Figure 8.3| Transliterated Name | Source | Name |
|---|---|---|
| Beth Yerah | Hebrew | בית ירח |
| Khirbet al-Karak | Arabic | خربة الكرك |
| Sennabris | Hebrew | סנבראי |
| al-Sinnabra | Hebrew | צינבריי ? |
| al-Sinnabra | Arabic | |
| Sinn en-Nabra | Arabic | سينن ينءنابرا |
| Philoteria | Ancient Greek | φιλοτέρα |
| Sennabris | Ancient Greek | |
| Sinnabri | Aramaic | |
| Senbra | Early Frankish | |
| Ablm-bt-Yrh | Canaanite | |
| Ablm | Canaanite |
Circles Building, and a stratigraphy with multiple Early Bronze phases.
Tel Beth Yerah (Khirbet el-Kerak) covers an area of approximately 50 a. along the southwestern shore of the Sea of Galilee (map reference 204.236). The mound's western boundary is the old bed of the Jordan River. Its southern boundary is the issue of the Jordan River from the Sea of Galilee. The suggestion that Khirbet el-Kerak be identified with Beth Yerah or Talmudic Ariah was made in the nineteenth century. Some authorities have identified the site with the Philoteria built by Ptolemy II Philadelphus (Polybius, V, 70, 3-4), a town in the Jewish territory under the Hasmoneans (Georgius Syncellus, I, 558-559). Others have suggested identifying it with Sennabris, mentioned by Josephus as the northernmost border point of the Jordan Valley and the camping ground of Vespasian's army (War III, 447, IV, 455). In Talmudic literature, Beth Yerah is frequently mentioned as a mixed settlement of foreigners and Jews near Sennabris (J.T., Meg. 70a, 74a).
In surveys prior to the excavations, it had become clear that the site was settled in the Early Bronze Age, and from the Hellenistic to the Arab periods. A special kind of Early Bronze Age III pottery first discovered here was named Khirbet Kerak ware by W. F. Albright. The ware's typical features are red and black burnish and incised or ribbed decoration. Since the discovery of this ware at Beth Yerah, similar pottery has been found at many other sites in Israel and in northern Syria. Its style attests that the ware originated in Anatolia.
Plan 8.2
Figure 1
Plan 8.2
Figure 1
Fig. 2.1
Fig. 3.1
Fig. 4.1
Fig. 5.2
Fig. 6.1
Fig. 2.1
Fig. 3.1
Fig. 4.1
Fig. 5.2
Fig. 6.1
Plan 1
Table 1
Fig. 1.12
Fig. 1.12
Table 2
Plan 8.2
Figure 1
Plan 8.2
Figure 1The principal post-Bronze Age structure exposed on the site comprises a fort enclosing a basilical building, with a bathhouse attached to the enclosure's southern wall( Da'adli, 2017: 125 ). In addition, there are some ancillary structures outside the fort. Excavations undertaken in the 1950's
established a seventh-century CE terminus post quem for the central fortified structure and an eighth-century CE terminus post quem for the bathhouse(Da'adli, 2017 citing Greenberg and Paz, 2010). Based on historical sources, the Qasr was first constructed between 639 and 680 CE (Da'adli, 2017:126).
| Location | Page | Discussion |
|---|---|---|
| Basilica | 147-153 | A limited number of mosaics were found in the Basilica; some of which were defaced (Iconoclasm)
suggesting occupation which is dated to the 1st half of the 8th centurynote. |
| Southern Annex |
156-157 | Wall 162 (excavated in 2013 as W1698): A wall connecting Tower 2 and the southern addition was first excavated in 1950. As revealed in the 2009 and 2013 excavations, Channel GB 156 (excavated in 2013 as SA 1699) [part of the water system] was built into this wall, which did not have deep foundations. We may therefore assume that both the wall and the channel belong to the renovation phase of the southern annex (Fig. 8.30; Plan 8.8). A post-reform Umayyad coin (Chapter 9: Cat. No. 14) was found in the channel in 2013. The post-reform coin from Channel GB 156/SA 1699 indicates the period of use. Sanchez (2015:324) in Erdkamp, (2015) dates Umayyad post reform fals to after 696/700 CE. |
| Channel GB 159 (the water system} |
158-159 | In addition to the post-reform coin described above, from Channel GB 156/SA 1699, an oil lamp was found in one of the short drainage channels (GB 5; Fig. 8.37; see Plan 8.2); it is described as mold-decorated and the excavator proposed an "Arab" date. A complete lamp found in the IAA storerooms may be the artifact in question (see Fig. 8.60:4). This lamp type is dated to the sixth-eighth centuries CE at Jerash, while it was in use until the beginning of the ninth century CE elsewhere (Hadad 2002:68-71). Near Channel GB 5 and W4 a buff handle dated to the eighth—eleventh centuries CE was found (Fig. 8.60:3; Stacey 2004:130-132). The rim of a white-painted gray bag-shaped storage jar, dated to the fifth-eighth centuries CE, was discovered in a pit just north of the southern fortification wall (Fig. 8.60:5; Stacey 2004:126). The excavations of 2009-2010 within the enclosure yielded a mere handful of small ceramic fragments, all of either buff-ware or white-splashed jars. |
