
  • Fallen sections of the upper fortress (collapsed walls)
Entire Site




Fig. 10a

Fig. 10b

Fig. 10c
Description

  • "Collapsed arches, twisted roof slabs and fallen sections of the upper fortress are also ubiquitous above ground in other areas of Mitzpe Shivta (Fig. 10c)." - Lehnig et al. (2025a:11-15)

  • VI+
  • VI+
  • VII+
  • VII+
  • VIII+
The archeoseismic evidence requires a minimum Intensity of VIII (8) when using the Earthquake Archeological Effects chart of Rodríguez-Pascua et al (2013: 221-224).

Notes and Further Reading
References

Bibliography from Stern et al (1993 v.3)

E. H. Palmer, The Desert of the Exodus 2, Cambridge 1871,371-374, 378-380

id., PEQ 3 (1871), 29-32

Musil, Arabia Petraea 2, 44-45

C. L. Woolley and T. E. Lawrence, The Wilderness of Zin (PEFA 3), London 1914-1915, 92-93

T. Wiegand, Sinai, Berlin 1920, 62-66

P. Mayerson, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 107 (1963), 160-161, 169-171

Y. Baumgarten, ESI I (1982), 75-76.