| Western Annex |
157 | Three rectangular rooms were uncovered on the western side of the basilica, numbered GB 102, GB 103 and GB 104, from north to south (see Plan 8.2). A small rectangular room abuts the western wall of Room GB 102. Channel GB 160 [the water system] splits off from Channel GB 159 [the water system] and enters the annex to Room GB 102 from the south, exiting through its western wall. The channel and the walls appear to have been built together, in a single stage (Fig. 8.32). Glazed pottery was found 0.1 m below the top of the walls in Room GB 103. Walmsley (2013:52) states that glazed wares, in Syria-Palestine [were] generally not introduced until the later eighth century at the earliest [and] always represented a small minority in the ceramic assemblage throughout the early Islamic period |
| Eastern and Northern Annex |
157 | A stylobate (W51) running parallel to the eastern side of the basilical structure supports a series of built pillar bases (0.9 x 0.6 m), placed at somewhat irregular intervals (2.55, 2.75, 2.80, 2.90 m; Fig. 8.33). This wall is built in the same method as the southern addition.12 note 12 - The excavator thought the southern rooms and stylobate to be Roman in date. Furthermore, the excavator writes that W19 was built in a different method, and that it is earlier than W51. On May 17,1950, a bronze coin was reported near W51, probably Cat. No. 21 in Chapter 9 - an Umayyad post-reform fals. Sanchez (2015:324) in Erdkamp, (2015) dates Umayyad post reform fals to after 696/700 CE. |
| Bathhouse | 169 | Finds from the bathhouse include two Umayyad coins found on the floor of the main hall (Maisler, Stekelis and Avi-Yonah 1952:222) and a chlorite vessel of eighth—tenth-century CE type (Stacey 2004:94) found near the western wall of the bathhouse (Fig. 8.60:6). During the 2009 excavation season, a portion of the northern wall of the frigidarium, which is in effect part of the curtain wall of the fortified enclosure, was sectioned. An Umayyad post-reform coin was found inside the core of the wall (Chapter 9: Cat. No. 15), apparently providing a terminus post quem for both the bath and the fortification. Sanchez (2015:324) in Erdkamp, (2015) dates Umayyad post reform fals to after 696/700 CE. |
| Kilns | 169 | Glass slag as well as a glazed ring-base was found inside Kiln GB 73. |
| Dar Unit | 171 | Isolated from the main enclosure and the bathhouse, another building or unit was exposed by Delougaz to the north of the fortified enclosure, above the remains of the tri-apsidal Byzantine church. |
| Location | Page | Discussion |
|---|---|---|
| 2-3 rooms over the bathhouse | 171 | A green glazed rim was found near W1 in Sq 02, which is on the eastern side of the wall. During the cleaning of the walls, an Islamic coin was discovered.21 note 21 - Description from December 25, 1945. A coin marked 25/2 or 2512, of Mamluk date, may be the one noted in the diary. See Chapter 9: Cat. No. 29. |
the historical record offers more details, at this point, than those provided by archaeology(Da'adli, 2017:175). However, the archaeology is in agreement with 7th and 8th century dates (Da'adli, 2017:175)).
the earliest material that can be associated with the fortified structure, ceramic, numismatic or otherwise, is consistently attributable to the seventh and eighth centuries CE. This includes the few ceramics—white-painted gray bag-shaped storage jars, buff-ware jugs with plastic knobs attached to the handle, and the molded lamp (Avissar 1996:147-149, 157; Haddad 2002:68-71), the chlorite bowl (Stacey 2004:94) and about 15 coins (see Chapter 9).The iconophobic defacing of mosaics in the Basilica was dated by Da'adli (2017:176) to the mid 8th century CE which suggests a date for the final renovation of the palace. Although historical sources indicate different phases of settlement at al-Sinnabra,
there is little surviving archeological evidencefor this (Da'adli, 2017:176). However, there may be
more facilites or sections that once were part of a palatial complexthat await excavation - e.g. between the Fort and the Dar (Da'adli, 2017:176).
tower (Tower 12) and adjoining fortification walls extending east and northwhich was described by Da'adli (2017:176).
This unit could be part of some kind of citadel that may have had more towers and walls to the north and east. These might be Ayyubid in date, but hard evidence for such a date is lacking. The manner in which they overlie the earlier remains shows that the earlier, palatial structure was largely dismantled in antiquity.
| Age | Dates | Comments |
|---|---|---|
| Early Bronze IA-B | 3300-3000 BCE | |
| Early Bronze II | 3000-2700 BCE | |
| Early Bronze III | 2700-2200 BCE | |
| Middle Bronze I | 2200-2000 BCE | EB IV - Intermediate Bronze |
| Middle Bronze IIA | 2000-1750 BCE | |
| Middle Bronze IIB | 1750-1550 BCE | |
| Late Bronze I | 1550-1400 BCE | |
| Late Bronze IIA | 1400-1300 BCE | |
| Late Bronze IIB | 1300-1200 BCE | |
| Iron IA | 1200-1150 BCE | |
| Iron IB | 1150-1100 BCE | |
| Iron IIA | 1000-900 BCE | |
| Iron IIB | 900-700 BCE | |
| Iron IIC | 700-586 BCE | |
| Babylonian & Persian | 586-332 BCE | |
| Early Hellenistic | 332-167 BCE | |
| Late Hellenistic | 167-37 BCE | |
| Early Roman | 37 BCE - 132 CE | |
| Herodian | 37 BCE - 70 CE | |
| Late Roman | 132-324 CE | |
| Byzantine | 324-638 CE | |
| Early Arab | 638-1099 CE | Umayyad & Abbasid |
| Crusader & Ayyubid | 1099-1291 CE | |
| Late Arab | 1291-1516 CE | Fatimid & Mameluke |
| Ottoman | 1516-1917 CE | |
| Phase | Dates | Variants |
|---|---|---|
| Early Bronze IA-B | 3400-3100 BCE | |
| Early Bronze II | 3100-2650 BCE | |
| Early Bronze III | 2650-2300 BCE | |
| Early Bronze IVA-C | 2300-2000 BCE | Intermediate Early-Middle Bronze, Middle Bronze I |
| Middle Bronze I | 2000-1800 BCE | Middle Bronze IIA |
| Middle Bronze II | 1800-1650 BCE | Middle Bronze IIB |
| Middle Bronze III | 1650-1500 BCE | Middle Bronze IIC |
| Late Bronze IA | 1500-1450 BCE | |
| Late Bronze IIB | 1450-1400 BCE | |
| Late Bronze IIA | 1400-1300 BCE | |
| Late Bronze IIB | 1300-1200 BCE | |
| Iron IA | 1200-1125 BCE | |
| Iron IB | 1125-1000 BCE | |
| Iron IC | 1000-925 BCE | Iron IIA |
| Iron IIA | 925-722 BCE | Iron IIB |
| Iron IIB | 722-586 BCE | Iron IIC |
| Iron III | 586-520 BCE | Neo-Babylonian |
| Early Persian | 520-450 BCE | |
| Late Persian | 450-332 BCE | |
| Early Hellenistic | 332-200 BCE | |
| Late Hellenistic | 200-63 BCE | |
| Early Roman | 63 BCE - 135 CE | |
| Middle Roman | 135-250 CE | |
| Late Roman | 250-363 CE | |
| Early Byzantine | 363-460 CE | |
| Late Byzantine | 460-638 CE | |
| Early Arab | 638-1099 CE | |
| Crusader & Ayyubid | 1099-1291 CE | |
| Late Arab | 1291-1516 CE | |
| Ottoman | 1516-1917 CE | |
Table 1
This chapter deals with the fortifications excavated by P. Bar-Adon along the southern and western flanks of Tel Bet Yerah (Plan 6.1). Other excavations touched upon the fortifications at various points: the JPES excavations of 1944 (Area MS, see Chapter 2), and the Getzov excavations of 1994–1995 (Getzov 1998; 2006).
The existence of Wall A had been revealed by the JPES excavations, both in Area MS and in a section cleared along the western edge of the ‘wadi’—the trough-like cut intruding upon the southeast tip of the mound (Fig. 6.1). It was also visible in the road cut formed by the Zemah–Tiberias highway. Wall A was a massive affair, eight meters thick at points, composed of several conjoined blocks of mudbrick construction. The bricks were generally rectangular, 8–10 cm thick and of various sizes: 0.55 × 0.5 m, 0.5 × 0.4 m, 0.4 × 0.3 m, 0.4 × 0.25 m, etc. Bar-Adon distinguished between two different brick fabrics: pale green, said to originate from the Lisan (marl) Formation, and darker red to brown, made of river-clay (Fig. 6.2).
Intrinsic dating evidence for the wall and gate is meager. The only deposits relating to Wall A excavated by Bar-Adon come from the gate sequence, but few diagnostic sherds remain from these deposits. The finds register is inconclusive: many of the sherds appear to be EB I in date, but several combed jar fragments are noted, as well as an admixture of much later material. Bar-Adon argued convincingly for an EB II date for the gate complex, based on the congruence between the paved gate passages and the sequence of paved streets found in Area BS, about 20 m north of the gate (for details, see Chapter 5). The evidence provided by the JPES excavations in Area MS for a late Period C (i.e., EB II) date for at least one element of the mudbrick fortification has been described in Chapter 2. Getzov, who sectioned these fortifications, suggested an EB I foundation date, based on material found in the fill adjoining the wall and in the collapsed brick superstructure (Getzov 2006:12). These, however, can only be used as a terminus post quem (as do the Period B remains found outside the wall in Area MK—see this volume, Chapter 9), so that ascription of the wall, or a part of it, to EB I must remain in doubt. The apparently non-defensive structure found by Bar-Adon beneath the gate might also argue against an EB I date for the walls, but we can only hope that future excavations will provide more solid grounds for dating.
The city gate at the southeast corner of Tel Bet Yerah reveals two phases of construction that might be associated with the foundation and repair of Wall A. A third phase seems to represent the intentional blockage of the gate, perhaps in conjunction with the construction of Wall B. This is the only gate excavated at Bet Yerah, though topographical considerations, as well as the general layout of the city, point to several additional locations as possible gateways (e.g., the depression between Towers 10 and 11 on the western flank of the mound).
The early phase of the gateway was partly revealed in an L-shaped sounding (BS 102) excavated beneath the cobblestones of the later phase (Fig. 6.6). In its early phase (BS 103), the direct-entry gate passage was about 2.5 m wide. It was paved with packed beachgravel and small cobblestones at -202.65–70 m. A meter-wide construction of large stones, 0.20–0.25 m above the level of the pavement, appears to mark the outer threshold of the gate (Plan 6.3; Fig. 6.7). A similar line of stones marked by the excavator at the northern extremity of the sounding might indicate the inner threshold (Fig. 6.8). Assuming a similar width to that of the outer threshold, the entire passage would have been 5 m deep. This is the width of the core fortification lines, as seen in Section A3 (see Fig. 6.4), and we may assume, therefore, that the Phase 1 gate was built when only the two middle lines of fortification were extant. Both faces of this phase of the gate-passage were bricklined; the eastern face of the passage was interrupted by a niche about one meter wide.
A massive fill of brick material—one meter thick in some places—resting on the Phase 1 gate passage (visible in section in Fig. 6.8) testifies to the rapid deterioration of the soft unprotected face of the passage in Wall A, possibly exacerbated by the chronic tectonic instability endemic to the Jordan Valley. Evidence for such instability can be seen in similar, massive fills of mudbrick detritus found all along Wall A. In response, the Phase 2 renovators faced the entire gate complex with stones. The gate passage (BS 104), now 3–3.5 m wide, was paved with large flat cobblestones at a level well above that of the earlier passage and gate shrine, leaving only the upper third of the pierced stele visible (Figs. 6.12, 6.13). Several parallel gaps in the pavement (Fig. 6.14) seem to indicate the presence of wooden sleepers in the central portion of the passage. This part, corresponding to the cobbled part of the Phase 1 passage, might have been roofed, with the sleepers serving perhaps as supports for roof-posts and an external wooden portal. Similar sleepers were identified as stairs at Tell el-Far‘ah North (de Vaux 1962: Pl. 21). A large door socket, its center located about 0.4 m from the eastern wall of the passage, was set into the pavement about 1.5 m short of the northern end of the gate passage (Fig. 6.13). The corresponding socket on the west side would have been in a part of the gate destroyed by modern construction. Just above the door-socket, a clear vertical seam can be seen in the Phase 2 stone facing of the gate passage. This seam might mark the addition of the third mudbrick wall-line to Wall A, in the transition from Phase 1 to Phase 2 or sometime during Phase 2. The stone facing of Wall A rounds the corner and continues along the inner face of Wall A, as was observed in a deep sounding conducted a few meters east of the gate-passage (Fig. 6.15). A wall approaching the inner eastern jamb of the gate was interpreted by the excavator as evidence for a guard tower projecting inward from the gate (Fig. 6.16). A continuation of the pavement southwards, beyond the defunct(?) shrine, may allude to the existence of an indirect entry, leading to the main gate, possibly protected by outworks or other defensive structures (not preserved).
In its final phase, the entire gate passage appears to have been blocked (or raised?) with intentional mudbrick construction (BS 107). The former gate shrine, by now entirely buried but for the tip of the large stele, seems to have been replaced by a carefully laid semicircular structure (BS 108; Fig. 6.18). This phase of the gate may well be associated with the beginning of EB III and the replacement of Wall A by Wall B.
The chronic instability of the mudbrick fortification, possibly exacerbated by tectonic events and a possible late Period C earthquake indicated by widespread destruction and partial abandonment in various areas in the south of the mound, led to a considerable accumulation of detritus on both sides of Wall A. Bar-Adon correctly identified the process of deterioration when he refreshed the wadi-section cut by the JPES expedition, there noting that the ‘internal glacis’ identified by the earlier expedition was in fact the partially collapsed face of the early fortification. By early Period D (EB III) times, internal surfaces near the fortification had reached a level nearly two meters higher than the foundations (best illustrated by W5266 and W5267: Plan 6.5, Fig. 6.15), and we may assume that a similar situation developed on the outer face of the fortifications. Clearly, by the onset of EB III, Wall A could no longer function as an effective fortification and a repair was needed. Bar-Adon indeed discovered evidence for such a repair and is the first to have suggested the existence of an interim fortification between the early mudbrick and late stone town walls. He did not, however, succeed in giving much substance to this wall, and vacillated in the interpretation of its fragmentary manifestations, often preferring to consider them outworks or a glacis of the later wall. We believe that there is s ufficient evidence for an independent—if not very impressive—fortification, here termed Wall B, which may safely be attributed to the earlier part of EB III.
The Bar-Adon excavations comprise the most extensive exposure of Early Bronze Age fortifications in Israel. However, the manner in which they were conducted leaves us with only a schematic understanding of the history of the fortification of the Early Bronze Age town at Bet Yerah. We have attempted to present both the intrinsic and circumstantial evidence for the context of construction of each system: the massive mudbrick fortification across the southern perimeter in EB II (Wall A), the opportunistic repair and reconstruction of the fortification in early EB III (Wall B) and the major overhaul in the town defenses carried out in late EB III (Wall C). While many details of the three fortification systems can be compared to contemporary fortification systems in the Levant, the Bet Yerah sequence as such is unique and must be explained in terms of the evolution of the site as a whole. Such a contextual narrative lies beyond the scope of this report and will be taken up in Volume II.
The broad extent of archaeological soundings at Tel Bet Yerah permits us to reconstruct a relatively detailed history of settlement at the site. By tracking the extent of each phase of settlement, settlement history can be reconfigured as a history of site formation. Understanding the physical appearance of the site in each phase will contribute to a better grasp of the evolution of the site as a setting for village and town life.
The earliest evidence for human presence on the mound comes in the form of stray finds ascribed a Neolithic date (e.g., below, Fig. 5.13). However, the first evidence for substantial occupation must be dated not before the earlier part of EB I. The most convincing evidence for this Period A occupation has been found in Areas SA and GB in the northern part of the mound, near the summit of the original mound (Figs. 1.10, 1.11; see Foreword: Table 2). In Area SA, a 0.65 m deep layer comprising at least two phases of occupation was identified. While the lowermost occupation is characterized by pits, the upper layer seems to have included mudbrick construction, although the excavators noted only decayed brick material. Period A layers were excavated in all parts of Area GB, although their depth there is not recorded.
3 My thanks to Gabrielle Novacek, who showed me the relevant material in the University of Chicago archives.
The late EB I settlement of Period B was long lived and possibly the most extensive of all phases of occupation at Tel Bet Yerah. Substantial remains of this phase were found in all areas of excavation, within the walled area of the mound proper and even beyond the walls. In most cases, there was evidence for more than one phase of occupation, as outlined in Table 1.1.
The data concerning Period C in various parts of the mound are contradictory and confused. This has to do to some extent with the quality of documentation and stratigraphic control in many of the older excavations, but perhaps, to a greater extent, with the intense sequence of construction characterizing the mound in EB II and EB III. In areas where the stratigraphy was best recorded, the average thickness of each phase was little more than 0.2 m. This means that each rebuild razed earlier remains to within a few centimeters of their floors. Table 1.2 and the description of the Period C strata present, therefore, the best approximation based on present data.
Table 1.2The crisis of late Period C asserts itself in the form of various, selective abandonments observable between Periods C and D. The first evidence of Khirbet Kerak Ware (KKW), marking the onset of Period D (EB III), falls within the pattern of the late Period C occupation. Thus, in Area BS, massive amounts of KKW are found in what seems to be a midden-tip — a surface dump forming ash- and sherd-rich layers (tips) without a pit cut; in British usage, “tip” = dump. (Local Stratum 11) covering abandoned Period C structures, and in Area EY the richest KKW deposits in Local Stratum 6 occur in open areas. The renascence of Tel Bet Yerah may well belong to a later stage, when KKW is associated with widespread new construction on the mound, as tabulated below (Table 1.3).
The unique and fascinating Final Early Bronze phase described in Area BS (Local Stratum 6) occupied a limited area in the southeastern corner of the mound. Remarkably well-preserved remains, the original construction of which might be ascribed to late Period D (see Chapter 2), were found over the entire area excavated by Bar-Adon within the Early Bronze Age walls. In addition, a handful of sherds of unspecified provenance identified in the Area MS assemblage suggest that some of the late Period D structures excavated there might have been used in Period E as well. Taking all this into account, the extent of the Final Early Bronze Age village huddled against Wall C could hardly have exceeded 1 ha in size—a mere fraction of the original size of the Early Bronze town.
Evidence for extensive settlement in the Hellenistic period (Period H; third–second centuries BCE) has been found in most excavation areas on Tel Bet Yerah. Most remains may be associated with a well-planned orthogonal settlement composed of what appear to be large town-houses. Parts of such houses were found in Areas BS, MS/EY, MK/GE, SA, GB, and possibly BH as well. All were built on a virtually identical axis, parallel to the lake-scarp (the latter advanced in the years following the Hellenistic period, cutting into the Hellenistic remains). In most places, the Hellenistic construction stopped 10–30 m short of the still visible Early Bronze Age fortifications, although a number of towers in the wall were rebuilt or used for burial (see Bet Yerah I: Chapter 6). This planned settlement seems to have extended over most of the eastern half of the mound, although perhaps not contiguously, as architectural remains in Areas BH and especially UN are scant. No Hellenistic architecture at all appeared in the northern part of Area MK, and in a number of soundings in the large western plateau conducted both by Bar-Adon and the Chicago expeditions. The general impact of the Hellenistic occupation must therefore be characterized as diffuse, having little visible impact on the way the mound was experienced in the landscape.
The evidence accumulated during seventy-five years of excavations at Tel Bet Yerah allows a systematic investigation of the evolution of the use of space on the mound, public and domestic. This chapter describes this evolution diachronically, focusing on each major period (from A to E; see Foreword: Table 2) in the mound's history, subdivided where possible according to the local stratigraphy. For each period, site-wide data culled from all available publications (including Getzov 2006 and Novacek 2007) are used to present an overview of architecture, function, and planning, in the following order: (a) domestic structures (construction, content, and presumed function); (b) shared space (courtyards, streets, refuse areas, etc.); (c) public construction (fortifications, administrative structures); (d) site-plan and organization. We conclude the presentation of each period with a discussion; we review long-term trends for the whole of the Early Bronze Age in the summary discussion (below, pp. 49–50)1.
1 A handful of Early Bronze Age sites have been
tentatively identified by Maeir (1997: Fig. 15), based
principally on Yeivin and Maisler (1944). I have not
succeeded in corroborating their existence, though it
does appear likely that there was an EB (I?) site at or
near Tell `Ubeidiya, about 3 km south of Tel Bet
Yerah. It is particularly interesting that no major
Middle Bronze Age site emerged to stake a claim to
the Kinrot Valley, and to its seemingly prime
location on the east–west and north–south routes
skirting Lake Kinneret and connecting the Jordan
Valley with the northern Levant and beyond (with the
possible exception of Tell `Ubeidiya). These
observations suggest the existence of a particular
Early Bronze Age regional configuration, not repeated
in later times, that made the site attractive for
settlement. This is an issue that needs to be tackled
in future research.
2 Abundant evidence for such utilization has been
recovered in the renewed excavations at the site.
3 My thanks to Gabrielle Novacek, who showed me the
relevant material in the University of Chicago
archives.
Despite the discovery of Period A ceramics in widely dispersed deposits on the mound (Areas SA, GB, UN, and several of the DK soundings located adjacent to these areas), little can be said of the site's organization. Mudbricks and mudbrick fragments associated with this phase testify to the presence of architecture, and the deep accumulation in Area SA (Bet Yerah I:85–89) is suggestive of intramural sub-floor burials. However, the only unambiguous and recurring features are midden-pits dug into the soft marl bedrock, identified in several areas (and confirmed in our 2007 excavations: Greenberg, Rotem, and Paz 2013). Their presence suggests spread-out habitation on the mound, with large intervening common areas—a configuration encountered at contemporary sites such as Tel Te'o and Yiftahel (Eisenberg, Gopher, and Greenberg 2001; Braun 1997). The phenomenon of pitting within or at the edges of the habitation area continues into Period B, and it is only at the end of that period that we find contiguous architecture covering large parts of the site.
The earlier part of Period B is represented mainly by pits that continue Period A patterns (see, e.g., Areas SA, Deep Cut, Local Stratum 8; EY, Local Stratum 11; BS, Local Stratum 15 [Bet Yerah I:89, 120, 343]). The most extensive exposure of this phase comes from Area EY/MS, where both pits and open spaces between them, all established on bedrock, were excavated (Bet Yerah I: Plan 8.4). Since some of the pit features appeared to be quite shallow, the early excavators of the site interpreted them as house-pits. This cannot be substantiated, as excavation techniques were not sufficiently refined to identify post-holes or other telltale signs of impermanent construction. The content of all the pits appeared to be similar, consisting mainly of domestic refuse with large quantities of ash. Identified organic material included grains of wheat, peas, and olive pits (see Appendix I: Table App. 1.1). Noteworthy finds include fishing weights (in Pit EY 646 and in open areas) and a limestone macehead. Mudbrick fragments found both in the pits and the open areas testify to architecture in the vicinity, but the only wall that might be attributed to this phase comes from Area BH, Local Phase 8 (Bet Yerah I:477).
The accumulated evidence from the mound, and especially from Areas BS and EY/MS, permits the division of Period C into an earlier and a later phase. Both phases are characterized by developed domestic architecture; the use and organization of communal space appears to undergo a very significant evolution within this time span.
Beyond the streets of the late Period C city described above, which comprise the most impressive evidence for public works, few remains of late Period C large-scale construction have been excavated. The city gate underwent significant renovation, which included not only the repaving of the entrance but the facing of the entire gate and a good part of the internal face of Wall A with stone. It appears likely that the wall itself was buttressed at various points, as suggested in Bet Yerah I:237-239). No public structures or such that can be ascribed to a. ruling elite have yet come to light.
There is a marked continuity exhibited in house construction, in nearly all areas of domestic settlement that contrasts strongly with the Period B–C transition and appears to indicate a strong sense of urban continuity throughout Period C (and indeed into Period D). Another interesting trend in the architecture in the late Period C town is the apparent co-evolution of a typical ‘Bet Yerah house’ in different parts of the mound: square structures divided into rather narrow rectangular or square living chambers and perhaps a small, partly roofed internal court (Plan 2.7). This process would indicate the gradual acceptance of the constraints and rules—stated or implied—that govern domestic construction in an urban setting, even as they affect the most intimate family settings. Thus, the relinquishing of the open spaces where communal activities took place in early Period C in favor of new houses implies a restructuring of the domestic economy toward greater reliance on the nuclear family as a basic unit of production and toward greater spatial segregation of economic activity (perhaps accompanied by increased specialization). The paving of the town’s main streets indicates a more rigid structuring of activities in the areas between the houses, which would have been given over mainly to movement of people and goods (and possibly surface runoff management). The virtual absence of storage installations or storage cellars in private homes is a corollary to the development of public space: there must have been other arrangements for the storage and distribution of staples (hence the need for public arteries). It is such unspectacular details that provide evidence—better than that offered by monumental architecture—for the emergence of a new way of life, forged by practice, within the fortification walls.
Direct unambiguous evidence that one of the 749 CE Sabbatical Year Quakes (the Holy Desert Quake) caused damage to the site was not found as the site had been dismantled down to the foundations long before archaeological excavations began. Greenberg, Tal, and Da'adli (2017:217) described what they saw.
It is not clear, either from historical documents or from the evidence on the ground, what brought Umayyad al-Sinnabra to an end. Whatever the case may be, and whether its abandonment was sudden (in wake of the 749 CE earthquake?) or gradual, by the time the builders of the later structures—particularly of Tower 12 and the enceinte of which it seems to have been a part — came on the scene, the Umayyad remains had disappeared from sight, dismantled down to their foundations.However, this negative evidence appears to be the evidence that shows that al-Sinnabra was in the epicentral region when the Holy Desert Quake of the Sabbatical Year sequence struck. The complete and total collapse of the structure is what allowed it to be so easily looted. It was no longer a palace. It was a pile of dressed stones - a quarry for any building project in the area. Eventually, every stone was taken. Only the foundation cracks unearthed by Greenberg and Paz (2010) remained to tell the story of it's total destruction.
Plan 8.2
Figure 1
Plan 8.2
Figure 1Area GB-T
A new aspect of the 2009 excavations is our attempt to re-excavate and reinterpret the huge fortified complex cleared by Bar-Adon and Guy in the early 1950s but never fully published. Originally identified as a synagogue and then as a Roman or Byzantine fort, the most recent suggestion has been to identify the complex with the Early Islamic palace of al-Sinnabra. The area has been obscured for decades by the thick subtropical vegetation that characterizes the mound. Because the structure was largely dismantled in antiquity, leaving only wall and floor foundations intact, and due to the summary excavation methods used in the original excavations, our principal aim was to identify sealed or otherwise datable contexts, such as foundation trenches and subfloor deposits. Additionally, the surviving portions of the superstructure had to be revisited and recorded.
Thus far, the southwest tower of the enceinte and parts of the southern annex adjoining the large apse have been reinvestigated, two large mosaic floor segments recorded (Fig. 12), and a portion of the central floorbed removed. Some preliminary observations may be made:We are therefore confident that the Umayyad palace of al-Sinnabra has been found.
- The original wall foundations of the external fortifications, the adjoining bathhouse, and the central structure are all equally massive and deep, indicating a high level of investment, similar building concepts in all parts of the complex, and the likelihood that the superstructure was quite substantial.
- There is multiple evidence for the existence of at least two building phases in the main structure. The later phase involved wall demolition and replacement, as well as repairs in the mosaic pavements.
- We have begun to see evidence of earthquake damage; this could eventually aid in the dating of the structure.
(Fig. 13).![]()
Figure 13
Area GB-T, foundations in the southern part of the central palace structure; foundation trenches and evidence for earthquake damage in south wall (at right), looking south.
Greenberg and Paz (2010)- A second fortified enclosure was built over part of the main enclosure. This later enclosure was never reported by the excavators.
- Although finds are sparse, the Early Islamic dating does appear to be confirmed by coins found beneath the floor of the central hall and in the foundation trench of the bathhouse.
| Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
|
Wall A and various areas in the south of the Mound |
|
| Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
| Huge amounts of collapsed masonry | Tower 3
Plan 8.2Detailed plan of the al-Sinnabra palace JW: Basilica is in the center surrounded by rectangular fortified walls and guard towers at the corners. Bathhouse is bottom right attached to the southern wall of the fort Da'adli (2017) |
|
|
| Foundation cracks | Wall W121
Plan 8.2Detailed plan of the al-Sinnabra palace JW: Basilica is in the center surrounded by rectangular fortified walls and guard towers at the corners. Bathhouse is bottom right attached to the southern wall of the fort Da'adli (2017) |
Figure 8.27Room GB 34, looking south. Wall 122, left, lacks foundations, in contrast to W121 (center) and W120 (right). Scale is in foundation trench of the original eastern wall. Note large crack in right part of W121 (2009 excavations). In Greenberg and Paz (2010) the caption for this photo was: Area GB-T, foundations in the southern part of the central palace structure; foundation trenches and evidence for earthquake damage in south wall (at right), looking south. Da'adli (2017)
Figure 8.31The southern face of W121, looking north. Note crack at right (2010 excavations). Da'adli (2017) |
|
| Missing Section of Wall | Umayyad Bathhouse
Plan 8.2Detailed plan of the al-Sinnabra palace JW: Basilica is in the center surrounded by rectangular fortified walls and guard towers at the corners. Bathhouse is bottom right attached to the southern wall of the fort Da'adli (2017) |
Figure 8.3Parts of the palace cleaned and partly re-excavated in 2009-2010. At center, the basilica apse and rooms to its south; looking west (photographed in 2015). Da'adli (2017) |
|
Deformation Map
Earthquake Archeological Effects (EAE)| Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description | Intensity |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Wall A and various areas in the south of the Mound |
|
|
Earthquake Archeological Effects (EAE)| Effect | Location | Image(s) | Description | Intensity |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Collapsed Walls - Huge amounts of collapsed masonry | Tower 3
Plan 8.2Detailed plan of the al-Sinnabra palace JW: Basilica is in the center surrounded by rectangular fortified walls and guard towers at the corners. Bathhouse is bottom right attached to the southern wall of the fort Da'adli (2017) |
|
VIII + | |
| Foundation cracks | Wall W121
Plan 8.2Detailed plan of the al-Sinnabra palace JW: Basilica is in the center surrounded by rectangular fortified walls and guard towers at the corners. Bathhouse is bottom right attached to the southern wall of the fort Da'adli (2017) |
Figure 8.27Room GB 34, looking south. Wall 122, left, lacks foundations, in contrast to W121 (center) and W120 (right). Scale is in foundation trench of the original eastern wall. Note large crack in right part of W121 (2009 excavations). In Greenberg and Paz (2010) the caption for this photo was: Area GB-T, foundations in the southern part of the central palace structure; foundation trenches and evidence for earthquake damage in south wall (at right), looking south. Da'adli (2017)
Figure 8.31The southern face of W121, looking north. Note crack at right (2010 excavations). Da'adli (2017) |
|
|
| Collapsed Walls ? - Missing Section of Wall | Umayyad Bathhouse
Plan 8.2Detailed plan of the al-Sinnabra palace JW: Basilica is in the center surrounded by rectangular fortified walls and guard towers at the corners. Bathhouse is bottom right attached to the southern wall of the fort Da'adli (2017) |
Figure 8.3Parts of the palace cleaned and partly re-excavated in 2009-2010. At center, the basilica apse and rooms to its south; looking west (photographed in 2015). Da'adli (2017) |
|
VIII + |
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Table 3.1